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DEMOCRACY  IN  EUROPE. 


SECOND   VOLUME. 


Democracy  in  Europe: 


A   HmTORY. 


BY 


SIR  THOMAS  ERSKINE  MAY,   K.C.B.,  D.C.L. 

Author  of   "  Tue  Constitutional  IIistokt  of  England  sinck 
THE  AccKssioN  OF  Georqe  III.,  1760-1871." 


3  6J^ 

IN    TWO     VOLUMES. 


VOL.    IL 


NEW  YORK  : 
A.    C.    ARMSTRONG    &    SON, 

51  Ka8T  IOUj  Stiiekt,  Nbau  Broadwat, 

1891. 


s| 


New  York  :   J.  J.  Little  &  Co.,  Printors, 
10  to  20  Astor  Place. 


M4-5 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  SECOND  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  NETHERLANDS. 

PAGE 

Character  of  tlie  country 1 

Dutch  sailors 3 

Early  races  of  the  Netherlands 3 

Feudalism  and  the  Church 4 

Growth  of  cities 6 

The  burgomaster  and  the  baron 9 

Influence  of  trade  guilds 13 

The  nobles  as  citizens 14 

Military  prowess  of  the  towns 15 

Confederation  of  towns,  1323 10 

James  Van  Artevelde 16 

Philip  Van  Artevelde 17 

Guilds  of  the  Flemish  cities 18 

Improved  culture  in  the  Netherlands 19 

Guilds  of  rhetoric 20 

Dutch  and  Flemish  painters 20 

The  cities  represented  in  the  estates 21 

Increasing  power  of  the  sovereigns 22 

House  of  Burgundy  23 

The  great  privilege 23 

The  archduke  Maximilian 25 

Philip  the  Fair 20 

The  Emperor  Charles  V 20 

Former  liberties  in  Spain 27 

Decay  of  Spanish  liberties 2i3 


VI  CONTENTS  OF 

PAGE 

The  Netherlands  under  Charles  V 29 

Rebellion  of  Ghent 30 

Its  punishment 30 

The  liberties  of  the  Netherlands  in  abeyance 31 

Fortunes  of  Italy  and  the  Netherlands  compared 31 

Impending  strug£^le  for  religious  liberty 32 


CHAPTEE  XL 

THE  NETHERLANDS — Continued. 

Charles  V.  and  the  Reformation 33 

Persecution  of  Protestants  in  the  Netherlands 34 

Religious  persecution  a  political  crime 34 

Philip  II.  of  Spain 36 

Regency  of  the  Duchess  Margaret 37 

William  Prince  of  Orange 37 

Spread  of  the  Ref onnation 39 

Severities  of  Philip 39 

Efforts  of  nobles  and  people 40 

Les  Gueux 40 

The  Iconoclasts 41 

The  Duke  of  Alva 41 

Outlawry  of  the  Prince  of  Orange 44 

Revolt  of  the  Netherlands 46 

Prince  of  Orange  retires  to  Holland 47 

Don  Luis  de  Requesens 48 

The  siege  of  Leyden 48 

Allegiance  to  Philip  renounced 49 

The  '  Spanish  fury  ' 51 

Pacification  of  Ghent 51 

New  union  of  Brussels 53 

The  Prince  of  Parma 54 

The  union  of  Utrecht 55 

Attempts  to  seduce  the  Prince  of  Orange 55 

His  excommunication  by  the  king 55 

The  prince's  '  apology ' 56 

He  declines  the  government. 56 

Independence  of  the  Provinces  proclaimed 57 

Attempted  assassination  of  the  prince 58 


THE  SECOKD  VOLUME.  Til 

PAGE 

He  becomes  count  of  Holland 58 

The  '  French  fury  ' 58 

The  prince  again  refuses  the  government 59 

His  assassination 59 

The  prince  the  apostle  of  civil  and  religkms  liberty 60 

Events  succeeding  his  death 61 

Negotiations  with  France 63 

And  with  England 63 

Aid  given  by  Queen  Elizabeth 63 

The  Spanish  Armada 64 

Prince  Maurice 64 

Decline  of  the  Spanish  power 65 

Death  of  Philip  of  Spain 66 

Prosperity  of  the  republic 66 

State  of  the  Spanish  provinces 67 

The  twelve  years'  truce 70 

Religious  toleration  prayed  for  Catholics 71 

Recognition  of  the  republic 71 

Union  of  freedom  and  commerce 73 

Domestic  history  of  the  Dutch  republic 74 

The  Stadtholder  and  Barneveldt 74 

Wars  of  the  republic 75 

The  house  of  Orange 75 

England  and  Holland 76 

The  Perpetual  edict,  1667 78 

William  HI.  ascends  the  English  throne 79 

Declining  fortunes  of  Holland 80 

Revolution  proclaimed  by  the  French  in  Holland 83 

Constitutional  monarchy,  1813 83 

Separation  of  Belgium  from  Holland 84 

Ultramontanisra  in  Belgium 85 

Continued  freedom  of  the  Netherlands 86 


CHAPTER  Xn. 

FKANCE. 

The  country  and  the  people  of  France 88 

Tlie  Franks  and  feudalism 89 

(Growth  of  tin;  monarchy 90 


VUl  CONTENTS  OF 

PAGE 

Misery  and  discontent  of  the  people 91 

The  Jacquerie 91 

Stephen  Marcel 93 

Municipal  liberties 93 

States-general 95 

Provincial  assemblies 97 

The  parliaments 97 

The  monarchy  absolute  under  Louis  XIV 99 

Centralisation  in  France 99 

The  courts  of  justice 100 

The  court  of  Louis  XIV 103 

High  offices  monopolised  by  nobles 104 

Sale  of  offices 104 

Exemptions  of  nobles 105 

Burthens  upon  the  peasantry 106 

Effects  of  non-residence  of  nobles 106 

Peasant  proprietors 108 

The  game  laws 110 

Burthensome  taxes 110 

The  militia Ill 

Famine  and  bread  riots , . .  113 

The  provincial  towns 113 

Impoverishment  of  the  nobles 113 

Rise  of  vother  classes  ;  official  nobles 114 

Capitalists 115 

Men  of  letters  116 

The  bourgeoisie 116 

Civic  notables 117 

The  clergy 117 

The  lawyers * 118 

The  new  philosophy 119 

Voltaire 121 

Rousseau 123 

Diderot  and  the  '  Encyclopedie ' 123 

The  Church  and  public  opinion 125 

The  Huguenots 125 

Absence  of  healthy  public  opinion 128 

Political  failures  of  Louis  XIV 128 

Reign  of  Louis  XV 139 


THE  SECOND  VOLUME.  ix 

CHAPTER  Xin. 

FRANCE — continued. 

PAGE 

Accession  of  Loms  XVI 131 

The  reforms  of  Turgot 133 

Opposition  of  tlie  privileged  classes 133 

The  war  of  American  independence , 134 

Necker's  compte  rendu 135 

An  assembly  of  notables,  1787 136 

The  states-general  convoked 137 

Hazard  of  the  experiment 138 

Meeting  of  the  states  general 141 

Rights  of  the  three  orders 142 

The  national  assembly 143 

Union  of  the  orders 144 

Dismissal  of  Necker 144 

Taking  of  the  Bastile 145 

Renunciation  of  privileges,  August  4 148 

Condition  of  Paris 150 

The  clubs 153 

The  invasion  of  Versailles  by  the  mob 154 

The  king  at  Paris 154 

New  constitution  proclaimed,  July  13, 1790 156 

Foreign  aid  invoked  by  the  court 156 

The  king's  flight  to  Varennes 159 

Relations  of  the  king  to  the  revolution 159 

National  legislative  assembly , 1G3 

Position  of  the  king 163 

War  with  Austria 164 

Riotous  mob  of  petitioners,  June  20,  1793 165 

Duke  of  Brunswick's  manifesto 166 

Insurrection  in  Paris,  August  10,  1793 167 

The  commune  of  Paris 168 

The  September  massacres. 169 

Abolition  of  the  monarchy 171 

The  Girondists 173 

The  Mountain 173 

Revolutionary  propaganda 174 

Trial  of  the  king 175 

His  dignified  conduct 170 

His  execution  ;  and  character 179 

A3 


X  CONTENTS  OF 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

FBANCE — continued. 

PAGE 

Triumph  of  the  Mountain    180 

The  coalition  against  France 180 

Measures  of  defence 181 

The  committee  of  public  safety 183 

Arrest  of  the  Girondists 183 

The  convention  and  the  people 184 

The  invasion  ;  France  in  arms 186 

Men  of  the  revolution 188 

Triumph  of  French  arms 190 

Cruelties  of  the  Mountain  ;  Lyons,  &c 191 

Execution  of  Marie  Antoinette 193 

And  of  the  Girondists 194 

Heroism  of  the  revolution 194 

The  worship  of  reason 195 

Ascendency  of  Robespierre 196 

The  Revolutionary  tribunal 197 

Decline  and  fall  of  Robespierre 199 

Reaction 201 

Proceedings  against  the  terrorists 203 

Insurrections  204 

Royalist  reaction 205 

New  constitution 206 

Defence  of  the  convention  by  Napoleon  Bonaparte 207 

France  under  the  Directory 208 

The  republican  army 211 

Return  of  Bonaparte  from  Egypt 214 

Coup-d'ctat,  18Brumaire,  1799 215 

Disregard  of  liberty  throughout  the  revolution 218 

Bonaparte  First  Consul 218 

Constitution  of  Sieyes 218 

The  rule  of  Bonaparte 220 

Peace  of  Amiens 220 

Bonaparte  at  Notre  Dame 221 

First  Consul  for  life 222 

Napoleon  emperor 222 

Napoleon  and  the  revolution 224 


THE  SECOND  VOLUME.  XI 

PAGE 

His  military  domination 226 

His  divorce  and  marriage 227 

Decline  of  Lis  fortunes 228 

His  abdication  at  Fontainebleau 229 

Results  of  the  revolution 230 

Effects  of  the  revolution  upon  Europe 330 

CHAPTER  XV. 

FRANCE — continued. 

Conditions  of  the  restoration 234 

Charter  of  Louis  XVIII 235 

Return  of  Napoleon  from  Elba 235 

Second  restoration 236 

Weakness  of  the  monarchy 236 

Political  parties 238 

Violence  of  the  royalists 239 

Coup-d'etat,  September  5,  1816 240 

The  king  opposed  to  the  royalists 243 

Royalist  reaction 243 

Accession  and  character  of  Charles  X 245 

Unpopular  measures 246 

Dissolution,  June,  1827 247 

The  Polignac  ministry 249 

Dissolution  and  coupd'etat,  May,  1830 250 

Insurrection  in  Paris,  July,  1830 253 

Abdication  of  Charles  X 254 

Louis  Philippe,  king  of  the  French 255 

Influence  of  the  revolution  of  July,  1830,  upon  foreign  States. .  255 

CHAPTER  XVL 

FRANCE — coniinued. 

Difficulties  of  Louis  Philippe's  position 257 

State  of  parties 258 

Contrast  between  1780  and  1830 260 

Abolition  of  hereditary  peerage 201 

Insurrections 203 


ill  CONTENTS  OP 

PAOE 

Marshal  Soult's  ministry 204 

Corruption 260 

Attempts  to  assassinate  tlie  king 200 

Ministry  of  Thiers,  1836 , 267 

Louis  Napoleon  at  Strasburg  267 

Marshal  Soult's  second  ministry 208 

Insurrection  of  Barbes,  1839 208 

Agitation  for  reform 269 

Thiers  restored  to  power 270 

Louis  Napoleon  at  Boulogne 271 

Marshal  Soult's  third  ministry 273 

Discontents  of  the  working  classes 273 

Reform  agitation,  1840-1843 374 

The  Spanish  marriages,  1846 277 

Reform  banquets,  1847-1848 279 

Tumults,  February  22,  1848 280 

Ministry  of  Thiers  and  Odillou  Barret 281 

Abdication  of  the  king 283 

Failures  of  Louis  Philippe's  reign 283 

State  of  Europe  from  1830  to  1848 284 

Social  changes 285 

Intellectual  progress 280 

Effects  of  the  revolution  of  1848  upon  Europe 287 


CHAPTER  XYII 

FRANCE — continued.  ■ 

The  republic  of  1848 293 

National  workshops 294 

Red  republicans,  socialists,  and  communists 295 

Firmness  of  Lamartine 298 

Invasion  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville  300 

Storming  of  the  assembly 301 

Cavaignac  dictator 304 

Louis  Napoleon  elected  president 304 

The  president  and  the  assembly 309 

The  coup-d'ctat,  December  2,  1851 314 

The  massacre  on  the  boulevards  317 

Measures  of  coercion 319 


THE  SECOND  VOLUME.  Xlll 

PAGE 

Louis  Napoleon  after  the  coup-d'etat 321 

The  second  empire 323 

The  imperial  court 324 

Principles  of  government 325 

Wars  of  the  empire 325 

Domestic  policy 327 

The  war  with  Prussia 330 

Its  fatal  issue  ;  the  emperor  deposed 331 

Fate  of  the  first  and  second  empires  compared 333 

The  government  of  National  Defence 333 

National  assembly  at  Bordeaux 334 

The  Commune 337 

Progress  of  socialism 338 

Communist  outrages 341 

Paris  in  flames 343 

The  Commune  suppressed 343 

The  republic  uiider  Thiers 344 

The  royalists  and  the  Comte  de  Chambord 344 

Marshal  Mac  Mahon  president 346 

The  16th  May,  1877 347 

The  future  of  France 348 


CHAPTER  XVni. 

ENGLAND. 

History  of  England,  that  of  liberty,  not  of  democracy 349 

Character  of  the  country 350 

The  Celts 353 

The  Romans 353 

The  Anglo-Saxons 355 

The  Danes  358 

The  Norman  conquest 860 

The  Crown,  the  barons,  and  the  people o61 

Representation  of  the  commons,  1265 3C3 

Political  and  social  progress  in  the  fourteenth  century 365 

Decay  of  feudalism 366 

Wat  Tyler's  insurrection 367 

Reaction  against  the  commons 368 

Wars  of  the  Roses 360 


XIV  CONTENTS  OF 

PAOE 

Absolutism  of  Henry  VIII 370 

The  Reformation 371 

The  reign  of  Elizabeth 373 

Social  changes  ;  nobles  and  country  gentlemen 374 

The  Puritans 378 


CHAPTEE   XIX. 

ENGLAND — continued. 

Accession  of  James  1 383 

His  treatment  of  the  commons 384 

And  of  the  Puritans  385 

The  king  and  the  Church 386 

His  contests  with  parliament 389 

Close  of  his  reign 391 

Charles  I.  and  his  parliaments 392 

Resolves  to  govern  without  a  parliament 396 

Taxes  by  prerogative 397 

Ship-money 397 

The  star  chamber  and  high  commission  courts 398 

Laud  and  Strafford • 398 

Rebellion  in  Scotland,  1639 400 

Short  parliament  of  1640 400 

The  long  parliament,  1640 402 

Remedial  measures 403 

Impeachments 404 

Attainder  of  Strafford 405 

Parliamentary  excesses 406 

The  king  and  the  long  parliament 408 

Arrest  of  the  five  members 414 

The  Militia  bill 415 


CHAPTEE  XX. 

ENGLAND — continued. 

The  civil  war 416 

The  solemn  league  and  covenant 418 


THE  SECOND  VOLUME.  XV 

,  PAGE 

The  Independents 419 

Oliver  Cromwell 420 

Self-denying  ordinance 421 

The  king  given  up  by  the  Scots 423 

Fall  of  the  Church  of  England 423 

Presbyterians  and  Independents 425 

The  king,  the  army,  and  the  parliament 430 

Growth  of  republican  opinions 433 

Trial  and  execution  of  the  king 435 

Contemporary  opinion,  and  judgment  of  posterity 435 


CHAPTER  XXL 

ENGLAND — continued. 

Provisional  government 438 

Republican  theories 439 

Cromwell's  supremacy 441 

Cromwell  protector 444 

Vigour  of  his  rule 446 

Aspires  to  a  crown 447  • 

His  death 449 

His  character 449 

Richard  Cromwell  protector 451 

General  Monk,  and  the  Restoration 453 

Effects  of  the  civil  war  upon  the  monarchy 455 

Reaction  under  Charles  II 456 

James  II 457 

Revolution  of  1688 458 

Securities  for  public  liberty 459 

Characteristics  of  the  Revolution 460 

William  III 460 

The  representation 463 

Power  of  the  aristocracy 463 

From  the  revolution  to  the  accession  of  George  III 464 

Ascendency  of  the  Crown,  the  Cliurch,  and  the  land 465 


xvi       CONTENTS  OP  THE  SECOND  VOLUME. 

CHAPTEE  XXII. 

ENGLAND — Continued. 

PAGE 

First  years  of  George  III 4G8 

The  war  of  American  Independence 46U 

Effects  of  the  French  revolution 470 

Social  changes 471 

Growth  of  towns,  commerce,  and  manufactures 472 

The  Church  and  dissent 474 

Political  education 475 

Political  associations 478 

The  Catholic  Association 480 

Agitation  for  Parliamentary  reform,  1830-1832 482 

Repeal  agitation 483 

The  Chartists 484 

The  10th  April,  1848 485 

Anti-corn  law  league 486 

Meetings  in  Hyde  Park 487 

Moral  of  political  agitation 489 

Trades  unions 490 

Changes  in  the  representation 493 

Increase  of  popular  influence  and  remedial  legislation 493 

Democratic  opinions 495 

Loyalty 497 

Reign  of  Queen  Victoria 499 

Illness  and  recovery  of  the  Prince  of  Wales 500 

Conservative  elements  of  society 501 


Index 503 


Democracy  in  Europe. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  NETHERLANDS. 

CHARACTER  OF  THE  COUKTRT,  AND  OF  THE  PEOPLE — EARLY  HISTORY 
— GROWTH  OF  TOWNS — THEIR  CONTESTS  WITH  FEUDALISM — CHA- 
RACTERISTICS OF  THE  BURGHERS — RIVALRY  OP  TOWNS — THEIR 
MILITARY  PROWESS — JAMES  AND  PHILIP  VAN  ARTE\'ELDE — CUL- 
TURE AND  ART  —  THE  HOUSE  OP  BURGUNDY  —  THE  EMPEROR 
CHARLES  V. — ITALY  AND  THE   NETHERLANDS  COMPARED. 

The  history  of  the  Netherlands  presents  illustrations 
of  democracy  under  two  distinct  aspects.  rr,^.ofoifi 
The  first  exhibits  the  growth  and  political  jj}"d1^^[,i°°^ 
power  of  municipal  institutions  ;  the  second,  *^'^'"^^'- 
the  assertion  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  Of  these, 
the  former  was  common  to  the  Netherlands  and 
other  European  States.  The  latter  affords  the  first 
and  most  memorable  example,  in  the  history  of  the 
world,  of  the  struggles  of  a  nation  for  the  rights  of 
conscience. 

No  country  could  form  a  greater  contrast  to  Switz- 
erland than  the  Netherlands.  Instead  of  be-  oi,aractcroi 
ing  a  land  of  mountains  and  valleys,  Holland  "'^"  ^"""t'y- 
and  the  greater  part  of  Belgium  are  an  alluvial  plain, 
below  the  level  of  the  sea.  Formed  by  deposits  from 
the  Ehine,  the  Meuse,  and  the  Scheldt,  it  is  a  dead  fiat, 

VOL.  II. — 1 


2  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

as  far  as  tlie  eye  can  reacli.  The  landscape  is  broken 
by  no  hill  or  rising  ground.  But  in  this  far-stretching 
plain,  man  has  carried  on  a  more  difficult  struggle 
with  nature,  than  the  Swiss  mountaineer.  He  found 
it  a  morass,  over  which  the  waters  of  great  rivers,  and 
of  the  ocean,  flov/ed.  By  patient  toil,  by  hardihood, 
and  by  skill,  he  reclaimed  this  watery  vfilderness  from 
nature,  and  converted  it  to  his  own  enjoyment.  He 
embanked  the  rivers  :  he  raised  huge  barriers  against 
the  ocean :  he  drained  the  swampy  soil  which  he  had 
resciied  from  the  floods  ;  and,  by  his  skilful  industry, 
he  made  it  as  fertile  as  the  most  favoured  lands  of 
Europe.  So  little  had  nature  helped  him,  that  he 
might  almost  have  claimed  the  toil-won  earth  as  his 
own  creation.  The  races  by  whom  this  stupendous 
work  was  done,  wrestled  with  dangers,  hardships  and 
discouragements,  without  a  parallel  in  the  records  of 
human  enterprise.  Nor  could  they  rest  from  their 
labours,  when  the  work  was  done.  They  had  still  to 
maintain  an  incessant  battle  v/ith  the  elements,  to  save 
their  fields  from  being  again  engulfed  ;  and  too  often 
were  they  overcome  in  the  unequal  strife.^  They  could 
find  no  foundations  for  their  dwellings,  but  sand  and 
bog,  and  piles.  They  had  neither  stone  nor  wood  for 
building.  Their  quays  and  warehouses,  inviting  the 
commerce  of  the  world,  were  raised  above  the  waters, 
by  forests  of  timber  from  distant  lands.  In  all  their 
undertakings  nature  continued  adverse.  Such  men 
were  brave,  hardy,  and  resolute.  Their  lives  were 
one  sustained  struggle  for  existence. 

Having  thus  divided  the  land  on  which  they  dwelt 

'  Sir  W.  Temple  said : — '  They  employ  more  men  to  repair  the 
dykes  than  all  the  corn  in  the  province  would  maintain.' — Observa- 
tions on  the  United  Provinces,  cU.  iii.  p.  15  (Worksj, 


THE  PEOPLE.  3 

from  the  waters,  tliese  stalwart  settlers,  already  sur- 
rounded by  the  sea,  and  by  estuaries  and  Dutch 
navigable  rivers,  constructed  a  network  of  '''*^'^°'''- 
canals  as  the  common  highways  of  their  country. 
They  were  natural-born  sailors.  They  had  thrust  back 
the  sea  fi'om  their  homesteads  :  but  they  were  ever 
ready  to  brave  its  dangers.  Water  was  their  element : 
they  crossed  the  ocean,  to  foreign  ports :  they  coasted 
along  their  own  sinuous  shores  :  they  navigated  the 
rivers  and  canals.  Such  a  people  were  naturally  des- 
tined to  advance  in  commerce,  in  wealth,  in  industrial 
association,  and  in  freedom. 

The  races  by  which  the  Netherlands  were  peopled 
had  sprung  from  Teutonic  and  Celtic  tribes.  -^^^^^  ^^^^ 
The  Frisian,  Batavian,  and  Saxon  Teutons  ^ethlr- 
generally  migrated  to  the  North  :  the  Belgic  ''*"'^''- 
and  Gallic  Celts  settled  in  the  South.  Holland  be- 
came the  home  of  the  Teuk>ns :  the  greater  part  of 
Belgium  of  the  Celts.^  Both  had  to  contend  with  the 
natural  difficulties  of  their  country :  but  the  hardest 
struggle,  and  the  worst  climate,  were  the  lot  of  the 
northern  settlers.  The  inhabitants  of  the  North  and 
of  the  South  had  many  interests  in  common.  The 
Frisians  and  the  Flemings  especially  were  united  in 
the  toilsome  work  of  reclaiming  their  lands  from  the 
hungry  waters,  and  they  were  engaged  in  the  same 
maritime  and  industrial  pursuits.     But  differences  of 

'  Learned  studies  concerning  the  origin  and  settlements  of  tliese 
various  tribes  will  be  found  in  Desroclics,  Ifisi.  Ancienne  des  Pays. 
Bris,  liv.  i.  ;  Scliayes,  Les  Pays-Ban  avant  et  durant  la  domination 
Bomaine ;  Renard,  Ilist.  Politique  et  Militaire  de  la  Bdgique ; 
PetigTiy,  Etudes  sur  I'histoire  de  Vfpoquc  Meromngienne  ;  Juato,  JJist. 
de  Bi'hjique,  ch.  i.-iv.  ;  and  Motley,  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic,  In- 
troduction. 


4  THE  NETHEEL.\JCDS. 

race,  of  language,  of  social  habits,  and  of  religion, 
withlield  tliem  from  so  complete  a  fusion,  as  would 
probably  have  followed  the  settlement  of  kindred 
tribes.  The  one  spoke  a  language  of  German  root : 
the  other  generally  shared  the  speech  of  the  kindred 
Gauls.  And  their  history  discloses  a  continued  diver- 
gence of  character  and  of  destiny,  in  these  two  an- 
cient families  of  man. 

All  these  tribes  were  naturally  brave  and  warlike. 
Their  early  ^^^  Nervii,  the  Batavi,^  and  the  Belgae,  are 
history.  reuowued  in  history,  as  worthy  foes  of  Csesar, 
and  the  Roman  legions.^  All  the  races  united,  under 
the  Batavian  chief  Civilis,  and  fought  bravely,  but  in 
vain,  to  resist  the  dominion  of  the  Roman  Empire. 
The  dwellers  in  the  high  grounds  of  the  frontier,  near 
the  Meus6, — now  the  Walloon  provinces, — took  ser- 
vice in  the  Roman  armies  :  but  the  inhabitants  of  the 
plains  of  Holland  and  Flanders  steadily  j^ursued  their 
battles  with  nature,  cultivated  their  lands,  and  en- 
gaged in  new  maritime  adventures.  After  the  fall  of 
Imperial  Rome,  the  Franks  took  possession  of  the 
Belgic  Netherlands  :  but  the  Frisians  of  the  north 
held  out,  until  at  length  they  were  reduced  by  Charle- 
924  A  D  magne,  and  became  subjects  of  his  vast  em- 
pire. The  Netherlands  were  afterwards  lost 
to  the  Franks,  and  were  united  to  Germany. 

Meanwhile  feudalism  and  the  Church  of  Rome  were 
taking  a  firm  hold  upon  these  provinces.     In 

Feudal  ism 

and  the        the   uortli   the   Count  of  Holland   and  the 

Bishop  of  Utrecht, — a  Prince  of  the  Church, 

— were  the  great  feudal  sovereigns.    In  the  south,  the 

'  The  Batavi  are  called  by  Tacitus  '  ferox  gens,'  Hist.  i.  59. 
*  Ciesar,  Be  Bello  Oallico,  books  i.-iv. 


EAELY  HISTORY.  5 

Dukes  of  Lorraine  aud  Brabant,  tlie  Earls  of  Flan- 
ders, tlie  Bishops  of  Lie'ge  and  Tournay,  and  a  host 
of  counts  and  barons,  divided  the  sovereignty  of  the 
country.^  Fortified  castles  were  as  threatening,  in 
the  Flemish  plains,  as  in  the  mountains  of  Switzer- 
land, and  on  the  rivers  of  Germany.  Friesland  alone 
extorted  concessions  from  Charlemagne,  which  re- 
strained feudal  rights ;  and  successfully  resisted  the 
claims  of  feudalism.  The  people  maintained  their 
ancient  liberties,  and  acquired  the  name  of  the  Free 
Frisians.  For  centuries  the  iron  rule  of  feudalism 
held  the  Netherlands,  like  other  parts  of  Europe,  in 
its  chains.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  traditions 
of  freedom  among  the  German  races,  they  were  lost 
under  the  empire  of  force.  But  the  causes  which 
overcame  feudalism  elsewhere,^  were  gradually  un- 
dermining its  power  in  the  Netherlands.  Kival  counts 
were  at  war  with  one  another,  and  with  their  sove- 
reign :  feudal  lords  and  bishops  were  meeting  sword 
in  hand,  in  the  field  of  battle  :  nobles  were  impove- 
rished by  costly  state,  and  extravagance ;  and  the 
Crusades  thinned  their  ranks,  and  ruined  their  for- 
tunes. Above  all,  the  steadfast  character  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  the  peculiarities  of  their  country,  favoured 
an  early  development  of  maritime  enterprise,  com- 
merce, and  manufactures.  These  were  followed  by 
the  rapid  growth  of  towns,  and  the  formation  of  ur- 
ban communities  of  enterprising  and  wealthy  burgh- 

'  A  detailed  account  of  the  several  provinces  and  their  sovereigns, 
and  their  relations  with  France,  the  Empire,  and  Spain,  is  given  in 
Juste,  nist.  de  Belgique,  i.  150  ;  ii.  2G1.  See  also  Grimeston,  Qene- 
ral  nut.  of  the  Netherlands;  \Vicquefort,  Hist,  dcs  Provinces  Unis; 
Lothian,  Hint,  of  the  Netherlands. 

*  See  supra,  chap.  vi. 


b  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

ers, — of  mercliants,  traders,  and  artificers.  While 
feudalism  was  declining,  the  towns  were  ever  increas- 
ing in  power. 

The  commerce  and  industrial  arts  of  Italy  had 
Growth  of  favoured  the  growth  of  its  memorable  repub- 
lics ;  and  the  same  causes  developed  the  lib- 
erties of  the  great  cities  of  the  Netherlands.  The  po- 
sition of  this  country  was  no  less  favourable  to  com- 
merce, in  the  north  of  Europe,  than  that  of  Italy  in  the 
south.  Bordering  on  France  and  Germany,  and  within 
a  day's  sail  of  England,  its  merchants  were  in  the  very 
centre  of  northern  commerce.  By  the  Bhine  and  the 
Elbe,  they  conveyed  their  merchandise  into  the  very 
heart  of  Germany ;  and  the  Scheldt  and  the  Thames  in- 
vited, from  opposite  shores,  the  interchange  of  Flemish 
and  English  products.  Flanders  also  became  an  en- 
trepot for  the  commerce  between  the  north  of  Europe 
and  the  Mediterranean.  Bruges  was  the  great  central 
mart  of  the  cities  of  the  Hanseatic  League,  and  was 
the  rival  of  Venice  in  the  Eastern  trade.  Italian  mer- 
chants brought  there  the  spices  of  the  East,  the  silks 
and  jewelry  of  Italy,  and  the  rich  productions  of  the 
Mediterranean  :  the  English  displayed  their  wools  and 
famous  woollen  fabrics :  the  Flemings  sold  their  cloths, 
lace,  and  linens ;  and  traders  fi'om  the  Baltic  and  North 
Seas  bartered  their  salt-fish,  hides  and  tallow,  for  the 
tempting  luxuries  of  Southern  climes.^  Antwerp  and 
Bruges  have  been  aptly  described  as  the  Liverpool 
and  Manchester  of  the  fifteenth  century.  In  course  of 
time,  new  fields  of  commercial  enterprise  were  opened 
to  Dutch  and  Flemish  merchants.  The  discovery  of 
America  offered  a  new  world  to  their  commerce  ;  and 

'  Robertson,  Charles  V.  sect,  i . ;  Juste,  Sist.  de  Belgique,  i.  153,  &c. 


GROWTH  OP  TOWNS.  7 

tlie  sea  passage  to  the  Indies,  round  tlio  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  diverted  tlie  Eastern  trade  from  the  Ita- 
lian cities,  and  the  Mediterranean,  to  the  adventurous 
mariners  of  the  Netherlands. 

In  manufactures,  and  the  industrial  arts,  the  excel- 
lence of  the  Netherlands  was  no  less  marked.  Their 
fabrics  in  silk,  tapestry  and  linen,  and  their  artistic 
works  in  brass  and  iron,  were  sought  for  in  every  mar- 
ket of  Europe.  In  shipbuilding,  their  artificers  were 
the  most  active  and  ingenious  of  their  times.  In  navi- 
gation, their  seamen  were  skilful  and  adventurous. 
Fleets  of  merchant  ships  traded  with  the  coasts  of 
England,  France,  Spain  r.nd  Portugal.  Their  fisheries 
were  pursued,  with  extraordinary  daring,  as  far  as  the 
coasts  of  Scotland.  So  far  were  they  advanced  in  the 
arts  of  commerce,  that  in  1310,  there  was  an  insurance 
chamber  at  Bruges.  Thousands  of  skilled  artificers 
were  busy  in  the  factories  and  workshojas  of  Bruges, 
Ghent,  Antwerp,  and  other  prosperous  cities.  In  the 
fourteenth  century  many  of  these  cities  had  risen  to 
extraordinary  greatness.  Ghent  is  said  to  have  num- 
bered 250,000  inhabitants:*  Bruges  100,000:  Ypres 
200,000:  Antwerp  nearly  200,000:  Brussels  about 
50,000, — at  a  time  when  the  population  of  London  was 
less  than  50,000,  and  that  of  Paris  not  more  than 
120,000.  Noble  cathedrals,  churches,  and  town-halls 
still  attest  their  splendour.  Bruges  was  adorned  with 
fifty  churches;  Thiel  with  fifty-five.  The  domestic 
architecture  of  the  chief  cities  bears  witness  to  the 
magnificence  and  cultivated  taste  of  their  citizens. 
Their  wealth  and  luxuries  excited  the  envy  of  crowned 

'  At  the  siego  of  Ghent,  in  1381,  there  were  said  to  ho  80,000  men, 
hearing  arms  :  Froiasart,  Chron.  ii.  ch.  91  (Collection  do  Buchon). 


8  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

heads.  In  the  seventeen  provinces  of  the  Netherlands 
there  were  208  walled  cities  and  150  chartered  towns. 
So  vigorous  a  growth  of  town  societies  was  necessa- 
rily accompanied  by  municipal  organisation,  and  cor- 
porate privileges. 

Charlemagne  had  instituted  municipal  officers  called 
Early  con-  sccibini  OT  sheriffs,  to  assist  the  counts  in  the 
the\mvn  "^  government  of  the  cities.  They  were  chosen 
803  A.D.  ^y  ^jjQ  count  from  patrician  families,  which, 
with  some  of  the  higher  bourgecdsie,  ruled  these  cities. 
From  an  early  period  the  inhabitants  secured  exemp- 
tion from  feudal  servitude.  But  it  was  not  until  the 
twelfth  century  that  they  obtained  the  privileges  of 
municipal  self-government.  Trade  guilds  were  then 
organised,  which  laid  the  foundation  of  municipal  liber- 
ties. The  guilds  chose  wardens ;  and  they  again  elected 
two  or  more  of  their  own  body  as  burgomasters.  And 
to  these  cities,  charters  were  freely  given  by  the  counts, 
which  encouraged  self-government.  Among  their 
privileges  was  that  of  erecting  a  belfry,  to  the  sound 
of  whose  bells  the  inhabitants  assembled,  to  delibe- 
rate upon  the  affairs  of  the  city,  or  flew  to  arms  to 
repel  their  enemies.^ 

The  chartered  towns  now  governed  themselves,  hav- 
ing their  own  laws,  their  own  courts  of  justice,  their 
own  system  of  finance,  their  police  and  burgher 
guards.  Their  constitutions  were  generally  alike. 
Each  town  had  its  senate  composed  of  burgomasters^ 

'  Oudegherst,  Chroniques  et  Annales  de  Flandre ;  Van  Praet, 
Origine  des  Communes  de  Flandre ;  De  Bast,  Institution  des  Com- 
munes en  Belgique  ;  Grimeston,  General  History  of  the  Netherlands; 
Juste,  Hist,  de  Belgique,  i.  178,  3rd  Edition. 

'  Most  of  the  towns  had  three  or  four  burgomasters,  but  some  had 
one  only. 


CONTEST  WITH  FEUD^yLISM.  9 

and  sheriffs ;  and  a  council  of  citizens,  by  ■svliom  the 
senate  was  elected.  The  trade  guilds  v>'ere  trained  to 
arms,  and  assembled  under  their  distinctive  banners, 
at  the  sound  of  the  great  bell,  or  by  order  of  the 
magistrates.  This  municipal  organisation  favoured  a 
spirit  of  liberty  and  independence,  and  placed  con- 
siderable power  in^  the  hands  of  an  armed  j)eople. 
Flanders,  being  more  favoured  by  its  position,  was  in 
advance  of  Holland,  in  the  number  and  prosperity  of 
its  towns;  many  of  which  obtained  charters,  a  hun- 
dred years  before  their  Dutch  neighbours. 

A  new  political  power  was  thus  arising,  which 
threatened  the  supremacy  of  the  nobles. 
The  burgomaster  was  becoming  a  more  for-  master  a'lid 
midable  power  than  the  baron.  The  trained 
bands  of  the  city  guilds  soon  outnumbered  the  vassals 
serving  under  the  standards  of  their  feudal  chiefs.  If 
less  accomplished  in  the  arts  of  war,  they  were  brave, 
impetuous,  and  stubborn.  If  their  onslaughts  were 
not  made  according  to  the  received  tactics  of  their 
age,  they  were  too  vigorous  and  determined,  to  be 
easily  repelled  by  the  most  experienced  soldiers. 
These  sturdy  burghers,  convinced  of  the  justice  of 
their  cause,  and  animated  by  a  strong  esprit  de  corps, 
were  slow  to  admit  defeat.  If  worsted  in  the  strife, 
they  returned  to  the  battle-field,  with  redoubled  force  ; 
and  rarely  laid  down  their  arms,  until  their  cause  was 
won.^     Their  collisions  with  the  counts  wore  inces- 

'  Tou  know,  my  Lord,  the  humour  we  of  Ghent 
Have  still  indulged — we  never  cry  for  peace. 
But  when  we're  out  of  breath  :  give  breathing  time, 
And  ere  the  echo  of  our  cry  for  peace 
Have  died  away,  we  drown  it  with  '  War  !  war  1 ' 

Philip  Van  Artevclde,  act  i.  sc.  4. 
1* 


10  THE  NETHEELAITOS. 

sant ;  and  wliile  tlioir  enemies  werG  contimially  -weak- 
ened by  divisions  among  themselves,  tliey  were  ever 
increasing  in  numbers,  in  wealth,  in  organisation,  and 
in  confidence. 

The  contest  was  otherwise  unequal,  on  the  side  of 
Local  dis-  ^^^  barons.  The  confined  area  of  the  coun- 
If^'the^^^^  try  at  once  restricted  their  numbers,  and  the 
barons.  extent  of  their  territories.  It  afforded  no 
such  field  for  feudal  dominion  as  the  wide  plains  of 
Germany  and  France.  The  towns  were  constantly 
encroaching  upon  these  narrow  domains  :  while  their 
prosperity  and  freedom  attracted  multitudes  of  coun- 
try people,  who  gladly  fled  from  feudal  servitude, 
and  agricultural  labour,  in  the  dullest  of  all  habit- 
able lands,  to  the  lucrative  employments,  the  com- 
forts, and  the  free  and  active  social  life  of  the  busy 
town. 

The  peculiar  character  of  the  country  itself  also 
^^g  placed  the  barons  at  a  certain  disadvantage, 

suited  f-or'  in  preseuce  of  their  powerful  and  combative 
defence.  neighbours.  In  Italy  and  Sr^ritzerland,  in 
Germany  and  France,  we  see  the  ruined  castles  of  the 
feudal  lords,  frowning  from  rocky  heights,  and  com- 
manding the  rivers  and  valleys  beneath  them.  The 
Alps,  the  Apennines,  the  Riviera,  the  Pyrenees,  the 
Rhine,  the  Moselle,  the  Danube,  and  the  Loire  bristle 
with  these  grim  monuments  of  mediaeval  life.  Nature 
had  there  provided  fortresses  for  the  warlike  barons : 
but  in  the  low  plains  of  the  Netherlands,  they  sought 
in  vain  for  height,  or  crag,  or  other  defensive  vantage- 
ground.  Nature  had  been  niggardly  in  her  gifts  to 
this  sorry  land.  The  peasant  could  find  no  safe  foun- 
dations for  his  humble  cot :  the  lord  could  find  no 
defence  for  his   castle,  save  in  the  moat,  the  raised 


CmVEACTER  OF  THE  BUEGHERS.  11 

drawbridge,  the  loopholes  and  the  battlements  of 
his  own  construction.  His  stronghold  could  be  sur- 
rounded by  his  enemies :  it  was  open  to  sudden  as- 
saults and  surprises,  to  the  onslaught  of  armed  men, 
or  to  the  insidious  torch.  The  hosts  of  burghers,  who 
swarmed  from  the  city  walls,  often  found  the  castles 
of  their  baronial  foes  an  easy  prey  to  their  impetuous 
raids. 

Such  being  the  inequalities  of  the  strife,  it  was 
natural  that  the  towns  should  gradually 
have  prevailed.  Their  quarrels  with  the  no-  ot  the 
bles  were  incessant.  Sometimes  new  claims  ""^^  ^^^^' 
were  repelled  :  sometimes  the  payment '  of  accus- 
tomed dues  was  resisted :  sometimes  a  casual  provo- 
cation, on  either  side,  was  resented.  In  these  rude 
times  it  were  vain  to  inquire,  to  which  side  justice 
more  often  inclined.  The  barons  were  haughty,  and 
exacting;  and  ever  ready  to  draw  the  sword.  The 
burghers,  proud  of  their  civic  franchises,  bearing  their 
own  municipal  burthens,  and  inflated  with  local  patri- 
otism, showed  scant  respect  for  feudal  rights.  Feu- 
dalism, with  all  its  incidents,  had  been  established  by 
the  power  of  the  strongest ;  and  by  a  still  stronger 
force,  it  might  now  be  overthrown.  The  like  conflicts 
had  arisen  everywhere  :  they  were  the  natural  results 
of  feudalism,  enduring  in  the  midst  of  a  changing  and 
growing  society.  But  nowhere  had  the  burghers  been 
so  headstrong  and  aggressive,  so  resolute  in  the  asser- 
tion of  their  rights,  so  prompt  to  assail  others,  as 
well  as  to  defend  themselves,  as  in  the  Netherlands. 
In  Holland,  they  were  stubborn  and  determined :  in 
Flanders,  Brabant,  and  other  provinces,  where  the 
Celtic  temperament  prevailed,  they  were  violent  and 
impulsive.     But  all  pursued  the  same  ends,  in  their 


12  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

own  fashion.  In  tlieir  dealings  witli  local  barons,  oi* 
provincial  sovereigns,  they  were  ever  determined  to 
have  their  own  way.  Parley  and  compromise  were 
not  to  their  taste  :  their  rude  and  hardy  fibre  prompted 
instant  action.  They  were  as  ready  to  begin  the  fray, 
as  to  maintain  it.  They  fought  with  nobles,  as  they 
had  wrestled  with  the  sea,  and  with  adverse  nature. 
They  would  not  allow  any  power  to  withstand  them. 
Such  a  temper  advanced  their  liberties,  while  it  dis- 
turbed the  peace  of  the  country,  and  checked  their 
social  prosperity.  In  admiring  their  courageous  love 
of  freedom,  we  cannot  be  blind  to  the  rough  and  un- 
mannerly fashion  in  which  it  was,  too  often,  asserted.^ 
They  lived  in  a  rude  age,  when  men  were  more  ready 
with  blows  than  words:  when  force  was  still  the 
first  law  of  society:  when  every  man's  hand  was 
raised  against  his  neighbour:  when  the  baron  was 
at  war  with  baron  and  burgher :  when  the  lord  of  the 

'  Hallam  says  : — "  Liberty  never  wore  a  more  unamiable  counte- 
nance than  among  tliese  burghers,  who  abused  the  strength  she  gave 
them  by  cruelty  and  insolence.' — Middle  Ayes,  ii.  86. 

Mr,  Motley  says  : — '  Doubtless  the  history  of  human  liberty  in  Hol- 
land and  Flanders,  as  everywhere  else  upon  earth  where  there  has 
been  such  a  history,  enrols  many  scenes  of  turbulence  and  blood- 
shed, although  these  features  have  been  exaggerated  by  prejudiced 
historians.  Still,  if  there  were  luxury  and  insolence,  sedition  and 
uproar,  at  any  rate  there  was  life.  Those  violent  little  common- 
wealths had  blood  in  their  veins  :  they  were  compact  of  proud,  self- 
helping,  muscular  vigour.' — Bi^e  of  the  Dutch  BepuhUc,  Intr.  p.  35. 

According  to  Juste  : — '  Cette  vieille  terre  de  liberte  ne  sut  jamais 
supporter  le  despotisme,  quel  qu'il  f  ilt,  religieux,  ou  philosophique, 
espagnol,  autrichien  ou  hollandais.  De  la,  le  reproche  de  turbulence 
adresse  mechamment  a  un  peuple  qui  se  bornait  ii  defendre  les  droits 
les  plus  sacres,  les  libertes  confirmees  par  le  serment  du  prince,  des 
traditions  conservatrices  de  la  nationalite.' — Hist,  de  Belgique,  Intr. 
p.  10. 


HJFLUENCJi:  OF  TRADE  GUILDS.  13 

strong  castle  was,  at  once,  warrior  and  brigand.  In 
such  a  condition  of  society,  hard-working  burghers 
are  not  to  be  judged  by  the  standards  of  our  settled 
times.  They  had  sprung  from  robust  northern  races, 
more  given  to  deeds  of  hardihood  than  to  gentle  man- 
ners :  their  lot  had  been  cast  in  an  unpromising  land, 
and  an  ungenial  climate:  they  could  gaze  upon  no 
scenes  of  natural  beauty :  there  was  little  of  warmth 
or  colouring  in  the  atmosphere :  there  was  nothing 
around  them  to  inspire  their  imagination,  to  raise 
their  thoughts  above  their  daily  toil,  or  to  invite  re- 
pose and  tranquil  enjoyments.  They  were  traders, 
weavers,  shipwrights,  mariners,  striving  lustily  in  the 
battle  of  life  :  they  worked  under  leaden  skies,  and 
looked  out  upon  a  landscape  like  the  Isle  of  Dogs. 
Such  men  were  naturally  rough,  earnest,  and  obsti- 
nate. They  were  brave,  as  the  bravest  knights :  but 
they  knew  not  chivalry,  or  courtesy. 

In  following  the  rude  struggles  of  the  burghers  for 
freedom,  we  must  not  overlook  the  influence 
of  trade  guilds  upon  their  character,  and  trado 
political  life.  These  associations, — useful, 
and  even  necessary,  in  the  infancy  of  industrial 
trades, — contributed  to  the  early  civilisation  of  the 
inhabitants  of  towns,  and  forwarded  their  civil  liber- 
ties. They  were  a  great  source  of  strength  to  the 
people :  but  the  gathering  together  of  a  great  number 
of  men,  engaged  in  the  same  employments,  having 
common  interests  and  sympathies,  and  separated  from 
other  members  of  the  community,  tended  to  narrow 
their  political  aims,  and  to  encourage  a  dangerous 
esprit  de  corps.  Like  trades-unions  of  modern  times, 
they  could  only  see  their  own  side,  in  any  dispute : 
they  were  possessed  by  a  single  idea ;  and  they  ad- 


l-i  THE  NETHEELAl^DS. 

vanced  it  witli  passionate  resolution.  At  home  they 
were  led  into  turbulence,  factions  and  tumults :  abroad, 
they  were  hurried  into  impulsive  wars  with  nobles  and 
rival  cities.  Such  were  the  burghers  of  the  Nether- 
lands ;  and,  whatever  their  faults,  they  won  for  them- 
selves an  extraordinary  measure  of  fi'eedom,  at  a  time 
when  freedom  was  little  known  in  Europe. 

Unhappily,  the  rude  struggles  of  these  city  com- 
Kivai  monwealths  were  not  confined  to  contests  for 

cities.  freedom.  The  eternal  jealousies  of  rival  cities 

had  been  fatal  to  the  peace  of  Greece,  of  Italy,  and  of 
Switzerland ;  and  they  were  no  less  disastrous  in  the 
Netherlands.  Ghent  and  Bruges,  and  other  cities,^ 
fought  against  each  other  with  as  much  fury  as  any 
rival  cities,  in  other  lands.  Chronic  warfare  was  the 
lot  of  these  unsettled  times;  and  was  common  to 
burghers  as  well  as  barons.  Had  they  lived  in  peace, 
and  united  their  forces,  no  sovereign  could  have  with- 
stood them,  as  was  proved  in  many  memorable  suc- 
cesses, in  later  times. 

The  country  beyond  the  limits  of  the  town-lands 
Tb"  nobles  foi"i^ed  the  domains  of  the  noblesse  and  of 
as  citizens,  'bishops  and  abbeys.  The  nobles  exercised  an 
extensive  jurisdiction;  and  were  exempt  from  taxes, 
in  consideration  of  their  feudal  obligations.  Many  of 
the  nobles,  however,  attracted  by  the  increasing  luxu- 
ries of  the  to^Tis,  which  offered  a  more  agreeable 
residence  than  their  own  swampy  plains,  came  to  live 
among  the  citizens,  and  to  share  their  security  and 

'  '  Toutes  ces  guerres  et  liaines  murent  par  orgueil  et  par  envie  que 
les  bonnes  \nlles  de  Flandre  avoient  I'une  sur  I'autre,  ceus  de  Gand 
sur  ]a  ville  de  Bruges,  et  ceux  de  Bruges  sur  la  ville  de  Gand,  et 
ainsi  les  autres  villes,  les  unes  sur  les  autres.' — Froissart,  Chroniques, 
ii.  ch.  lii.  (Collection  de  Buclion). 


MILITAIIY  PROWESS  OF  TOWNS.  15 

ease.  Between  tlie  two  classes  there  was  as  little  fel- 
lowship as  between  the  earl  and  the  alderman,  of 
modern  times.  But,  for  the  sake  of  pov/er,  several 
nobles  obtained  admission  to  the  trade-guilds,  and 
concerned  themselves  in  the  municipal  government. 
Some  thus  became  leaders  of  the  people :  while  others, 
by  their  haughty  bearing,  their  violence,  and  attempts 
at  usurpation,  made  themselves  obnoxious  to  their 
fellow-citizens.  In  1257,  Utrecht  thrust  forth  its 
bishop,  and  nobles,  and  began  a  lengthened  struggle 
with  feudalism.  In  1303,  Mechlin  and  Louvain,  the 
two  principal  cities  of  Brabant, — like  many  of  the 
Italian  republics, —  expelled  the  patrician  families 
from  their  walls. 

As  the  military  strength  of  the  cities  increased, 
their  pretensions  were  no  longer  confined  to  local 
struggles  with  the  nobles  or  rival  cities.  They  re- 
sisted the  decrees  of  the  great  sovereign 
dukes  and  counts  of  their  provinces,  and  prowess  of 
took  up  arms  to  maintain  their  rights.  They 
were  even  able  to  contend  against  foreign  kings.  The 
Flemings,  to  overcome  the  Count  of  Flanders,  had  ac- 
cepted the  sovereignty  of  Philip  the  Fair,  King  of 
France  :  but,  discontented  with  the  rule  of  their  new 
master,  they  were  not  afraid  to  revolt  against  him. 
In  1301,  the  burghers  of  Bruges,  led  by  Peter  de  Ko- 
ning,  a  draper,  and  John  Breydel,  a  butcher,  drove 
out  the  French  garrison :  and,  in  the  following  year, 
won  a  signal  victory  over  the  army  of  the  King  of 
France,  at  the  battle  of  Courtrai.  Other  towns  sent 
forth  their  militia ;  and  after  two  more  years  of 
stubborn  warfare,  the  Flemings  overcame  their  royal 
foe. 

This  rcmarkablo  triumph  of  civic  arms  i0vcali;d  the 


16  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

uses  of  union  among  the  towns,  in  defence  of  their 
confedera-  coDimon  liberties ;  and  a  confederation  was 
tLwus^  formed  between  the  towns  of  Flanders  and 
1333.  Brabant.     In  1323,  the  warlike  Bruges  was 

again  in  arms.  With  the  aid  of  other  Flemish  cities, 
the  stubborn  burghers  made  war  upon  Count  Louis  of 
Flanders,  and  the  nobles.  They  stormed,  and  dis- 
mantled the  feudal  castles,  throughout  the  province, 
and  they  took  prisoners,  the  Count  himself,  and  the 
greater  part  of  the  nobles,  who  had  fled,  for  safety,  to 
Courtrai.  But  their  triumph  was  short-lived.  Ghent, 
the  jealous  rival  of  Bruges,  had  taken  no  part  in  the 
movement ;  and  the  King  of  France,  coming  to  the 
rescue  of  the  Count,  in  a  new  dispute,  routed  and 
destroyed  the  gallant  Flemings,  at  the  battle  of  CasseL 
Ghent  was  the  next  city  to  take  the  lead  in  Flemish 
James  Van  poli^ics ;  and,  by  the  union  of  the  burgher 
Artevcide.  forces  of  Confederate  cities,  it  was  able  to 
play  a  consj)icuous  part  in  the  history  of  the  Nether- 
lands and  of  Europe.  James  Van  Artevelde,  a  patri- 
cian, who, — in  order  to  direct  the  councils  of  the  city, 
— had  joined  the  guild  of  brewers,  became  the  leader 
of  the  Flemish  people.  He  soon  swayed  a  greater 
power  than  the  Count  of  Flanders  himself.  Having 
overcome  the  Count,  and  driven  him  into  France,  he 
assumed  the  popular  sovereignty  of  the  province. 
He  negotiated  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  Edward  III. 
of  England ;  and,  having  persuaded  the  Flemings  to 
transfer  their  allegiance  to  that  monarch,  as  King  of 
France,  he  joined,  like  an  independent  power,  in  the 
war  between  the  rival  kings.  He  brought  60,000  men 
to  the  English  army  at  Antwei'p  :  and  sent  a  Flemish 
squadron  to  Sluys  to  aid  the  English  fleet.  These 
timely  reinforcements  largely  contributed  to  the  sue- 


PHILIP  V.VN  AKTEVELDE.  17 

cess  of  tlie  Euglisli  arms.  A  truco  was  agreed  to,  be- 
tween the  combatants  ;  and  Van  Artevelde  ruled  over 
Flanders,  under  the  name  of  Euward,  as  a  sovereign 
prince.  According  to  Froissart,  *  there  never  was  in 
Flanders,  nor  in  any  other  country,  prince,  duke  or 
other,  that  ruled  a  country  so  peacefully,  for  so  long  a 
time.'  The  power  of  the  burghers,  over  feudalism, 
was  illustrated  by  the  wondi-ous  career  of  the  brewer 
of  Ghent.  But  the  popular  sovereign,  having  risen  to 
power  by  their  favour,  fell  a  victim  to  their  wrath. 
Outraged  by  his  attempts  to  transfer  the  sovereignty 
of  Flanders,  to  the  descendants  of  Edward  III.  of  Eng- 
land ;  and  suspecting  him  of  having  sent  the  Flemish 
revenues  out  of  the  country,  the  citizens,  especially 
the  members  of  the  lesser  guilds,  rose  and  slew  him 
in  his  own  house.^ 

The   military   power   of    the   burghers    of    Ghent 
showed  itself  again,  under  the  guidance  of  phiiipvan 
his  no  less   distinguished   son  Philip.     He 
overthrew  Louis  de  Male,  Count  of  Flanders,  by  a 
bold  cowp  de  main  upon  Bruges  :  ^   was  proclaimed 
regent  of  the  provinces ;   and  like  his  father,  ruled 
with  all  the  state  of  a  sovereign  prince.     His  burgher 
forces  proved  themselves  not  unworthy  foes  of  the 
chivalry  of  France,  commanded  by  their  young  king 
Charles  "\T   in  person ;   but,   weakened  by  ,,„^ 
the  defection  of  many  cities,  and  overcome 

'  Froissart,  Chrmiiquca,  i.  ch.  248  (Collection  de  Buclion).     Few 
ihapters  in  Froissart  are  more  interesting  than  this. 
He  was  the  noblest  and  the  wisest  man 
That  ever  ruled  in  Ghent ;  yet,  Sirs,  j  e  slew  him  ; 
By  his  own  door,  here,  where  I  stand,  ye  slew  him. 

Philip  Van  Artevelde,  act  ii.  sc.  3. 

'  FroisKart,  (JkrowiqatH,  ii.  pp.  101,  102,  121,  153-lCO  (Collcctiou 
do  Buchon). 


18  THE  NETEEELAKDS. 

by  superior  forces,  the  gallant  Pliilip  fell,  upon  tlie 
field  of  battle,  in  the  midst  of  his  routed  host.^ 

While  the  burghers  were  thus  contending  with  the 
nobles,  and  maintaining   their   rights   against   their 
feudal  superiors,  they  were  not  without  grave  divi- 
sions amone  themselves.     The  guilds  were 

Guilds  of  o  ° 

the  Flemish  divided   luto  greater    or  lesser  trades,   the 

cities.  *-■ 

former  being  composed  of  burghers, — gen- 
erally employers  of  labour, — and  the  latter  of  arti- 
ficers. The  members  of  the  greater  guilds  were 
wealthy,  powerful  and  ambitious.  They  enjoyed  the 
dignities  of  burgomasters  and  councillors :  they  were 
clothed  in  the  municipal  purple  ;  and  they  ruled  with 
the  power  of  an  aristocracy,  over  the  civic  state. 
The  working  classes  could  gain  admittance  to  the 
greater  trades,  by  giving  up  manual  labour  for  a  year 
and  a  day  :  but  the  great  mass  of  artificers,  bound 
to  the  lesser  trades,  were  continually  striving  against 
the  power  and  privileges  of  their  more  exalted  bre- 
thren. In  every  town,  the  old  war  was  waged  be- 
tween a  commercial  aristocracy  and  a  democracy.  At 
Brussels,  Lou  vain  and  Antwerp,  the  people  rose  in 
arms  against  the  privileged  citizens.  In  many  of 
the  cities,  the  municipal  constitutions  having  become 
close,  and  in  a  great  measure  self-elective,  it  was  only 
by  such  demonstrations,  that  the  lesser  guilds  were 
able  to  assert  their  influence.  Such  constitutions 
were  not  fi-amed  upon  a  democratic  basis  :  no  provi- 
sion was  made  for  the  legitimate  exj)ression  of  popu- 
lar opinion,  in  the  municipal  councils,  by  the  direct 

'  Froissart,  Chroniques,  ii.  cli.  176-108  (Collection  de  Buchon). 
The  history  of  this  time  is  delightfully  told  by  Froissart,  and  may 
now  be  read,  with  redoubled  interest,  in  Sir  Henry  Taylor's  dra- 
matic romance  of  Philip  Van  ArLcoclde. 


CULTUEE  AND  AET.  19 

election  of  representatives  ;  and  the  elements  of  de- 
mocracy, wliicli  abounded  in  these  populous  cities, 
instead  of  being  duly  associated  with  authority,  were 
left  to  maintain  irregular  and  impulsive  struggles 
against  it.  The  local  government  was  often  an  oli- 
garchy, while  the  spirit  of  the  burghers  was  pecu- 
liarly democratic. 

Violent  factions  were  also  formed,  like  the  White 
Hoods  of  Ghent,  who,  banded  together,  in  pjj^,^j^„jg 
arms,  took  the  direction  of  affairs  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  magistrates,  and  hurried  the  people  into 
wars  and  tumults.^  It  was  by  such  bands  as  these, 
that  the  industrious  burghers  were  often  enticed  from 
the  factory  and  the  workshop,  to  disturb  the  peace  of 
the  city,  to  slight  and  provoke  their  counts,  or  to  en- 
gage in  quarrels  with  their  neighbours. 

In  the  midst  of  all  these  wars  and  tumults,  society 
was  advancing  rapidly  in  culture.  The  re-  improved 
vival  of  literature  and  the  arts  in  Italy  was  thcNcthlr- 
associated  with  the  rise  of  its  republics ;  and 
the  like  result  is  to  be  observed  in  the  free  cities  of 
the  Netherlands.  The  culture  of  the  wealthier  citi- 
zens was  higher  than  that  of  their  own  class,  in  any 
other  part  of  Europe  except  Italy.  Their  sons  were 
educated  at  their  own  renowned  university  of  Lou- 
vain,  at  Paris,  and  at  Padua.  "Without  neglecting 
the  classics,  they  were  proficient  in  modern  lan- 
guages, so  peculiarly  necessary  for  a  commercial  peo- 

'  Froissart,  Chroniques,  ii.  ch.  52,  60. 

For  truly  here  there  are  a  sort  of  crafts, 
So  factious  Ktill  for  war,  and  ol)sfmato. 
That  we  sliall  he  endau^er'd.     Suing  for  peace 
Is  over  treason  to  tlie  Whites  Hoods. 

I'h'dlit  Van  Arlcocldf,  act  i.  tx.  1. 


20  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

pie.  Their  artisans  also  were  not  only  skilled  in 
handicrafts,  but  were  remarkable  for  their  intelli- 
gence and  mental  activity :  they  associated  in  clubs 
and  other  societies  for  recreation  and  instruction, 
of  which  the  most  important  were  called  guilds,  or 
Guild,  of  chambers,  of  rhetoric.  Here  poetry,  satires 
(ftfSh  and  lampoons  were  recited,  plays,  masques 
ceumiy).  ^^^  pagcauts  acted,  and  music  performed. 
Among  a  free,  robust  and  turbulent  people,  politics 
naturally  intruded  into  such  performances,— just  as 
the  Greek  drama  became  political ;  and  these  socie- 
ties exercised  much  influence  upon  the  political  sen- 
timents of  the  people.  Great  license  was  enjoyed 
by  them ;  and  in  anticipation  of  the  printing  press, 
which  was  about  to  revolutionise  the  mind  of  Eu- 
rope, they  were  powerful  instruments  for  the  associa- 
tion and  political  instruction  of  the  people.  "While 
courted  by  princes  and  nobles,  they  boldly  assailed 
the  abuses  of  the  government,  and  the  vices  of  the 
clergy  ;  and  they  prepared  the  way  for  the  Reforma- 
tion. 

In  the  arts,  the  free  cities  of  the  Netherlands  were 
not  unworthy   rivals   of   their   more   gifted 

Dutch  and  ''  -,        n  p  i 

Flemish        brethren  of  Italy.     In  the  fifteenth  century, 

pamtci-s.  "^  ^ .  - 

the  brothers  Yan  Eyck,  Hans  Hemlmg,  and 
other  masters  were  already  founding  a  national  school 
of  painting,  whose  works  became  the  admiration  of 
Europe.  In  stately  and  picturesque  architecture,  the 
cities  of  Flanders  and  Brabant  will  bear  comparison 
with  the  best  examples  of  Italy.  Their  carvings  in 
wood  attained  such  perfection  as  to  entitle  them  to 
rank  with  sculpture,  as  a  fine  art.  Such  are  the  evi- 
dences of  a  cultivated  society,  and  of  advanced  civil- 
isation. 


CHANGES  OF  DYNASTY.  21 

"While  the  cities  of  the  Netherlands  were  thus 
advancing  in  wealth,  culture,  and  military  The  cities 
power,  they  were  acquiring  more  extended  hi'uir"'^'^'' 
political  privileges  in  the  government  of  the  ^"''''°^- 
State.  They  sent  delegates  to  the  provincial  assem- 
bly of  the  Estates,^  where  they  sat  with  the  nobles, 
whom  they  generally  outnumbered.^  In  the  thir- 
teenth and  fourteenth  centuries  the  principal  cities 
of  Holland,  Flanders  and  Brabant,  sent  their  dejiu- 
ties  to  the  Estates  ;  and,  while  supreme  in  their  own 
municipal  affairs,  they  voted  all  the  provincial  taxes, 
and  exercised  a  commanding  influence  in  the  general 
administration  of  the  province.^ 

Here  were  all  the  characteristics  and  traditions  of 
a  free  people, — the  manly  northern  race  that 

Character- 
had  battled  bravely  with  Eoman  conquerors,   i'^nc^of 

— the  long  training  of  free  institutions,  the 

spirit  of  commercial  enterprise,  the  culture  which,  in 

all  ages,  has  been  the  handmaid  of  fi*eedom,  and  the 

association  of  citizens  in  business,  in  instruction  and 

amusement. 

In  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  the  lib- 
erties of  the  Netherlands  had  attained  their  c,,a„„psof 
greatest  development,  when  they  were  check-  dynasty. 
ed  by  changes  of  dynasty,  which  were  destined  to 
provoke  disastrous  conflicts  between  the  people  and 
their  rulers. 

The  burghers  had  been  no  unequal  match  against 
their  own  counts   and  bishops,   even  when  assisted 

'  In  Holland  the  deputies  wero  electnd  by  the  senates,  each  city- 
having  one  only,  whatever  the  number  of  deputies. 

*  In  Brabant  there  were  fourteen  deputies,  of  whom  four  wero 
nobles,  and  ten  wero  chosen  by  the  burgher.'^. 

*  Davies,  llid.  of  Holland,  i.  7G  ct  seq. 


5iZ  THE   NETHEELANDS. 

by  foreign  alliances :  but  wlien  tlie  Netlierlauds  fell 
increasino-  ^^^^  ^^i®  liancls  of  poweiful  sovereigns,  with 
fheTove-  Standing  armies,  and  foreign  resources,  they 
reigns.  were  at  a  serious  disadvantage.  They  had 
been  able  to  resist  feudalism  :  it  was  now  to  be  seen 
how  far  they  could  withstand  the  encroachments  of 
monarchs  upon  their  civil  rights,  and  the  assaults 
of  tyrants  upon  their  religious  liberty. 

Philip  the  Bold,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  first  acquired 

the  sovereignty  of  Flanders  and  Brabant ;  and 

i5ii)gundy,     his  accession  promised  well  for  the  liberties 

1'j84  a  u 

of  his  subjects.  So  long  as  the  dominion  of 
the  House  of  Burgundy  was  confined  to  these  pro- 
vinces, the  towns  continued  to  display  their  accus- 
tomed independence. 

But  at  length  Philip  the  Good,  Duke  of  Burgundy, 

secured  the  soverei<]rntY  of  nearly  all  the  re- 

1437  A.D.  .     .  .  o      J  J 

mainmg  provinces  of  the  Netherlands.^  And 
this  new  sovereign  was  also  ruler  over  his  own  domains 
of  Burgundy,  and  considerable  territories  in  France. 
He  found  the  burghers  of  Bruges  and  Ghent  as  intrac- 
table as  ever  :  but  he  subdued  them.  Ghent  resisted 
him,  in  open  war,  for  two  years :  but,  at  length,  he 
conquered  the  rebellious  city,  and  punished  it  by  the 
forfeiture  of  its  most  important  privileges.  He  visited 
with  greater  severity  the  refractory  burghers  of  Liege, 
and  Dinant.  The  municipal  councils  had  begun  to 
exercise  great  influence,  even  beyond  the  boundaries 
of  their  own  cities,  and  were  able  to  control  the  sove- 
reign and  the  nobles.  Philip  confined  them  to  their 
municipal  affairs,  and  permitted  no  interference  with 

'  His  territories  did  not  include  Friesland,  the  bishopric  of  Utreclit, 
Guelders,  or  Li»'ge,  Quelders  was  afterwards  conquered  by  his  sou 
Charles  the  Bold. 


THE  HOUSE   OF  BURGUNDY.  23 

Lis  sovereignty.  Glient  recovered  its  privileges  from 
Charles  the  Bold :  ^  but  Liege,  again  rebellious,  was 
given  up  to  pillage.^  This  haughty  and  impetuous 
prince  was  too  much  engrossed  with  foreign  wars,  to 
concern  himself  much  about  the  welfare  of  the  Nether- 
lands :  but  he  drained  them  by  excessive  taxes,  and 
often  provoked  revolts  by  his  exactions.  He  raised  a 
standing  army ;  and  he  gave  arbitrary  powers  to  the 
supreme  court,  to  deal  with  the  charters  of  the  pro- 
vinces. His  power  was  weakened  by  the  victories  of 
the  free  and  gallant  Swiss ;  and  his  early  death  de- 
ferred, for  some  years,  the  impending  struggle  between 
liberty  and  despotism.^ 

But  while,  during  the  rule  of  the  first  princes  of  the 
House  of  Burgundy,  the  political  power  of  the  people 
was  subdued,  their  wealth  and  prosperity  were  rapidly 
on  the  increase,  and  were  laying  the  foundation  of 
their  future   freedom.     At  the  death  of  Charles  tho 
Bold,  the  pro^dnces  and  towns  assembled  a  conven- 
tion at  Ghent,  and  extorted  from  the  young  Duchess 
Mary,*  the    'Great   Privilege,'  or  charter,  by  which 
the  free  constitution  of  Holland  was  restored.  Tho  oicat 
The  right  of  the  provinces  and  towns  to  hold  ^'"^■''''°'^- 
diets,  for  the  consideration  of  public  afi'airs,  ^'^"  ^'^' 
was  admitted.    The  sovereign  was  not  to  impose  taxes, 
to  declare  war,  or  to  coin  money,  without  the  consent 
of  the  Estates.     The  sovereign  undertook  to  meet  tho 

'  For  a  graphic  account  of  the  bold  and  unmannerly  fashion  in 
which  this  was  cfFcctod,  see  Philippe  de  Coniniines,  M('m.  ii.  ch.  4. 
lie  says  :  '  A  la  vorite  dire,  aprt-s  lo  peujjle  do  liugo,  il  n'en  est  nul 
plus  inconstant  que  ceux  de  Qand.'  See  also  Baninto,  Jlist.  dcs 
JJw.s  de  B'/urgogne  ;  Juste,  Ilift.  de  Bdgique,  i.  348. 

'■"  IMiilippe  de  Conimines,  Mi'm.  ii.  ch.  lo,  14  ;  Juste,  Hint.  i.  348. 

*  P.  de  Commines,  Mcin.  v.  ch.  1,  8. 

*P.  de  Commines,  Mem.  v.  ch.  1(5,  17. 


24  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

Estates  in  person,  and  demand  tlie  necessary  supplies. 
Ail  tlie  privileges  of  the  cities  were  confirmed:  they 
appointed  tlieir  own  magistrates,  had  their  own  muni- 
cipal courts,  and  were  not  to  contribute  to  taxes  which 
they  had  not  voted.  Similar  privileges  were  granted 
to  Flanders  and  other  provinces  ;  and  thus  a  consti- 
tution was  obtained  for  the  Netherlands,  which  recog- 
nised, to  an  unexampled  extent,  all  the  rights  of  a  free 
people  under  a  constitutional  monarchy. 

By  the  union  of  so  many  provinces  under  the  House 
The  Nether-  ^^  Burguudy,  the  Netherlands  had  now  be- 
ISbie""'  come  a  considerable  State.  Each  province 
state.  i^a^j  i|;g  Q^j^  constitution,  and  its  assembly  of 

Estates,  and  voted  its  own  subsidies,  while  it  sent 
delegates  to  a  general  assembly  of  the  Estates  of  all 
the  provinces,  for  the  discussion  of  national  affairs. 
Each  province  was  as  independent  as  a  Swiss  canton ; 
and  the  general  assembly  of  the  Estates  was  not  un- 
like the  Swiss  Federal  Diet.  The  constitution  was 
municipal  rather  than  political,  each  province  and  city 
holding  fast  to  its  own  privileges  and  separate  inter- 
ests, and  reducing  the  power  of  the  states-general,  just 
as  the  jealousies  of  the  Swiss  cantons  enfeebled  the 
action  of  the  confederation.  The  delegates  were  en- 
voys from  the  different  provinces,  with  limited  powers, 
and  precise  instructions — not  representatives  entitled 
to  deliberate  and  vote,  according  to  their  own  discre- 
tion. The  passion  for  municipal  freedom,  diversities 
of  interests,  and  the  recent  union  of  the  provinces,  nat- 
urally caused  this  decentralisation  of  political  power. 
The  national  forces  were  divided  and  weakened :  while 
the  legislative  and  administrative  powers  of  the  sove- 
reign were  enlarged.  It  was  not  until  the  provinces 
should  be  united  by  a  community  of  sentiments,  in- 


DEATH   OP  PEINCESS  ILiKY.  25 

terests  and  wrongs,  that  a  complete  federal  union 
could  be  accomplished ;  and  this  result  was  hereafter 
to  be  brought  about  by  the  oppressive  policy  of  their 
rulers.  "While  Switzerland  was  a  republic,  the  Nether- 
lands enjoyed  the  widest  freedom,  under  a  constitu- 
tional sovereign,  and  had  generally  been  strong  enough 
to  maintain  it. 

Had  this  liberal  constitution  been  maintained,  the 
Netherlands  would,  next  to  Switzerland,  have 
been  the  fi-eest  State  in  Europe.     But  the  dukeMaxi- 
young  duchess  married  the  Archduke  Maxi- 
milian, son  of  the  Emperor,  and  the  Netherlands  be- 
came an  inheritance  of  the  House  of  Hapsburg.     The 
Great  Privilege  and  other  charters  were  annulled,  and 
the  Netherlands  were  ruled  as  a  province  of  the  Ger- 
man empire. 

On  the  death  of  the  Princess  Mary,  the  rebellious 
spirit  of  the  Flemings  was  aroused.  They 
resisted  the  authority  of  the  archduke :  they  Piincess 
refused  to  recognise  him  as  guardian  of  his 
own  children ;  and  they  encountered  him  in  open  war. 
The  people  of  Bruges  even  seized  upon  his  person, 
and  detained  him  in  prison.  Nor  would  they  release 
him,  at  the  urgent  solicitation  of  the  Pope,  until  they 
had  extorted  from  him  a  treaty  granting  them  pardon 
for  their  treason,  and  security  for  the  free  enjoyment 
of  their  franchises.  The  duke,  thus  defied  by  his  own 
subjects,  appealed  to  his  father,  tlie  Emperor,  who 
came  to  his  aid  with  40,000  men.  But  the  Flemings 
were  not  overawed  by  this  invading  force.  Under 
the  command  of  Philip  of  Cleves,  they  ofierod  so 
stout  a  resistance,  that,  on  payment  of  a  subsidy, 
they  were  able  to  obtain  a  confirmation  of  their  liber- 
ties. 

VOL.  II.— 3 


26  THE   NETHERLANDS. 

Tlie  constant  struggle  of  Maximilian  witli  his  turbu- 
rhiiipthe  1®^*'  ^^^  rebellious  subjects  was,  at  lengtli, 
Fair,  1493.  brouglit  to  a  close  by  liis  accession  to  tlie 
Imperial  tbrone  of  Germany.  Ho  was  succeeded  in 
tlie  sovereignty  of  the  Netherlands  by  his  youthful 
son,  Philip  the  Fair,  who,  as  the  heir  of  a  native  prin- 
cess, was  greeted  with  loyal  demonstrations,  by  his 
people.  He  restored  peace  and  tranquillity  to  his 
distracted  provinces ;  and  won  their  willing  confi- 
dence. Having  projected  a  double  alliance  for  him- 
self and  his  sister,  with  the  royal  family  of  Spain,  he 
sought  the  consent  of  the  States-General.  Flattered 
by  his  deference,  they  cheerfully  consented  to  a  union 
which  was  fraught  with  the  gravest  dangers  to  the 
future  liberties  of  their  country.  The  marriage  of 
Philip  the  Fair  with  Johanna  of  Spain  was  to  bring 
the  Netherlands  under  the  inauspicious  dominion  of 
his  son,  the  Emjieror  Charles  V. 

The  liberties  of  the  Netherlands,  notwithstanding 
the  stubborn  resolution  of  the  people,  had 

The  .  7 

Emperor       already  been  seriously  compromised  by  the 

Charles  V.  .  "^  e  n        XJ  f-pi 

growing  power  oi  the  House  oi  Jiurgundy, 
supported  by  its  close  connection  with  the  German 
empire.  They  were  now  to  be  exposed  to  a  far  more 
formidable  danger.  The  new  sovereign  Charles  V., 
uniting  under  his  rule  the  kingdom  of  Spain 
and  the  Indies,  Milan,  Naples,  Sicily,  and 
the  German  empire,  was  the  most  powerful  monarch 
in  Europe.^  How  could  these  narrow  2")rovinces  hope 
to  contend  against  the  successor  of  Charlemagne  ? 
His  power  was  great ;  and  his  imperial  will  was  abso- 

'  He  liad  previously  become  sovereign  of  tlie  Netherlands  in  1515, 
at  the  ajje  of  fifteen. 


FORMER  LIBERTIES  OF  SPAIN.  27 

Into.  There  had  been  times,  when  to  become  sub- 
jects of  the  constitutional  monarchy  of  Spain  would 
have  promised  the  recognition  of  ancient  franchises  : 
but  changes  had  lately  come  over  the  ancient  polity 
of  that  State. 

No  monarchy  in  Europe  had  once  been  more  free 
than  that  of  Spain.     In  Castile  and  Aragon, 
and  other  Spanish  kingdoms,  the  preroga-  liberties  in 
tives  of  the  Cro^oi  had  been  unusually  lim- 
ited ;  and  the  Cortes  were  bold  and  independent  par- 
liaments.    In  Catalonia,  the  people  had  de- 
posed their  sovereign  John  II.,  and  his  pos- 
terity, as  unworthy  of  the  throne,  and  endeavoured 
to  establish  a  republic.     In  Castile,  the  nobles  had 
deposed  their  king  Henry  IV.,  with  the  gene- 
ral assent  of  the   people.     In  Aragon,  the 
kings  were  originally  elective ;  and  it  was  an  article 
of  the  constitution,  that  if  a  king  should  violate  the 
rights  of  the  people,  it  was  lawful  to  dethrone  him 
and  elect  another  in  his  place.     The  representatives 
of  the  cities  held  ah  important  place  in  the  Cortes, 
without  whose  consent  no  tax  could  be  imposed :  no 
war  declared,  nor  peace  concluded.     The  institutions 
of  Castile  were  no  less  popular ;  and  in  the  Castilian 
Cortos,  as  in  the  English  Parliament,  it  was  an  an- 
cient custom  to  postpone  tlio  granting  of  supplies  to 
the  Crown,  until  grievances  had  been  redressed,  and 
other  business  affecting  the  public  welfare  concluded. 
Tliroughout  Spain,  the   cities  had  attained  extraor- 
dinary social  influence,  and  political  power.     They 
wore   wealthy   and   prosperous :    they  were   pco2)lcd 
by  noblos   and  landowners,  by  churchmen,  lawyers, 
scholars,  merchants,  traders,  and   artificers;   and  to 
defend  themselves  against  the  Moors,  they  maintained 


28  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

armed  forces.  The  nobles  being  exempt  from  taxa- 
tion, it  was  to  the  cities  that  the  kings  were  forced  to 
apply  for  pecuniary  aid ;  while  they  were  ready  to 
grant  privileges  and  immunities  in  return. 

But  Si)anish  freedom  was  now  a  thing  of  the  past. 
Decavof  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  had  increased  the 
fibeltTes.  royal  prerogative  in  Castile  and  Aragon ;  and 
1476-1493  Charles  V.  had  still  further  enlarged  the 
■*•"•  powers  of  the  Spanish  Crown.^     But  he  had 

found  a  spirit  of  freedom  and  independence  in  his 
subjects,  which  was  not  suddenly  to  be  repressed. 
The  Cortes  having  voted  a  free  gift  to  the  Emperor, 
without  a  previous  redress  of  grievances,  a  formidable 
insurrection  was  provoked.  Toledo,  Segovia,  and 
most  of  the  principal  cities  of  Castile  formed  an  armed 
confederacv,  or  holy  Junta,  for  the  redress  of 

1520  A.D.  .  1     •  •  T  , 

their  grievances,  in  a  remonstrance  to  the 
Emperor,  they  stated  the  wrongs  of  the  Castilian  peo- 
ple in  language  which,  a  century  later,  the  sturdy 
commons  of  England  repeated,  with  more  effect,  to 
the  arbitrary  Stuarts.  Their  remonstrance  not  being 
received,  they  flew  to  arms ;  and  under  the  popular 
Don  Juan  de  Padilla,  and  other  leaders,  they  boldly 
fought  against  the  royal  troops.  They  were  routed 
and  destroyed :  their  leaders  were  put  to  death  :  but 
Padilla's  heroic  widow  long  defended  Toledo,  by 
arousing  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people.  Insurrections 
also  broke  out  in  Valentia,  and  Aragon  :  but  they 
were  readily  repressed  ;  and,  in  subduing  these  popu- 
lar movements,  Charles  overthrew  the  ancient  liberties 
of  Spain.^  By  di\dding  the  nobles  and  the  commons, 
he  weakened  the  power  of  both ;   and  contrived  to 

'Robertson,  Charles  V.,  sect.  iii. 
2  Ibid.  b.  iii. 


THE   EMPEROE  CHAELES  V.  29 

reduce  the  Cortes  to  a  powerless  and  obsequious  as- 
sembly. 

Such  was  the  monarch  who  now  ruled  over  the 
Netherlands.  Absolute  king  and  emperor,  ^j^^ 
in  other  realms,  his  relations  with  his  Dutch  ^''.({g^^nder 
and  Flemish  subjects  differed  widely  from  chariesv. 
those  of  former  sovereigns, — counts  of  Holland  and 
Flanders,  and  dukes  of  Burgundy.  Provinces  which 
had  fought  successfully  against  feudal  superiors,  were 
now  the  dependencies  of  a  vast  empire.  Charles,  who 
had  overcome  the  liberties  of  his  own  land,  v/as  little 
inclined  to  respect  provincial  franchises ;  and  his 
power  Avas  too  great  to  be  trifled  with  by  turbulent 
and  rebellious  burghers. 

But  he  was  welcomed  by  his  new  subjects  as  a 
native  prince,  who  had  been  brought  up  Ncwtaxa- 
amongst  them ;  and,  at  first,  he  seemed  dis-  ^^""• 
posed  to  respect  their  liberties.  These  provinces 
were  the  richest  part  of  his  dominions,  and  the  most 
fruitful  source  of  his  revenues.  Being  at  war  with 
France,  he  urgently  needed  their  subsidies,  which 
they  granted  freely  in  reply  to  his  demands.  They 
had  no  interest  in  the  cost  of  an  empire,  and  a  Sjja- 
nish  war ;  and  the  new  taxes  fell  heavily  upon  them  : 
but  they  bore  their  burthens  cheerfully.  They  ven- 
tured, however,  to  assert  the  freedom  of  their  gifts, 
and  their  right  to  refuse  payment  of  any  tax  levied 
without  their  consent.  The  Emperor  somewhat  con- 
temptuously acknowledged  their  privileges  :  but  gave 
them  to  understand  that  he  would  allow  no  parley  as 
to  his  claims.  He  was  not  to  be  '  haggled  with  like  a 
huckster.'  The  people  were  slow  to  realise  the  change 
which  had  come  over  their  destinies.  They  had  been 
accustomed  to  resist  any  invasion  of  their  privik' 


30  THE   NETHEELANDS. 

and  they  had  not  yet  measured  the  power  of  their 
new  sovereign.  But  they  were  soon  to  learn  that 
they  held  their  liberties  at  the  mercy  of  a  ruler,  whom 
they  could  not  venture  to  defy. 

The  great  city  of  Ghent, — ever  foremost  in  resisting 
Rebellion  proviucial  sovereigns, — was  the  first  to  pro- 
voke the  wrath  of  the  Emperor.  A  heavy 
subsidy  had  been  granted  to  him,  by  the  Netherlands : 
but  the  sturdy  citizens  of  Ghent  refused  to  pay  their 
share,  upon  the  plea  that  their  consent  had  not  been 
1539 AD  sought,  according  to  their  charters.  Nor 
did  their  rebellion  rest  here.  They  even 
offered  to  surrender  their  city  to  the  king  of  France. 
But,  finding  themselves  without  help,  they  sued,  in 
vain,  for  mercy.  Again  and  again,  had  they  braved 
their  rulers  with  impunity  :  but  they  were  now  under 
the  iron  hand  of  a  new  master:  they  had  rebelled 
against  him ;  and  punishment  awaited  them. 

The  great  potentate  who  dominated  over  Europe, 
Its  punish-  ^^^^^  ^°*'  bi'ook  the  independent  spirit  of 
1510A.D.  Flemish  citizens.  He  humbled  the  proud 
city  for  its  rebellion,  by  making  its  sena- 
tors and  other  burghers  pray  for  pardon  at  his  feet 
with  halters  round  their  necks  :  he  put  several  of  the 
principal  citizens  to  death,  and  banished  many  others : 
he  abrogated  its  municipal  privileges,  and  mulcted  it 
with  heavy  fines.^  Henceforth,  the  municipal  officers 
were  to  be  appointed  by  the  Emperor  himself ;  and 
the  guilds,  reduced  in  numbers,  were  deprived  of  all 
their  rights  of  self-government. 

After  such  an  example  of  imperial  jjower,  further 

'  Robertson,  Charles  V.,  book  vi.;  Motley,  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Bepvib- 
lic,  i.  57. 


ITALY  AND  TEIE   NETHERL:VNDS  COMPABED.  31 

resistance  was  clieckod,  tlirougliout  tlie  Netherlands. 
Tlie  empire  was  so  stron<]',  and  these  little 

Tin-,  The  libir- 

proYinces  were  so  oversnadowed  by  its  power,   ''^'^  of  uio 
that  they  seemed  to  have  no  higher  destiny  i""ds  in 
than  the    Spanish   provinces  of  Aragon,  or 
Catalonia.      They  -were  the   domains   of  Spain,  and 
must  be  governed  by  the  will  of  its  autocratic  king. 
They  retained,  indeed,  their  municipal  and  provincial 
institutions  :  but  these  were  bereft  of  substantial  force. 
All  their  charters  were  held  at  the  j)leasure  of  the 
supreme  court   of   Mechlin ;    and  if  they  served  to 
maintain  the  traditions  of  former  fi'eedom,  they  offered 
no  present  security  for  the  franchises  of  the  people. 

The  fate  of  this  once  free  country,  after  centuries  of 
persistent  struggles,  now  resembled  that  of 

i.  -r»      1      1       1         1  1     .  FortnnfiS  of 

Italy.     Both  had  advanced  m  commerce,  in  ita'y  and 

'^  the  Nether- 

culture  and  m  freedom.     In  both,  municipal  '""^s  com- 

.  pared. 

institutions  had  overcome  feudalism,  and  se- 
cured fi'eedom  and  self-government  for  the  people. 
And  now  both  alike  were  under  the  arbitrary  rule  of 
kings  and  emperors.  The  Netherlands,  indeed,  had 
escaped  the  intermediate  scourge  of  usurpers  and 
tp-ants,  under  which  Italy  had  suffered.  They  had 
enjoyed  their  libei'ties  to  the  last :  they  had  asserted 
them  roughly,  and  turbulently,  after  their  own  rude 
fashion :  they  had  defied  feudal  lords  and  sovereigns, 
rival  cities,  and  civic  factions;  but  their  indepen- 
dence was  suddenly  overthrown.  Their  victories  over 
feudalism  were,  at  once,  wrested  from  them ;  and  with- 
out any  decay  of  their  political  spirit,  without  any 
decline  of  their  virtues,  without  any  social  changes, 
at  the  height  of  their  prosperity  and  jiower,  they 
were  reduced  to  the  same  political  subj<^ction  as 
Tuscany  and  Lombardy.     With  marked  diversities  in 


32  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

tlie  liistory  of  Italy  and  the  Netherlands,  no  less  than 
in  the  genius  and  character  of  their  inhabitants,  their 
protracted  struggles  for  liberty  had  been  equally  in 
vain.  In  the  sixteenth  century,  it  seemed  as  if  no- 
thing were  left  to  the  patriots  of  both  these  historic 
lands,  than  sadly  to  cherish  the  memories  of  the  j^ast, 
without  a  hope  of  the  future.  Absolute  "monarchies 
were  in  the  ascendant ;  and  the  race  of  freedom  had 
been  run.  And  such,  indeed,  was  the  lot  of  Italy,  for 
the  next  three  centuries :  but  a  more  hopeful  destiny 
awaited  the  Netherlands. 

Following  in  the  footsteps  of  Italy,  the  Netherlands 
Impending  had  illustrated  the  political  power  of  muni- 
for'reiigioiis  cipal  commuuities.  They  had  shown  how 
liberty.  ^j»^  wealth,  population  and  enlightenment  of 
towns  could  dominate  over  the  mediiTival  forces  of 
feudalism.  They  now  displayed  the  feebleness  of 
municipal  franchises,  in  presence  of  an  overmastering 
monarchy.  So  far  the  like  examples  are  to  be  found 
in  the  history  of  Italy,  of  Spain,  of  France,  and  of 
Germany.  But,  for  the  first  time  in  the  annals  of 
Europe,  the  Netherlands,  as  a  nation,  were  about  to 
enter  upon  a  new  struggle,  in  defence  of  the  rights  of 
conscience,  and  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion.  It 
was  an  heroic  struggle  which  was  to  change  their  own 
political  destinies,  and  to  promote  the  future  liberties 
of  Europe. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  NETHERLANDS  {continued). 

CHAELES  V.  AND  THE  REFORMATION — THE  CRIME  OF  PERSECDTION 
— PHILIP  II.  OF  SPAIN— WILLIAM,  PRINCE  OF  ORANGE — SEVERI- 
TIES OF  PHILIP — CRUELTIES  OP  ALVA — REVOLT  OP  THE  NETH- 
ERLANDS—THEIR HEROIC  STRUGGLES — ASSASSINATION  OF  THE 
PRINCE  OF  ORANGE — DECLARATION  OP  INDEPENDENCE — THE 
DUTCH  REPUBLIC — THE  HOUSE  OF  ORANGE — THE  FRENCH  REVO- 
LUTION—THE MONARCHY  OF  1813— REVOLUTION  OF  1813— HOL- 
LAND AND  BELGIUM. 

The  Eeformatiou, — tlie  most  signal  event  in  tlie  reign 
of  Cbarlos  Y., — was  gravely  affecting  the  re-  chariesv 
lations  of  subjects  to  their  rulers.  This  re-  ^"^„n4. 
ligious  movement  spread  rapidly  over  the  *'""• 
north  of  Europe.  It  extended  over  Germany,  Eng- 
land, Norway,  Sweden,  Denmark,  and  Switzerland. 
It  found  many  adherents  in  France,  and  in  the 
Netherlands.  The  Emperor  was  prepared  to  crush 
this  movement,  throughout  his  dominions:  but  in 
Germany  the  new  faith  was  accepted  by  so  large  a 
number  of  his  subjects,  and  by  so  many  princes  and 
fi'ee  cities,  that  it  was  beyond  his  control :  while  his 
attention  was  diverted  by  troubles  in  other  parts  of 
his  wide-spread  empire.  In  Spain,  the  Eef  on  nation 
gave  him  no  concern.  Heretics  were  promptly  pun- 
ished by  the  Inquisition ;  and  the  Spanish  mind  was 


34  THE  NETnERLAXDS. 

closed  against  tlie  doctrines  of  the  reformers.  But  in 
the  Netherlands,  where  these  obnoxious  doctrines 
were  beginning  to  be  rife,  he  was  resolved  to  lose  no 
time  in  repressing  them,  with  all  the  powers  of  an 
autocrat. 

In  order  to  arrest  the  spread  of  the  new  opinions, 
rcrsecution  Charles  resorted  to  the  severest  measures, 
nntsf"  '^^  He  decreed  that  all  converts  should  be  pun- 
1521-1523.  islied  with  death  and  forfeiture  of  their  goods. 
He  forbade,  under  like  penalties,  the  reading  of  the 
Scriptures,  private  meetings  for  worship,  and  even  re- 
ligious discussions  at  the  family  fireside.  For  the 
detection  of  offenders  he  rewarded  informers  with 
one-half  the  property  of  convicted  heretics.  And  for 
carrjdng  out  these  decrees,  he  introduced  the  terri- 
ble Inquisition.  Hence  sprang  the  foulest  religious 
persecution  that  had  disgraced  the  world  since  the  suf- 
ferings of  the  early  Christians  under  the  Eoman  Em- 
pire. The  number  of  its  victims,  during  this  reign, 
have  been  estimated  at  from  50,000  to  100,000.  "When 
constantly  increasing  numbers  adopted  the  new  faith, 
and  were  pursued  with  cruel  rigour,  the  breach  be- 
tween the  government  and  the  people  became  irrecon- 
cilable. Already  there  was  repugnance  to  the  alien 
Spaniards,  resentment  at  their  haughty  rule,  regret 
for  liberties  overthrown,  and  suffering  under  heavy 
taxation.  These  sentiments  were  now  inflamed  by 
religious  zeal  and  hatreds,  and  by  a  stubborn  spirit 
of  resistance  to  persecution. 

No  greater  crime  had  ever  been  committed  by  a 
ruler,  than  this  merciless  persecution  of  his 
a  political  Protcstaut  subjects  by  Charles  V.  These  pro- 
vinces had  been  brought  under  his  dominion, 
by  the  accident  of  a  marriage,  in  his  royal  house: 


TEESECUTION  A  NEW  FORM   OF  TYE.VNNY.  35 

tlieir  destinies  wore  iu  his  liands,  for  good  or  for 
evil:  tliey  had,  for  centuries,  been  prosperous,  and 
contented:  they  had  enriched  all  Europe  with  their 
commerce  and  industry :  they  had  advanced  the  civ- 
ilisation of  the  North  with  their  enlightened  inter- 
course :  but  all  their  claims  to  favour  and  indulgence 
were  ignored.  They  had  received  new  religious  in- 
si)irations,  not  recognised  at  Madrid ;  and  they  were 
to  be  proscribed  with  the  malignity  of  a  Marius  or  a 
Sulla. 

A  new  form  of  tyranny  had  grown  out  of  the  Eefor- 
mation.  There  had  been  earlier  examples 
of  religious  persecution :  but  now  it  had  be-  a  new  ibnn 
come  the  policy  of  rulers  to  treat  obnoxious 
creeds  with  greater  severity  than  rebellion  against  the 
State.  It  was  not  enough  that  their  people  were  good 
and  loyal  subjects,  obedient  to  the  civil  laws,  and 
zealous  in  the  service  of  their  country.  If  they  dared 
to  worship  God  in  any  other  form  than  that  pre- 
scribed by  the  State,^  they  were  punished  as  the  worst 
of  criminals.  Despotism  over  the  souls  of  Christians 
was  the  great  aim  of  statescraft,  in  the  sixteenth 
century;  and  it  was  pursued  with  a  cold-blooded 
cmelty  and  ferocity  rarely  displayed  by  the  most  im- 
placable tyrants.  If  it  was  ever  just  and  lawful  for 
subjects  to  maintain  their  civil  liberties  with  the 
sword,  it  was  now  a  solemn  duty  to  defend  the  rights 
of  conscience,  and  the  sacred  offices  of  religion.  To 
take  up  arms  for  religious  liberty,  was  a  holier  patri- 

'  At  the  Diet  of  Ausburg  in  1555,  it  wa,s  declared  tliat  the  rulers 
cf  every  German  State,  or  city,  iniglit  tolerate  or  ])r()liibit  the  Catho- 
lic or  Protestant  faitl),  at  their  jdeasure.  This  Diet  .secured  the 
toleration  of  Protestants,  but  it  admitted  the  right  of  rulers  to  de- 
termine the  faith  of  their  subjects. 


36  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

otism  than  to  draw  tlie  sword  for  civil  freedom.  The 
worst  oppression  was  tliat  wliich  coerced  tlie  soul; 
and  to  resist  it  was  the  natural  right  of  freemen.  The 
relations  of  subjects  to  their  rulers  were  now  at  once 
civil  and  religious. 

In  the  midst  of  his  persecutions,  Charles  V.  abdi- 
Phiiipn  cated,  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony,  at 
ocf'ss"'  Brussels;  and  the  Netherlands  became  the 
1555.  '  inheritance  of  the  cruel  and  malignant  bigot 
Philip  n.  of  Spain.^  Altogether  a  Spaniard,  and 
speaking  no  other  language  but  his  own,— haughty, 
sullen,  taciturn,  treacherous  and  dissembling, — this 
alien  ruler  was,  in  himself,  repugnant  to  all  the  sym- 
pathies of  his  Dutch  and  Flemish  subjects  ;  and  his 
arbitrary  and  oppressive  policy  was  soon  to  become 
intolerable.  To  allay  the  apprehensions  of  the  people 
he  swore  to  observe  all  their  charters,  privileges  and 
constitutions,  which  he  had  resolved  to  violate.  But 
ab  the  same  time  he  renewed  all  the  edicts  of  the  Em- 
peror against  heretics,  and  ordered  them  to  be  carried 
vigorously  into  execution.  He  was  met  by  startling 
proofs  of  the  independence  of  his  subjects  :  his  de- 
mand for  supplies  was  refused  by  the  Estates  of  the 
provinces :  but  a  considerable  grant  was  offered,  which 
he  was  constrained  to  accept.  They  also  demanded, 
as  a  condition  of  their  subsidies,  the  withdrawal  of 
the  Spanish  troops,  to  which  he  was  forced,  reluc- 
tantly and  with  an  ill  grace,  to  consent.  Indignant 
remonstrances  were  also  made  to  him  by  the  States- 

'  For  the  following  narrative  of  events  during  the  protracted 
struggles  of  the  Netherlands  with  Spain,  I  have  mainly  relied 
upon  Mr.  Motley's  admirable  aud  exhaustive  histories  of  the  Eise 
of  the  Butch  Republic  (1555-1584:),  and  of  the  United  Netherlands 
(1584-1609). 


WILLIAM  PEINCE  OF  ORANGE.  37 

General,  against  tlie  pillage  and  disorders  of  these 
foreign  troops. 

With  these  words  of  complaint  and  remonstrance 
ringing  in  his  ears,  and  full  of  wrath,  Philip  J^^„^,ncy  of 
left  this  uncongenial  realm  under  the  regency  Jf.Jr'.l'f^et 
of  the  Duchess  Margaret  of  Parma,  a  natural  issy-^sor. 
daughter  of  Charles  V.  The  real  ruler,  however,  was 
the  Bishop  of  Arras,  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Mech- 
lin, and  Cardinal  Granvelle, — an  artful,  ambitious  and 
accompKshed  priest,  after  Philip's  own  heart.  A  des- 
pot and  bigot  upon  principle,  slavish  towards  his 
master,  arbitrary  towards  the  people,  by  profession  a 
scourger  of  heretics,  adroit,  plausible,  and  deceitfvil, 
he  was  the  very  man  to  carry  out  Philip's  policy,  in 
Philip's  own  way.  It  was  the  aim  of  both  to  subdue 
the  proud  spirit  of  the  Netherlands,  and  to  extirpate 
heresy  from  the  land:  and  they  were  prepared  to 
reach  it  by  force,  cruelty,  treachery  and  dissimulation. 

But  monarch  and  priest  were  to  be  confronted  by 
the  OTeatest  man  of  that  age, — William  of 
Nassau,  Prince  of  Orange, — ^who  is  ever  to  be  pj:'|;|;'^;^"^ 
remembered  as  the  first  statesman,  whose 
guiding  principle  was  civil  and  religious  liberty.  A 
descendant  and  representative  of  the  former  sove- 
reigns of  the  Netherlands,  he  had  been  trained  in  the 
service  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  in  war,  diplomacy 
and  statecraft.  Trusted  and  honoured  by  Philip,  no 
less  than  by  his  father,  and  already  the  first  prince  in 
his  own  land,  he  could  have  enjoyed  all  the  dignities 
and  distinctions  which  royal  favours  could  bestow: 
but  love  of  his  country,  a  noble  ardour  for  political 
freedom  and  religious  toleration,  and  an  heroic  spirit, 
combined  to  make  him  a  patriot,  and  tlie  liberator  of 
liis  countrymen.     Tlie  high  purposos  of  his  life  re- 


38  THE  NETHEELANDS. 

ceived  their  first  impulse,  in  liis  early  youtli.  While  on 
a  mission  to  France,  in  1559,  he  learned  from  the  lips 
of  the  king  himself,^  that  he  had  entered  into  a  secret 
agreement  with  Philip,  to  extirpate  heresy  from  their 
respective  dominions,  by  the  massacre  of  all  Protes- 
tants, high  and  low ;  and  he  was  told  that  in  the  Neth- 
erlands the  Spanish  troops  would  be  the  chief  instru- 
ments of  this  massacre.  William  listened  in  silence, 
and  apparently  unmoved,  to  this  shocking  revelation : 
but,  though  himself  a  Catholic,  and  high  in  the  con- 
fidence of  his  sovereign,  he  at  once  resolved  to  coun- 
teract this  iniquitous  plot.^  He  wished  well  to  his 
own  faith:  but  the  persecution  of  innocent  men,  on 
account  of  their  religion,  was  repugnant  to  his  just 
and  noble  ua|ure  ;  and  he  recoiled,  with  horror,  from 
the  sufferings  to  which  his  own  beloved  countrymen 
were  doomed. 

He  hastened  home,  and  knowing  the  secret  ser- 
His  toiera-  vices  to  which  the  Spanish  troops  were  des- 
tined, he  prompted  the  Estates  to  insist 
upon  their  withdrawal  As  Stadtholder  of  Holland, 
Friesland  and  Utrecht,  he  received  the  king's  com- 
mands to  execute  his  bloody  edicts  against  heretics  : 
but  his  tenderness  and  mercy  made  them  harmless. 
He  had  already  incurred  Philip's  displeasure,  before 
that  tyrant  left  the  Netherlands  ;  and  as  the  scheme 
of  the  Spanish  government  was  more  fully  disclosed, 
he  braved  every  danger  to  resist  it. 

The  Netherlands  were  peculiarly  open  to  the  in- 

1  Henry  II. 

^  For  his  demeanour  on  this  occasion,  the  finest  orator  and  wTiter  of 
his  age, — the  man  whose  eloquence  swayed  councils,  senates  and 
multitudes,  whose  state-papers  were  models  of  noble  simplicity  and 
force, — was  foolishly  nicknamed  '  the  Silent.' 


POPULAR  PJ]:SISTANCE.  89 

fluGiics   of  the  Keformation.     Tliey  had  never  been 
devoted  to  Eome  :   they  liad  been  disturbed 
by  earlier   reformers, — Waldenses,  Lollards,  tile  i^for- 
Hussites, — and  now,  with  the  Lutherans  of 
Germany  on  one  side,  and  the  Hui>uenots  of  France 
on   the   other,  the   new   faith   made   rapid   progress 
amongst  them.     Its  advance  was  quickened  by  the 
wide  intercourse  of  the  people  with  foreigners  and 
their    commercial   activity.      Their   lives    and   their 
steadfast  character  prepared  them  to  maintain  inde- 
pendence of  thought  in  religion,  as  well  as  in  politi- 
cal and  municipal  affairs. 

Such  were  the  people  whom  Philip  had  resolved  to 
coerce.  The  edicts  of  Charles  were  severe  severities 
enough  :  their  severity  could  hardly  be  in-  "'"^'"''i'- 
creased ;  so  he  renewed  them,  without  alteration : 
while  he  took  credit  for  making  no  innovations  in  re- 
ligion. But,  by  increasing  the  number  of  bishops 
and  prebendaries,  he  added  to  the  active  staff  of  the 
Inquisition  ;  and  persecution  was  renewed  with  more 
severity  than  ever.  Not  satisfied  with  the  vigilance 
of  local  informers  and  inquisitors,  Philip  continually 
directed,  from  Spain,  the  torture  of  his  Flemish  sub- 
jects. Notwithstanding  his  promises,  he  had  resolved 
to  m.ake  his  Spanish  troops  assist  in  his  cruelties  : 
but  he  was  forced  to  yield  to  the  firm  resistance  of 
tlie  people  ;  and,  after  a  delay  of  some  months,  ho 
sent  tliem  out  of  the  country.  The  new  bishops  and 
inquisitors  also  excited  popular  resentment :  the  mon- 
strous persecutions  of  which  they  were  the  agents, 
were  condemned  by  all  biit  tlie  merciless  bigots,  who 
were  zealous  in  the  bloody  work. 

The  Prince   of  Orange,  and  Counts  Egmont  and 
Horn,  resented  the  power  and  the  insolence  of  Gran- 


40  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

velle.     Nobles  and  people  alike  were  opposed  to  tlie 
Spanish  government  :  they  were  unable  to  resist  the 
cruelties  of  the  Inquisition :  but  they  drove  Granvelle 
out  of  the  Netherlands.     The  king's  policy,  however, 
underwent  no  change.     No  man  was  safe  from  the  cu- 
pidity of  informers,  and  from  the  rack,  the  stake,  or  the 
gibbet  of  the  inquisitors.     If  those  who  witnessed  the 
martyi'dom  of  their  friends  and  fellow-citizens  were 
outraged,  the  royal  bigot  still  deemed  the  penalties  of 
heresy  too  lenient.     He  now  insisted  that  the 
canons  of  the  council  of  Trent  should  be  pro- 
claimed, which  excommunicated  heretics,  and  placed 
them  beyond  the  pale  of  the  law,  and  of  society. 
The  nobles  and  people  stood  aghast  at  these  in- 
creased severities.     The  Prince   of  Orange 
nobles  and    had  vaiulv  opposed  them :  even  the  council 

people.  .... 

had  desired  their  mitigation :  but  the  King 
was  inflexible  ;  and  the  Prince  foresaw  that  there  was 
no  longer  any  hope  for  the  outraged  people,  but  in 
rebellion.  The  first  active  measures  were  taken  by 
the  nobles.  They  signed  a  protest  known  as  'the 
compromise  : '  they  presented  a  '  request '  to  the  Re- 
gent, for  redress  of  grievances ;  and  formed  themselves 
into  a  riotous  confederacy,  called  Les  Gueux,  or  '  the 
Beggars.'  The  Prince  and  Counts  Egmont 
and  Horn,  held  aloof  from  these  movements, 
which  they  vainly  sought  to  moderate.  While  the 
Prince  was  striving,  with  earnest  statesmanship,  to 
obtain  concessions  fi'om  the  government,  the  young 
nobles  were  bringing  discredit  upon  the  national  cause, 
by  their  levity  and  convivial  frolics. 

The  council  was  persuaded  to  recommend  some 
Mission  to  trifling  mitigation  of  the  cruel  edicts,  and  to 
PMiip,         send  the  Marquis  Berghen  and  Baron  Mon- 


THE  ICONOCLASTS.  41 

tigni  on  a  mission  to  Madrid.  But  tlie  mission  was 
fruitless,  and  tlie  ill-fated  envoys  fell  victims  to  the 
wrath  of  the  cruel  and  perfidious  Philip.^ 

Meanwhile  the  executions  of  sectaries  were  con- 
tinued with  sickening  barbarity  :  but  severity  coniinnod 
seemed  to  multiply  their  numbers,  and  to  in-  ^ar'ja"^'*-'^- 
crease  their  zeal.  At  length,  maddened  by  their  hatred 
of  a  persecuting  Church,  the  people  rose  in  the  prin- 
cipal cities  throughout  the  Netherlands,  and  destroyed 
the  sacred  emblems  of  Catholic  worship.  The  ^j^^  ^^^^^ 
noble  churches  were  desecrated,  their  pic-  *^'"^''^-  ^''^• 
tures  and  statues  defaced,  their  costly  monuments  of 
marble  and  precious  stones  demolished.  The  inquisi- 
tors were  exterminating  thousands  of  men  and  wo- 
men :  the  furious  multitude  were  destroying  the  proud 
works  of  human  genius.  Religious  hatreds,  thus  ex- 
acerbated, threatened  civil  war.  Armed  bodies  of 
Catholics,  Lutherans  and  Calvinists,  thirsted  for  each 
others'  blood.  At  Antwerp  they  were  only  restrained 
from  deadly  conflict,  by  the  influence  and  judgment  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange. 

The  people  were  now  threatened  with  a  darker 
doom.  Philip  had  resolved  to  rule  his  re-  t,,,^  p,,,^^ 
bellious  subjects  with  a  stronger  hand ;  and  ''^  ^^'"^■ 
Alva  was  coming  to  the  Netherlands,  with  a  Spanish 
army.  It  was  his  mission  to  trample  out  rebellion 
and  heresy  with  his  soldieiy  ;  and  how  was  he  to  be 
resisted  ?  The  Prince  of  Orange  knew  but  too  well 
the  fate  which  was  impending  over  his  country :  but 
he  stood  alone.  He  had  not  one  foreign  ally:  the 
confederation  of  frivolous  nobles  who  had  made  merry 

'  Bcrghen  died  of  prief  in  1507,  not  without  suspicion  of  poison  ; 
and  Montigni  was  privately  executed  in  prison  in  1570. 


4Q  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

as  'beggars'  was  dissolved :  Counts  Egmont  and  Horn, 
— the  foremost  men  of  the  Netherlands,  next  to  the 
Prince  himself, — still  put  their  trust  in  Philip,  and 
would  not  raise  the  standard  of  revolt  against  him : 
the  provinces  were  without  concert  or  preparation ; 
and  the  people  without  arms  or  discipline.  If  nobles 
and  people  had  cordially  united  under  the  Prince,  Alva 
might  possibly  have  been  held  at  bay  :  but  resistance 
was  now  hopeless.  The  Prince  retired  into  exile,  in 
time  to  escape  the  death  to  which  Philip  had  already 
sentenced  him.^  In  vain  he  warned  Counts  Egmont 
and  Horn  of  their  danger.  They  relied  upon  their 
own  loyalty,  and  public  services,  and  the  good  faith  of 
their  king ;  and  their  confidence  was  repaid  by  the 
forfeiture  of  their  lives,  upon  the  scaffold. 

Alva  at  once  established  a  revolting  tyranny, — to 
UN  cmci-  ^^  execrated  in  all  ages.  His  devilish  '  coun- 
ties. i5Gr.  (3Ji  Qf  blood '  struck  terror  into  the  hearts  of 
the  people.  Its  mission  was  to  punish  all  persons 
concerned  in  the  late  troubles  :  it  was  supreme  over 
all  other  courts  :  it  was  restrained  by  no  laws  but  its 
own  will :  it  took  cognisance  of  all  offences  committed, 
or  even  not  prevented ;  and  every  act  of  opposition  to 
the  government, — even  the  signing  of  petitions  for  re- 
dress,— was  condemned  as  high  treason,  and  punished 
with  death.  It  may  be  briefly  described,  indeed,  as  a 
State  Inquisition.  Its  commissioners  were  despatched 
all  over  the  country  to  discover  delinquents;  and 
upon  their  reports  the  council  promptly  decided.  In 
three  months  this  dread  tribunal  had  doomed  to  death 
no  less  than  1,800  victims.  Men  of  high  rank  and 
character,  and  acknowledged  loyalty,  suffered  death 

'  Motley,  Dutch  Republic,  ii.  92. 


ALVA  AS  GOVEENOPv-GENERAL.  43 

for  tlieir  patriotism  or  humanity.  Not  to  have  ap- 
proved of  every  measure  of  Philip's  tyrauny  was  high 
treason.  To  be  rich  was  a  dangerous  crime,  for  con- 
fiscations formed  the  greater  part  of  Alva's  financial 
resources.  Crowds  would  have  fled  from  the  accursed 
land  of  their  birth  :  but  the  'butcher'  Alva  had  closed 
every  outlet,  and  held  his  victims  firmly  in  his  toils. 
There  was  terror  and  mourning  throughout  the  land : 
every  household  was  stricken  and  sorrowful:  the 
whole  nation  was  in  tears.  No  crime  so  great  had  yet 
disgraced  the  history  of  Christendom.  Many  had 
been  the  crimes  of  tyranny  and  bigotry  :  but  none, — • 
not  even  those  of  the  Inquisition  itself, — could  equal, 
in  calculating  malignity,  this  concerted  crime  of  Philip 
and  Alva. 

The  heart  of  Philip  was  gladdened  by  the  wretched- 
ness of  his  people ;  and  Alva  was  rewarded 
for  the  innocent  blood  he  had  shed.  The  oovUiior- 
Duchess  of  Parma  retired  from  the  sickening 
scene ;  and  Alva  ruled  supreme  as  governor-general 
of  the  provinces.  The  council  had  been  indefatiga- 
ble :  but  blood  enough  had  not  yet  been  shed ;  and 
the  Spanish  Inquisition  came  to  Alva's  aid.  By  a  sen- 
tence of  that  holy  court,' — which  reads  like  a  solemn 
pleasantry, — all  the  inhabitants  of  the  Netherlands 
were  condemned  to  death,  as  heretics.  It  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  royal  proclamation,  directing  the  sentence 
to  be  immediately  executed,  without  respect  for  ago 
or  station.^  This  monstrous  sentence  did  not  aim  at 
extermination :  but  it  conferred  absolute  power  over 
the   lives   of    every   man,   woman   and   child  in   the 

■February  IG,  1508. 

"^  Motley,  Dutch  ItcpMic,  ii.  158. 


4i  THE  NETHEELAKDS. 

Netlierlands,  without  proof  of  heresy,  without  trial, 
without  a  hearing.  Why  should  any  be  heard?  Were 
they  not  already  condemned?  They  who  escaped 
their  doom,  were  to  be  accounted  fortunate.  And 
thus  blood  flowed  out ;  and  Alva's  exchequer  flou- 
rished. It  was  the  work  of  demons,  profaning  the 
name  of  religion. 

The  Prince  of  Orange,  though  out  of  the  realm,  was 
outiawi-  cited  before  the  blood  council,  condemned 
Pr/ilife  of  ^^^  outlawed.  His  property  was  confiscated, 
Orange.  g^^^  j^jg  eldest  SOU  seized  at  the  college  of 
Louvain  and  sent  captive  into  Spain.  He  published 
a  noble  'justification'  of  himself;  and  proclaimed  to 
the  world  the  wrongs  of  his  suffering  country.  Mean- 
while he  had  resolved  to  do  battle  with  the 
tyrant :  he  was  appealing  to  the  sympathies 
of  the  Protestant  provinces  of  Germany :  he  was  in 
correspondence  with  England,  and  with  the  Huguenots 
of  France  :  he  was  raising  money  and  enlisting  troops. 
He  sold  his  own  plate,  jewels  and  furniture ;  and  he 
gathered  subscriptions  from  princes,  nobles,  cities 
and  private  individuals.  He  was  absolutely  without 
personal  ambition :  he  was  no  revolutionary  leader : 
but  he  was  striving  to  restore  the  liberties  of  his 
country,  and  to  resist  tyranny  and  persecution. 

Alva  was  now  threatened  with  an  invasion  to  rescue 
the  Netherlands  from  his  grasp.  Never  were  troops 
led  to  fight  in  a  nobler,  or  a  holier  cause, — the  rescue 
of  a  whole  people  from  oppression.  But  the  incidents 
of  the  long  struggle  between  the  patriot  Prince  and 
the  Spaniards  cannot  be  related  here.  The  first  cam- 
paign, with  the  exception  of  a  single  victory  by  Prince 
Louis  of  Nassau,  was  disastrous :  the  invading  forces 
were  routed  and  destroyed ;  and  Alva  was  stronger  and 


EFFORTS  OF  THE  PMNCE  OF  ORANGE.  45 

fiercer  than  ever.  Tlie  Prince's  friends  were  discour- 
aged, and  advised  liim  to  desist  from  further  efforts : 
the  Emperor  Maximilian  commanded  him  to  lay  down 
liis  arms :  but  the  heroic  William  was  not  to  be  turned 
aside  from  his  great  mission,  by  defeat  and  dangers. 

The  cause  he  had  esj)oused  was  now  doubly  sacred 
in  his  eyes.     Hitherto  he  had  striven  as  a 
patriot  to   save  his   country  from  persecu-  Prince's 
tion :  but  he  had  now  renounced  the  Catholic 
Church;   and  the  martyred  Protestants  were  of  his 
own  brotherhood.     His  faith  was  grave  and  earnest, 
as  became  his  great  soul :  but  he  was  superior  to  the 
fanaticism  of  his  age.     "While  yet  a  Catholic,  he  had 
protected  Protestants;   and  now  his  toleration   em- 
braced Catholics,  and  every  sect  of  reformers.     In  an 
age  of  narrow  bigotry,  he  stood  alone  as  the  chamjiion 
of  religious  liberty.     Catholics,  Lutherans,  Calvinists 
and  Anabaptists  were  ready  to  burn  one  another :  but 
he  was  resolute  to  protect  them  all  alike. 

The  council  and  the  Inquisition  still  thirsted  for 
more  blood :  but  executions  had  ceased  to  be 
productive  to  the  revenue.     The  richest  men  oi)|.rcssion. 
had  already  perished :  commerce  and  indus- 
try had  been  stricken  by  the  reign  of  terror.     Alva 
was,  therefore,  driven  to  financial  expedients  less  sim- 
ple than  confiscation.    He  assembled  the  Estates,  and 
demanded  taxes  which  would  have  utterly  ruined  their 
trade.^    Overawed  by  Alva,  they  were,  at  first,  disposed 
to  assent  to  this  ruinous  taxation :  but  ultimately  they 
obtained  a  commutation.     Utrecht,  more  resolute  in 
its  resistance,  was  cruelly  punished  for  its  contumacy. 

'  Among  tlicm  was  a  tax  of  ten  per  cent,  on  every  aalo  of  mer- 
chandise. 


46  THE  NETHEBLANDS. 

Pliilip  and  Alva  were,  at  length,  shamed  into  an 
^,^  jjp^  amnesty.  Not  that  they  were  weary  of  shed- 
nesty.  1570.  ding  blood :  but  the  country  was  desolated ; 
and  its  sufferings  had  become  a  scandal  throughout 
Europe.  To  save  appearances,  therefore,  an  act  of 
grace  was  proclaimed,  by  which  none  were  pardoned. 
In  the  words  of  Mr.  Motley,  *  the  innocent  were  alone 
forgiven.'  It  was  a  cruel  mockery  of  the  wretched 
people ;  and  no  one  was  deceived  by  its  merciful  pre- 
tences. 

Alva  now  revived  his  ruinous  scheme  of  taxation, 
which  was  everywhere  resisted.  The  crushed 
the  Nether-  people  Were  almost  goaded  to  revolt,  when  a 
timely  diversion  was  made  in  their  favour,  by 
a  descent  of  privateers,  in  the  service  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  upon  the  coast  of  Holland,  and  the  occupa- 
tion of  Walcheren.  At  length  there  was  hope  for  the 
people :  city  after  city  rose  up  against  its  magistrates 
and  raised  the  Prince's  banner:  Holland,  Zealand, 
Friesland  and  Utrecht  were  soon  entirely  his  own. 
He  was  proclaimed  stadtholder:  but  allegiance  was 
sworn  to  the  king  of  Spain. 

At  a  congress  of  the  northern  provinces  at  Dort, 
Congress  of  *^^®  Priuce  obtained  liberal  supplies,  and 
^"'■'-  raised   an   army.     He  marched  boldly  on- 

wards: many  cities, — Mechlin  among  the  number, — 
declared  in  his  favour :  he  was  supported  by  auxiliary 
forces  from  France,  whence  he  was  promised  other  re- 
inforcements. Mons  had  been  seized  by  a  successful 
raid  of  Count  Louis  of  Nassau;  and  he  seemed  on 
the  point  of  reconquering  the  Netherlands  from  its 
oppressors,  when  his  prospects  were  sudden- 
st.  Baitho-    ly  darkened  by  the  astounding;  intellicjence 

lomew  on 

of  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew.     It  was 


MASSACBE  OF  ST.  B.VETHOLOMEW.  47 

a  heavy  blow  to  the  Protestant  cause,  and  destroyed 
all  hope  of  further  assistance  from  France. 

Again  was  the  Prince  obliged  to  disband  his  army, 
and  retire  into  Holland,  leaving  Mons  and 
Mechlin  to  the  savage  vengeance  of  Alva,  tiiestonoi- 
while  other  cities  again  bowed  their  necks 
before  the  conqueror.  Flanders  and  Brabant  were 
soon  subdued:  but  the  contest  continued  to  rage  in 
Holland.     The  sieges  of   Harlem  and  Alk- 

.  .  .        137:i-73 

maar  are  memorable  in  history,  for  the  heroic 
courage  and  endurance  of  their  citizens, — worthy  of 
the  great  cause  for  which  they  fought. 

With  some  brilliant  successes,  but  many  grievous 
losses,  the  Prince  still  maintained  his  ground,  jjj^ 
in  the  northern  provinces,  with  straitened  re-  "'^'i^'ity- 
sources :  seeking  everywhere  for  help,  and  as  yet  find- 
ing none.  Without  advisers  or  agents,  he  performed 
all  the  labours  of  the  State ;  and  he  was  in  correspon- 
dence with  most  of  the  courts  of  Europe.  He  was 
often  grieved  by  the  excesses  of  his  own  followers, 
who  had  caught  the  contagion  of  Spanish  ferocity: 
but  he  was  ever  constant  and  hopeful.  The  two  great 
purposes  of  his  life  were  freedom  of  conscience,  and  the 
recovery  of  the  ancient  liberties  of  the  commonwealth. 

His  hopes  were  soon  to  bo  raised,  once  more,  by 
the  retirement  of  the  tyrant  Alva  from  the 

%-^      111  £    'lA        Retirement 

scene  of  his  cruelties.  He  had  been  laitn-  or  Aiva. 
ful  to  his  master:  he  had  not  spared  the 
rod,  but  his  victims  were  not  reduced  to  slavery  by 
his  chastisements:  he  had  slain  multitudes,  in  bat- 
tles and  sieges :  his  rule  had  been  signalised  by  more 
than  eighteen  thousand  executions :  he  had  scourged 
the  land  with  confiscation,  pillage,  and  the  outrages 
of  a  brutal  soldiery:  but  the  Prince  of  Orange  still 


48  THE  NETHEBLAm)S. 

defied  his  power,  and  Protestants  had  multif)lied. 
He  had  wrung  ruinous  taxes  from  the  people  :  but  his 
treasury  was  empty,  and  his  trooj)s  were  without  pay. 
His  name  had  become  a  reproach  throughout  Europe : 
yet  his  cruel  mission  had  j)roved  a  failure. 

With  a  new  governor,  some  change  in  the  fortunes 
Don  Lnia  de  ^^  *^®  country  might  be  hoped  for ;  and  Don 
Keque^ens.  L^is  de  Requeseus,  grand  commander  of 
Castile,  was  believed  to  be  coming  to  rule  by  con- 
ciliation and  clemency.  To  gain  time  and  to  deceive 
and  divide  his  enemies,  he  favoured  the  illu- 
sion, and  talked  of  an  amnesty  :  but  no  such 
purpose  was  in  the  gloomy  mind  of  Philip,  who  would 
grant  no  pardon  to  heretics.  After  many  months,  a 
mock  amnesty  was  issued,  granting  pardon  to  all  who 
should  become  reconciled  to  the  Church  of  Rome.  It 
was  received  with  scorn  by  the  stout  Calvinists  of 
Holland. 

Meanwhile,  the  war  was  continued  with  varying 
The  sietje  fortuues.  At  sea  the  patriot  fleets  were  vic- 
of  Leydcu.     {^qj-jq^q  .  \yyi\^  on  land  an  army  under  Count 

Louis  was  cut  to  pieces ;  and  that  gallant  com- 
mander, the  very  right  hand  of  Orange,  and  his 
brother  Count  Henry,  lost  their  lives.  But  the  great 
event  of  this  period  was  the  remarkable  siege  of 
Leyden — unique  in  history.  The  courage  and  con- 
stancy of  its  citizens  :  the  marvellous  strategy  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  who  called  in  the  ocean  Wtives  to 
circumvent  the  besieging  Spaniards  :  the  devotion  of 
the  husbandmen,  who  cheerfully  gave  up  their  lands 
and  houses  to  the  devouring  flood  :  the  advance  of 
Admiral  Boissot's  fleet,  over  fields,  through  dykes, 
and  under  fortresses  bristling  with  cannon,  to  the  re- 
lief of  the  beleaguered  city  ;  and  the  solemn  thanks- 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  DELFT.  4Q 

giving  of  the  survivors  of  the  siege,  are  incidents 
which  have  consecrated,  for  all  time,  this  heroic 
struggle,  and  its  holy  cause. 

At  the  instance  of  the  Emperor  Maximilian  negotia- 
tions for  peace  were  now  commenced ;  and  Negotin-  - 
conferences  were  held  at  Breda  to  arrange  prace!^""^ 
its  terms.  But  the  obstinate  bigotry  of  the  ^^•'^• 
king  rendered  them  hopeless.  The  people  of  Hol- 
land and  Zealand  had  now  become  Protestants  :  few 
Catholics  were  to  be  found  amongst  them  :  3-et  Philip 
insisted  that  the  Catholic  faith  should  be  restored 
throughout  the  Netherlands.  One  concession,  in- 
deed, he  made  to  Protestants.  They  were  permitted 
to  sell  their  goods,  and  leave  the  country.  In  other 
words,  the  inhabitants  of  the  entire  provinces  were  to 
submit  to  confiscation  and  banishment !  The  con- 
ferences were  broken  off,  and  the  civil  war  continued. 
To  strengthen  the  national  cause,  the  union   .„   . 

•^  Allogiancc 

of  Holland  and  Zealand  was  agreed  upon,  toPfuiip 
and  the  Prince  of  Orange  became  the  ruler 
of  the  United  Provinces.  This  was  followed  by  the 
unanimous  resolution  of  the  nobles  and  cities,  assem- 
bled in  a  Diet  at  Delft,  to  renounce  their  allegiance 
to  the  king,  and  to  seek  foreign  assistance.  They 
had  no  thought  of  founding  a  republic  :  but  were 
ready  to  submit  themselves  to  some  other  monarch, 
less  bigoted  and  cruel  than  Philip. 

The    sud.'kn   death   of  De  Eequoscns  placed  the 
government,    for    a    time,    under    the    State  ^,_^.p^,j^      , 
council  of  Brussels,  and  afforded  a  brief  in-  i^^-^^^i 
terval  of  repose  to  the  distracted  provinces. 
The  Prince  redoubled  his  efforts  to  strengthen  the 
national  party.     At  the  congress  of  Delft,  he  ^^^^.,^  j^„g 
reconstituted  the  union  of  Holland  and  Zca- 
voi>.  ir. — 3 


50  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

land,  upon  a  representative  basis  :  the  reformed  faith 
was  established,  but  no  man  was  to  be  troubled  on 
account  of  his  belief  or  conscience  ;  and  supreme, 
if  not  dictatorial,  authority  was  conferred  upon  the 
Prince  himself.  Here  was  laid  the  foundation  of  the 
future  republic. 

Help  was  urgently  needed  from  abroad.  The 
Forei?!!  aid  couutry  had  been  laid  waste  by  war,  and 
witiiheid.  ^j^^  truculent  severities  of  the  Spaniards :  its 
resources  in  men  and  money  were  unequal  to  the  con- 
flict with  its  oppressors.  But  help  there  was  none. 
The  Queen  of  Protestant  England  was  profuse  in  ex- 
pressions of  good-will,  but  held  her  purse-strings 
tight :  in  France,  attempts  to  conciliate  the  Hugue- 
nots had  raised  the  hopes  of  the  Prince,  without  pre- 
sent result :  in  Germany  there  was  coldness  towards 
the  Protestant  cause,  and  bitterness  between  rival 
sects  ;  and  the  Prince's  unceasing  diplomacy  was  un- 
fruitful. 

And  now  there  came  a  new  and  unexpected  scourge 

.  upon  the  people.    The  Spanish  troops,  which 

Spanish  had  been  so  long  the  bloody  agents  of  op- 
pression, had  grievances  of  their  own.  They 
had  done  their  hateful  work,  but  were  denied  their 
pay.  There  had  already  been  mutinies  for  the  same 
cause  :  and,  at  length,  the  whole  army  was  in  revolt, 
and  preparing  to  pay  itself  by  general  pillage.  That 
such  savages  should  be  let  loose  upon  a  defenceless 
people  was  a  fearful  evil :  but  it  held  out  hopes  for 
the  popular  cause. 

With  a  mutinous  army,  the  government  was  re- 
coneress  duced  to  impoteuce ;  and  the  universal  hatred 
of  Ghent.  ^j  ^^-^q  Spauish  soldiery,  might  prove  the 
ground  of  union  among  all  the  provinces.   The  Prince, 


THE   'SPAKISn  rUEY.'  51 

with  his  usual  sagacity,  seized  tlie  occasion,  and  as- 
sembled a  congress  of  all  tlie  provincial  Estates  at 
Ghent ;  the  State  council  at  Brussels  was  arrested ; 
and,  for  a  time,  the  Sj)anish  rule  seemed  at  an  end. 
But  the  terrible  soldiery  were,  in  the  midst  TiiiSpanisii 
of  the  people,  like  unchained  devils, — plun-  *"'^ ■  ^^'''• 
dering,  murdering,  ravishing.  Maestricht  was  sacked, 
and  its  people  butchered.  The  opulent  city  of  Ant- 
werp, however,  suffered  most  from  their  brutality : 
it  was  wantonly  set  on  fii'e,  and  its  finest  buildings 
burned  to  ashes  ;  its  citizens  were  murdered  by  thou- 
sands, their  women  outraged,  and  their  property 
stolen,  wasted  and  destroyed.  This  devils'  work  was 
execrated  as  the  'Spanish  Fury,' — a  wrong  never  to  bo 
forgotten  or  forgiven. 

This  awful  tragedy  quickened  the  deliberations  of 
the  congress ;  and  on  November  8,  a  treaty 

,  ,  ,  .  ,  Pncification 

between  the  several  provinces  was  agreed  to,  of  cihent.^ 
known  as  the  pacification  of  Ghent.  The 
provinces  bound  themselves  to  unite  in  expelling  the 
foreign  soldiery  ;  the  Protestant  faith  was  established 
in  Holland  and  Zealand,  and  entitled  to  toleration  in 
the  other  provinces;  and  the  Inquisition  was  con- 
demned. This  treaty,  confirmed  by  popular  acclama- 
tion, seemed  the  commencement  of  a  new  era  in  the 
sad  history  of  the  Netherlands. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  new  governor,  Don  John  of 
Austria,  the  Estates  were  able  to  dictate  con- 

T ,  .  ,   .  .  „     T  ,       Concessions 

ditions  to  his  assumption  oi  the  government.   or]).)M.h)im 

mi  n  T     1   •  IT  ul  Aiislria. 

ihey  forced  him  to  agree  to  the  departure 
of  the  foreign  troops;  and  the  Spanish  forces  were 
actually  sent  away.    They  extorted  from  him  a  colour- 
able adherence  to  the  pacification  of  Ghent,  and  pro- 
mises to  maintain  the  charters  and  constitutions  of 


52  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

the  Netherlands.  But,  on  their  side,  they  bound 
themselves  to  maintain  the  Catholic  faith,  and  to 
disband  their  trooj)s.^  The  Prince  of  Orange  was 
ill  pleased  with  these  conditions.  He  distrusted  the 
governor :  he  saw  deceit  and  artifice  in  his  conces- 
sions ;  and  was  indignant  that  securities  were  wanting 
for  the  Protestant  faith.  In  vain  Don  John  attempted 
to  gain  over  the  Prince,  by  fair  promises.  The  leader 
of  the  patriot  party  was  not  to  be  moved  from  his 
watchful  and  vigorous  resistance  to  Philij^,  either  by 
offers  of  personal  rewards,  or  by  hollow  professions 
of  lenity  to  his  people. 

Don  John,  however,  by  his  concessions,  secured  his 

acknowledgment  as  governor,  and  endeav- 
efforts  of      oured  to  win  popularity  by  mixing  freely  with 

the  people.  The  Prince,  meanwhile,  was  striv- 
ing to  strengthen  his  party  in  the  States.  He  gained 
little  support  from  the  nobles,  who,  however  much 
opposed  to  the  Spaniards,  were  fearful  of  taking  an  ac- 
tive part  against  the  government,  and  were  generally 
Catholics.  But  he  found  the  heartiest  sympathy,  and 
most  courageous  self-sacrifice,  from  the  middle  classes. 
It  was  among  them  that  the  Reformation  had  taken 
root :  they  suffered  most  in  their  trade  and  industry, 
from  the  oppression  of  the  Spaniards  ;  and  they  were 
animated  by  the  same  love  of  freedom  as  their  burgher 
ancestors.  There  lay  the  Prince's  strength  ;  and  there 
has  been  found  the  spring  and  source  of  liberty,  in  all 
ages  and  in  all  countries. 

As  the  governor's  power  was  weakened,  the  Prince 

His  a?cen-     of  Orange  recovered  his  ascendency  through- 

®"^^''         out  the  provinces.     He  was  invited  to  Brus- 

'  The  Perpetual  Edict,  signed  February  17, 1577. 


ASCENDENCY  OF  ORANGE.  53 

sels  by  tlie  Estates  :  he  was  received  everywhere  in 
triumph;  and  was  elected  to  the  ancient  office  of 
Euward  of  Brabant,  and  Stadtholder  of  Flanders. 
The  Netherlands  were  again  under  his  rule.  Even  in 
the  more  Catholic  provinces,  the  people  were  on  his 
side :  but  the  nobles  were  plotting  against  him.  They 
endeavoured  to  supplant  him,  by  inviting  the  Arch- 
duke Matthias  to  assume  the  government :  but  their 
intrigues  were  counteracted  by  the  prudence  and  self- 
denial  of  the  Prince,  who  was  willing  to  take  for  him- 
self a  second  place.  Again  and  again  was  he  obliged 
to  deplore  the  inconstancy  and  treachery  of  the  no- 
bles. Even  when  they  oifered  resistance  to  the  gov- 
ernment, they  were  rash,  precipitate  and  violent,  and 
did  little  to  sustain  his  general  policy.  His  solo  reli- 
ance was  upon  the  people. 

The  Estates  were  persuaded  by  the  Prince  of  Orange 
to  adopt  a  remarkable  act  of  toleration.    The  t,.     .t  • 

■••  New  Union 

Pacification  of  Ghent  had  recognised  the  tol-  "^  B'"sseis. 
'eration  of  reformers :  the  New  Union  of  ^^''^^• 
Brussels  bound  all  communions  to  protect  each  other 
from  persecution.  The  Estates  also  agreed  to  a  free 
representative  constitution  of  the  Netherlands.  It 
was  a  great  triumph  of  the  Prince's  policy :  'but  it  was 
short-lived.  In  presence  of  the  Spanish  power,  the 
State  was  not  to  be  governed  by  the  resolutions  of  a 
congress,  but  by  the  sword.  The  Prince's  diplomacy 
and  recent  successes  had,  at  length,  secured  promises 
of  aid  fi'om  Elizabeth  of  England.  It  was  the  begin- 
ning of  that  course  of  meanness,  irresolution,  deceit 
and  treachery,  by  which  the  Queen  brought  discredit 
upon  herself,  and  embarrassment  to  the  Netherlands. 
As  yet,  however,  the  Prince  had  notliing  but  native 
levies  and  mercenaries,  commanded  by  nobles,  unskil- 


54  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

ful  in  war,  and  of  doubtful  loyalty  to  liimself  and  to 
liis  cause.  A  few  weeks  after  the  Union  of  Brussels, 
these  forces  were  utterly  destroyed  in  the  disastrous 
battle  of  Gemblours  ;  and  the  Netherlands  seemed 
again  at  the  mercy  of  the  Spanish  governor. 

The  Prince  was  expecting  help  from  England  and 
The  Prince  ^^^  France,  when  one  other  hope  was  found, 
ofParma.  fQj.  ^j^g  national  cause,  in  the  illness  and 
death  of  Don  John  of  Austria.  This  hope,  however, 
was  doomed  to  speedy  disappointment.  Don  John 
was  succeeded  by  the  Prince  of  Parma,  the  ablest 
and  most  politic  of  all  the  governors  by  whom  the 
Netherlands  had  yet  been  ruled.  The  English  contin- 
gent,— unpaid  and  demoralized, — was  soon  broken  up ; 
and  the  Duke  d'Alen§on  disbanded  his  French  troops, 
and  retired  into  France.  Meanwhile,  the  new  gov- 
ernor, with  Italian  subtlety,  was  undermining  the  con- 
federacy by  corruption.  The  Catholic  nobles  of  the 
South  were  jealous  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  :  they  had 
no  sympathy  for  the  people  :  they  were  estranged,  by 
their  religion,  from  the  national  cause ;  and  they  fore- 
saw more  profit  from  the  king  of  Spain,  than  from  a 
popular  stadtholder.  Tempted  by  high  rewards,  they 
were  able  -to  detach  the  five  Walloon  provinces^  from 
the  union.  The  inhabitants  were  chiefly  Catholics,  of 
Celtic  blood,  and  alien  tongue ;  and  they  were  an  agri- 
cultural people,  with  little  of  the  intelligence  of  the 
commercial  provinces  of  the  North.  They  readily  fol- 
lowed their  faithless  leaders,  and  withdrew 

1579 

from  the  national  union,  which  they  had  so 
recently  joined.  This  schism  was  a  greater  triumph  to 
absolutism,  and  the  Catholic  Church,  than  any  which 
the  arms  of  Alva  had  effected. 

'  Viz.  Ilainault,  Artois,  Lille,  Douay,  and  Orcliies. 


THE  UNION  OF  UTRECHT.  55 

Tliis  perilous  defection  was  immediately  met  by  the 
Union  of  Utreclit,  by  wliich  the  Prince  of  t^^  union 
Orange  brought  together  the  seven  j)rovinces  ^^  utrecht. 
of  Holland,  Zealand,  Utrecht,  Gelderland,  Zutphen, 
and  the  two  Frisian  provinces,  into  a  league  which  was 
eventually  to  grow  into  the  republic  of  the  United  ^ 
Netherlands.     In  this,  as  in  every  other  act  of  the 
Prince,  the  principle  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  was 
maintained ;  all  local  constitutions  being  upheld,  and 
freedom  of  conscience  respected. 

The  diplomacy  of  Parma  was  seconded  by  equal 
vigour  in  arms.  Maestricht  fell,  after  a  de-  Attempts  to 
fence  as  heroic  as  that  of  Harlem  or  Leyden,  0^"% 
and  was  punished  with  a  truculent  severity,  ^^'^• 
worthy  of  Alva  himself.  Encouraged  by  his  success 
with  the  nobles,  Parma  next  approached  the  Prince 
of  Orange  with  offers  of  high  reward :  but  that  noble 
soul  put  them  aside  as  treason  to  his  country.  His 
trusted  friends,  men  whose  wrongs  might  have  secured 
their  constancy,  were  seduced  from  his  side  by  bribes 
and  high  commands:  he  was  surrounded  by  treach- 
ery: but  —  ruined  and  afflicted  as  he  was — he  was 
proof  against  every  interest  but  that  of  his  noble 
cause. 

Finding  Orange  superior  to  the  subtle  arts  of  Parma, 
the  king  now  tried  intimidation.  He  had  long  ^^.^  excom- 
since  favoured  the  secret  assassination  of  his  "'v'uic'kin'' 
foe ;  and  now  he  fulminated  against  him  a  ban  ^^■ 
of  civil  excommunication.^  Ho  denounced  him  as  an 
enemy  to  the  Luman  race:  gave  his  property' to  any- 
one who  should  seize  it;  and  offered  25,000  crowns, 
and  a  title  of  nobility,  as  reward  for  his  assassination. 

'  Dated  March  15,  1580  :  but  not  publislicd  until  Juno. 


66  THE   NETHERLANDS. 

This  infamous  edict, — infamous  even  in  a  king  already 

stained  by  every  crime, — was  nobly  answered 
Princess  ^     ]jj  tlie  Prince,  in  an  '  apology,'  in  wliich  he 

proudly  vindicated  himself  and  his   cause; 
and  hurled  defiance  and  rebuke  at  his  oppressor. 
Hitherto  the  national  party  had  continued  to  profess 

allegiance  to  the  Spanish  crown:  but  when 
aiie^anle  all  liope  of  coucessious  had  passed  away, 
northern       they  began   to   discuss,   with   freedom,   the 

recijDrocal  rights  and  duties  of  princes  and 
their  subjects.  Forfeiture  of  hereditary  right,  by 
crimes  against  the  people,  was  boldly  maintained 
by  the  Prince  in  his  apology ;  and  it  was  plain  that 
the  northern  provinces  would  soon  declare  their  inde- 
pendence. 

Whatever  the  form  of  their  government, — whether 
Tiie  Prince  Constitutional  monarchy,  or  republic, — there 
govern-*'''"  was  but  one  man  fit  to  rule  them:  the  pa- 
ment.  1580.  ^.^.-^j.  p^jj^^Q  ^j^q  j^^^  achieved  their  freedom. 

With  a  magnanimity  peculiar  to  himself,  the  Prince 
renounced  his  proper  place  in  the  commonwealth. 
He  had  sacrificed  everything  for  his  country;  and 
now  that  the  highest  reward  of  a  patriot  states- 
man,— the  power  by  which  he  could  best  serve  his 
countrymen, — was  pressed  upon  him,  he  waved  it 
aside  as  a  bauble,  and  offered  humble  service  to  the 
State. 

This  self-sacrifice  was  due,  however,  not  to  any 
His  want  of  confidence  in  himself, — not  to  any 

motives.  shrinking  fi'om  peril  or  responsibility, — not 
even  to  fear  of  misconstruction  by  his  enemies, — ^but 
to  a  desire  to  strengthen  his  alliance  with  foreign 
States.  With  this  view  he  promoted  an  arrangement 
for  securing  the  sovereignty  of  D'Alen§on,  now  Duko 


DECLAEATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  67 

d'Anjou.  He  hoped  tlius  to  obtain  the  support  of 
France  and  England  against  Spain :  for  Elizabeth  was 
now  coquetting  with  the  Duke,  and  their  union  was 
believed  to  be  assured. 

Holland  and  Zealand  would  submit  to  no  ruler 
but  their  own  beloved  Prince  :  but  the  other  jndcpen- 
provinces  accepted  the  sovereignty  of  Anjou ;  p^^vj'jice.s''^ 
and  on  July  26, 1581,  the  provinces  at  length  P'ocimmed. 
solemnly  declared  their  independence,  by  an  act  of 
abjuration,  proclaiming  the  king  lawfully  deposed,  for 
his  tyranny,  and  the  violation  of  the  laws  and  fran- 
chises of  the  people.  There  was  no  pompous  asser- 
tion of  the  abstract  rights  of  the  people  :  but  a  simple 
deposition  of  a  sovereign  who  had  broken  his  con- 
tract with  them,  and  had  forfeited  his  power  by  mis- 
rule. Its  example  was  to  be  followed,  in  England, 
upon  the  same  principles,  a  century  later.  But  the 
provinces  were  divided.  The  Prince,  who  might  have 
united  them  under  his  own  rule,  was  with  difficulty 
induced  to  accept  the  temporary  government  of  Hol- 
land and  Zealand,  while  the  other  provinces  were  left 
to  the  French  prince.  A  republic  was  not  yet  estab- 
lished in  name  :  but  it  was,  at  least,  a  State,  or  Com- 
monwealth, without  a  king. 

It  was  not  intended  that  the  Duke  d'Anjou  should 
be  invested  with  more  than  a  high  dignity,  and  nomi- 
nal power  :  but  it  was  a  disastrous  choice.  The  alli- 
ance proved  worthless :  his  match  with  Eliza-  ^j^^,  ^^^^^^ 
beth  was  ridiculously  broken  off;  and  his  ti'Anjcu. 
own  conduct  was  to  prove  inconceivably  base  and 
treacherous.  He  was,  however,  received  with  great 
rejoicings,  and  he  swore  to  observe  the  ancient  char- 
ters and  constitutions  of  tlie  provinces.  How  ho  kept 
his  oath  will  be  seen  presently. 
3* 


58  THE    NETHERLANDS. 

Tlie  Prince  of  Orango,  meanwhile,  was  beset  witli 
Attem  tod  dangers.  The  ban  was  beginning  to  bear  its 
assassina-     fruits.     On  March  18,  1582,  he-  was  wound- 

tion  or  '  '  _ 

Orange.  q^^  almost  to  death,  by  a  hired  assassin.  A 
bankrupt  merchant  Anastro  had  bargained  with  Phibp 
to  get  the  murder  done  for  80,000  ducats,  and  the 
cross  of  Santiago.  The  wretch  himself  escaped :  his 
instrument  was  cut  to  pieces  for  his  crime  ;  and  other 
agents  in  the  plot  were  executed. 

The  Prince  survived;    and  his    countrymen  loved 

and  trusted  him  more  than  ever.  They  now 
couift*^of"*^^  insisted  upon  his  acceptance  of  the  office  of 
Holland.  Qouj^i;  Qf  Holland,  which  constituted  him  he- 
reditary ruler  of  Holland  and  Zealand.  His  powers, 
however,  were  limited  by  a  singularly  free  constitu- 
His  liberal  ^^°^*  "^^  derived  his  authority  from  the 
policy.  people  ;  and  all  his  powers  were  to  be  exer- 
cised subject  to  their  representative  Estates.  This 
constitution  was  the  work  of  his  own  hands :  he  sought 
no  dominion  for  himself :  but  political  liberty,  justice, 
and  freedom  of  conscience  for  his  countrymen.  The 
great  aims  of  his  policy  were  so  far  fulfilled,  in  his 
own  little  commonwealth. 

How  different  the  lot  of  the  provinces  which  had 

done  homage  to  Anjou !  They  were  soon 
the  Duke      overruu  again  with  Spanish  troops  ;  and  the 

Duke,  their  sworn  protector,  was  plotting  to 
seize  the  chief  cities,  and  to  hold  them  for  the  French 
January  crowu.  His  treasou  was  at  first  successful : 
1583.  ]jg  took  possession  of  Dunkirk,  Ostend,  and 

some  other  towns :  but  was  foiled  in  an  attempt  upon 

Bruges ;  and  routed  in  a   shameful  raid  on 

The 

'  French       Antwerp.    This  ignoble  enterprise  was  called 
"^'  the  Trench  Fury,'  and  revealed  to  the  world 


ASSASSmATION  OF  ORANGE.  59 

the  falseliood,  treachery,  and  cowardice  of  Anjon. 
The  Netherlands  had  sought  a  powerful  fi'iend ;  and 
had  found  a  scourge  as  fierce  as  the  Sf)aniards.  This 
base  prince,  discovered  and  thwarted  in  his  treason, 
denied  his  guilt,  while  he  was  bargaining  with  Spain 
for  the  sale  of  the  towns  he  had  surprised.  Covered 
with  infamy,  if  not  with  shame,  he  quitted  the  country, 
and  died,  not  long  afterwards,  in  France. 

The  provinces,  which  had  been  thus  betrayed,  again 
besought  the  Prince  of  Orange,  their  natural 
and  trusted  chief,  to  assume  the  government ;  again're- 
and  again  his  modesty,  self-denial  and  free-  govem- 
dom  from  ambition,  held  him  back  from  a 
great  mission.     It  is  the  duty  of  the  foremost  man  in 
a  State,  to  assume  its  highest  responsibilities ;  and  the 
Prince's  shrinking  from  that  duty  was  his  only  short- 
coming, in  a   noble  life  of  public  service.     Foreign 
alliances  had   hitherto   brought  nothing  but   disap- 
pointment and   disaster.     The  union  of   the   State, 
under  such  a  ruler  as  Orange,  would  have  served  his 
country  better  than  the  intrigues  of  France,  and  the 
broken  promises  of  Elizabeth. 

But  the  career  of  this  great  man  was  now  drawing 
to  a  close.  His  unscrupulous  enemies  had  n;,  n«j,assi- 
doomed  him  to  death:  they  could  not  con-  "^^i""- 
quer  him  in  war,  or  diplomacy,  but  they  could  bribe 
assassins  to  take  his  life.  He  had  escaped  assassina- 
tion by  poison,  at  Bruges,  in  Jiily  1582 ;  when  the  as- 
sassins confessed  that  they  had  been  hired  by  the 
Duke  of  Parma.^  Three  other  attempts  were  made 
upon  his  life,  in  little  more  than  twelve  months ;  and 
many  bravos   had   received  blood -money  from   the 

'  The  DulvO  d'Anjou  was  to  have  been  poisoned  at  the  same  time. 


60  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

Spanish  government,  without  giving  work  for  their 
wages.  At  length  the  right  man  was  found,  in  one 
Gerard.  While  coveting  the  rewards  promised  for 
his  crime,  he  was  a  fanatic  who  believed  that  he  was 
doing  service  unto  God.  Too  well  did  the  wretch 
carry  out  his  plot ;  and  on  July  10,  1584,  the  noble 
patriot  was  slain,  in  his  own  house  at  Delft,  and  in 
the  midst  of  his  family.  The  assassin  suffered  death : 
but  his  parents  received  the  rewards  of  his  crime, 
being  ennobled  by  Philip,  and  endowed  out  of  the 
estates  of  the  murdered  Prince.  It  was  reserved  for 
a  king,  so  stained  with  crimes,  to  attain  this  crowning 
infamy ! 

Thus  died  the  patriot,  the  soldier,  the  statesman, 
the   orator  and  diplomatist,  who  had  dedi- 
apolt^e  of*^    cated  his  life  to  his  country,  and  to  the  sacred 
^iouHiib-'^    cause  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.     He  was 
^'  ^'  the  first  statesman  in  Europe  who  had  pro- 

claimed the  doctrines  of  freedom  of  conscience:  he 
was  the  first  to  teach  the  great  political  lesson  that 
the  rights  of  kings  are  forfeited  by  tyranny,  and  that 
subjects  may  lawfully  take  up  arms  to  resist  oppres- 
sion. Such  doctrines  practically  maintained,  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  laid  the  foundation  of  European 
liberties.  The  man  himself  was  worthy  to  be  the 
apostle  of  such  a  cause.  Pious,  earnest,  simple,  con- 
stant, self-denying,  generous,  and  brave,  he  stands 
forth  as  a  central  figure  in  history,  a  noble  represen- 
tative of  liberty.  In  his  age,  absolutism  also  had  its 
representatives,  in  the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  Philip 
of  Spain,  and  Charles  IX.  of  France.  If  a  cause  may 
be  judged  by  the  character  of  the  men  who  espouse  it, 
the  cause  of  William  of  Orange  will  not  suffer  by  the 
contrast. 


HOLL^VND  AFTEH  THE  DEATH   OP  ORANGE.  61 

The  Netlierlands  mourned  the  loss  of  their  great 
leader  with  iudiguant  sorrow  :  but  they  had 
been  trained  to  freedom  :  their  courage  was  ceeding  ms 

death. 

high :  their  hatred  of  the  S^Daniards  was 
sublimed  bj  this  crowning  wrong  ;  and  they  resolved 
to  wage  war  against  their  tyrant  unto  death.  The  ^ 
states-general  of  the  provinces  not  yet  recovered  by 
Spain/  appointed  an  executive  state  council,  under 
the  jjiesidency  of  Prince  Maurice,  the  second  son  and 
representative  of  William  of  Orange, — a  noble  youth 
of  seventeen,  who  afterwards  succeeded  his  father  as 
stadtholder.     It  was  a  small  State  to  resist  , 

.  a  .  .         l58o. 

the  richest  and  most  powerful  kingdom  in 
Europe ;  and  was  soon  reduced  by  the  defection  or 
conquest  of  the  parts  of  Flanders  and  Brabant  which 
had  hitherto  held  out  against  Parma.  Ghent,  Brus- 
sels and  Mechlin  capitulated ;  and  Antwerp  sur- 
rendered, after  one  of  the  most  eventful  sieges  in 
histoiy.  The  sad  northern  provinces  of  Holland, 
Zealand,  Friesland  and  Utrecht  alone  remained  to 
constitute  the  new  republic. 

It  was   natural  that   so   small   a  State,  wasted  by 
its  protracted  struggles,  should  desire,  more  g^.^^.^^^ 
earnestlv  than  ever,  an  alliance  wdtli  some   f"i>i^'n 

•^  '        ,  alliances. 

stronger  power  ;  and  it  was  among  States 
supposed  to  have  sj^mpathics  with  Protestants,  that 
such  an  alliance  was  sought.  From  the  Protestant 
countries  of  Germany  there  was  no  promise  of  help  ; 
and  the  eyes  of  the  Dutch  diplomatists  were  there- 
fore turned  towards  France  and  England. 
In  France,  the  Huguenots,  having  recovered  from 

'  Holland,  Zealand,  Friesland,  Utrecht,  and  parts  of  Flanders  and 
Brabant. 


62  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

St.  Bartholomew,  now  enjoyed  toleration ;  and  were 
Ne<Totia-  ^  rising  and  hopeful  party,  under  the  pa- 
France"^  trouage  of  Henry  of  Navarre.  If  the  king  of 
France  would  protect  Holland  from  Philip, 
and  extend  to  its  people  the  same  toleration  which  he 
allowed  his  own  subjects,  Holland  offered  him  the 
Bi-oted  sovereignty  of  the  united  provinces.  This 
ivauce?^  tempting  offer  was  declined :  for  a  new 
1585.  policy  was  now  to  be  declared,  which  united 

France  and  Spain  in  a  bigoted  crusade  against  the 
Protestant  faith.  The  League,  under  the  Duke  de 
Guise,  gained  a  fatal  ascendency  over  the  weak  and 
frivolous  king,  Henry  III.,  and  held  dominion  in 
France.  Henceforth  the  Catholic  worship  alone  was 
to  be  allowed ;  and  heretics  were  to  be  punished 
with  death  and  forfeiture.  After  six  months,  all  who 
had  not  conformed  to  the  Church  were  doomed  to 
League  banishment  for  life.^  Nor  was  the  baneful 
Prote^uut^  influence  of  the  League  confined  to  France  : 
faith.  -^  formed  a  close  alliance  with  Philip  and 

the  Pope,  with  whom  it  was  plotting  the  overthrow  of 
Protestant  England,  the  subjection  of  the  revolted 
provinces  of  Spain,  and  the  general  extirpation  of 
heresy  throughout  Europe.  War  was  declared,  by 
absolutism  and  the  Church  of  Rome,  against  civil  and 
religious  liberty. 

The   only  hope   of  the   Netherlands   was   now   in 
England,  which  was  threatened  by  a  com- 

Ni'gotia-  ^  "^ 

tions  with     mon  danger ;  and  envoys  were  sent  to  Eliza- 
beth with  offers  of  the  sovereignty,  which 
had  been    declined  by   France,      So  little   did  the 
Dutch  statesmen  as  yet  contemplate  a  republic,  that 

J  Edict  of  Nantes,  July  18,  1585. 


AID  FROM  ENGLAND.  63 

tliey  offered  their  country  to  any  sovereign,  in  return 
for  protection. 

Had  bolder  counsels  prevailed,  Elizabeth  might, 
at  once,  have  saved  the  Netherlands,  and  views  of 
placed  herself  at  the  head  of  the  Protestants 
of  Europe.  She  saw  her  own  danger,  if  Philip  should 
recover  the  provinces  :  but  she  held  her  purse-strings 
■with  the  grasp  of  a  miser  :  she  dreaded  an  open  rup- 
ture with  Spain ;  and  she  was  unwilling  to  provoke  her 
own  Catholic  subjects.  Sympathy  with  the  Protestant 
cause,  she  had  none.  She  discountenanced  Catho- 
lics, because  they  denied  her  supremacy,  and  plotted 
against  her  life  and  throne  :  but  she  was  indifferent 
to  the  Church  of  England,  and  hated  the  Calvinists. 
Her  royal  instincts  were  also  naturally  opposed  to  a 
rebellious  people.  Accordingly,  in  negotiating  with 
Holland,  she  desired  to  afford  as  much  assistance  as 
would  protect  her  own  realm  against  Philip,  at  the 
least  possible  cost,  without  precipitating  a  war  with 
Spain.  She  agreed  to  send  men  and  money  :  but  re- 
quired Flushing,  Brill,  and  Eammekens  to  be  held 
as  a  security  for  her  loans.  She  refused  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  States  :  but  she  despatched  troops  to 
the  Netherlands,  and  sent  her  favourite,  the  Earl  of 
Leicester,  to  command  them.  As  she  had  taken  the 
rebellious  subjects  of  Spain  under  her  protection, 
Philip  retaliated  by  the  seizure  of  British  ships. 
Spanish  vengeance  was  not  averted,  while  the  Neth- 
erlands profited  little  by  her  aid.  The  English  ex- 
pedition failed  :  the  Netherlands  were  disheartened 
and  suspicious :  Elizabeth's  scheming  missed  its 
mark  ;  and  Philip  was  planning  the  invasion  of  Eng- 
land.i 

'  Sco  Froude,  '  Ubt.  vi  Eugland,'  xii.  I:j7,  '66S,  ^78,  413. 


64  THE  NETHEELANDS. 

"/ 

Tlie  fortunes  of  Holland  were  at  their  lowest  point, 
^^^  when  a  momentous   event  suddenly  opened 

Spanish  a  prospect  of  deliverance.  The  Spanish  Ar- 
mada, which  Philip  had  prepared  to  ruin 
England  and  the  Netherlands,  with  one  blow,  had 
been  routed  and  dispersed  into  the  North  Seas,  by 
the  British  fleet.  Spain  was  humbled  ;  and  the  cause 
of  absolutism  and  bigotry  was  cast  down. 

Other  critical  events  were  also  promising  well  for 
The  the  liberties  of  Holland.     France  was  torn 

mEYlTnce.  by  auarchy  and  civil  wars.  The  king  had 
1589.  destroyed  or  imprisoned  the  leaders  of  the 

League,  and  had  been  himself  assassinated :  Catha- 
rine de  Medicis  was  dead  ;  Henry  of  Navarre — the 
idol  of  the  Huguenots — was  in  arms,  claiming  the 
crown,  by  hereditary  right :  Philip  of  Spain  was  fight- 
ing to  gain  it  for  hiihself  or  his  daughter  the  Infanta. 
It  was  now  Philip's  dream  to  conquer  France  ;  and 
thence  to  take  vengeance  upon  England,  and  to  re- 
cover the  united  provinces.  All  his  efibrts  were  to 
be  first  concentrated  upon  France  ;  and  the  Duke  of 
Parma  was  withdrawn   from  his  charge  in 

Absence  of  in-jii 

Parmii         Flauders,  to  fij^rht  the   kmcj  s  battles   upon 

from  the  '  ^.  ^  ■'■ 

Nether-  Freuch  soil.  His  absence  offered  the  Neth- 
erlands  an  unexpected  opportunity  of  deal- 
ing heavy  blows  against  the  Spaniards.  With  their 
accustomed  gallantry,  and  signal  military  skill,  they 
soon  profited  by  the  occasion. 

The  young  stadtholder,  Prince  Maurice,  rising  from 
Prince  his  boyish  studies,  proved  himself  at  once  a 
Maurice.  consummate  general.  He  reorganised  the 
army,  with  the  ripe  judgment  of  a  veteran,  far  in  ad- 
vance of  the  military  system  of  his  own  age.  In  cool- 
ness, courage,  and  scientific  strategy,  he  had  no  equal 


DECLINE   OF  THE   SPANISH  POWER.  65 

save  his  experienced  enemy,  tlie  Duke  of  Parma.  Ably 
supported  by  Olden-Barneveld,  and  other  shrewd  and 
vigorous  councillors  of  the  Bepublic,  he  resolved  to 
recover  all  the  fortified  towns  still  held  by  the  Spa- 
niards, in  and  near  the  united  provinces.  He  j5gQ_jgoQ 
surprised  Breda :  he  took  Zutphen,  Deven- 
ter,  Nymegen,  and  many  other  towns  ;  and  the  death 
of  Parma  opened  fresh  prospects  of  victory. 

Meanwhile,  Philip's  French  enterprise  had  failed. 
The  dashing  and  unscrupulous  Henry  of  Na-  ^j^^^^  ^^ 
varre  had  won  his  crown,  by  conforming  to  ^pco^g® 
the  Catholic  faith.     Already  the  most  popu-  ^raicJ. 
lar   and  powerful   of  the   rival   candidates, 
he  thus  removed  the  only  bar  to  his  claims :  while  he 
assured  his  Huguenot  friends  of  protection,  and  free- 
dom in  their  worship.     Great  was  the  shock,  given  by 
his  politic  apostacy,  to  the  religious  sentiments  of 
Europe  :  but  it  was  fatal  to  the  ambition  of  Philij) ; 
and   again    the    Netherlands    could   count   upon  the 
fi'iendship  of  a  king  of  France.      Their  own  needs 
were  great :  but  the  gallant  little  republic  still  found 
means  to  assist  the  Protestant  champion  against  their 
common  enemy,  the  king  of  Spain. 

In  the  Netherlands  the  Spanish  power  was  declin- 
ing.    The  feeble  successors  of  Parma  were  Dtciincof 
no  match  for  Maurice  of  Nassau  and  the  re-  powe^^"*^ 
publican  leaders:  the  Spanish  troops  were 
starving  and  mutinous :    the  provinces    under   Spa- 
nish rule  were  reduced  to  wretchedness  and  beggary. 
Cities  and  fortresses  fell,  one  after  another,  into  the 
hands  of  the  stadtholder.     The  Dutch  fleet 

.     .  .  .        1595-1597. 

joined  that  of  England  in  a  raid  upon  Spain 

itself,   captured   and  sacked  Cadiz,   raised    the  flag 

of  the  republic   on   the   battlements  of  that  famous 


66  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

city ;    and  left  tlie  Spanish  fleet  burning  in  the  har- 
bour. 

Other  events  followed,  deeply  affecting  the  fortunes 

of  the  republic.  Philip  at  length  made  peace 
Philip  of       with  Henry  of  Navarre,  and  was  again  free 

to  coerce  his  revolted  provinces.  But  his 
accursed  rule  was  drawing   to  a  close.     In  1598  he 

made  over  the    sovereicrnty  of  the  Nether- 

1508 

lands  to  the  Infanta  Isabella  and  her  affi- 
anced husband,  the  Archduke  Albert,  who  had  cast 
aside  his  cardinal's  hat,  his  archbishopric,  and  his 
priestly  vows  of  celibacy,  for  a  consort  so  endowed. 
Philip  had  ceased  to  reign  in  the  Netherlands  ;  and  a 
few  months  afterwards  he  closed  his  evil  life,  in  the 
odour  of  sanctity, — assured  that  he  had  done  no  man 
wrong,  and  needed  no  repentance. 

The  tyrant  was  dead :  tha  little  republic,  which  he 

had  scourged  so  cruelly,  was  living  and  pros- 
ofthr"^    j)erous.      Throughout  its  trials,  the  sturdy 

citizens,  masters  of  the  sea,  and  trained  to 
commerce  and  maritime  enterprise,  had  extended  their 
ventures  far  and  wide,  and  had  grown  in  wealth,  and 
lucrative  industry.  The  population  was  recruited  by 
immigi'ants  from  the  less  favoured  provinces.  They 
had  no  democratic  theories  or  sentiments ;  but  in  re- 
sisting tyranny  they  had  become,  by  force  of  circum- 
stances, a  republic ;  and  their  robust  spirit  of  freedom 
displayed  itself  in  all  the  acts  of  the  commonwealth. 
While  the  despotic  Philip,  with  all  his  vast  posses- 
sions, was  starving  his  soldiers,  and  repudiating  his 
debts,  this  brave  little  citizen-state  was  bringing  model 
armies  into  the  field,  was  sending  forth  its  fleets  to 
victory,  and  its  merchant-ships  to  discover  new  realms, 
and  to  trade  with  the  whole  world.     It  was  helping 


THE   SPANISH  PROVINCES.  G7 

the  Protestant  cause  in  France  with  men  and  money ; 
and  was  speeding  its  blunt,  outspoken  envoys  to  the 
French  king  and  English  queen,  to  combat,  with  truth 
and  earnestness,  the  artful  diplomacy  of  crowned 
heads.  While  in  the  other  States  of  Europe  religious 
persecution  raged,  or  toleration  was  only  fitful  and  in- 
secure, freedom  of  conscience  had  been  founded  for 
ever,  in  this  land  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  Nor 
were  its  rulers  less  careful  of  the  intellectual  cul- 
ture of  the  people,  than  of  their  material  welfare. 
The  renowned  University  of  Leyden  was  founded  for 
the  learned  education  of  the  rich,  and  fi'ee  schools 
were  established  for  the  general  instruction  of  all 
classes. 

Far  different  was  the  lot  of  the  ill-fated  provinces 
still  in  the  grasp  of  the  tyrant.  The  land 
lay  waste  and  desolate  :  its  inhabitants  had  tiie  Spanish 
fled  to  England  or  Holland,  or  were  reduced 
to  want  and  beggary.  Antwerp  was  ruined,  and  its 
commerce  transferred  to  Amsterdam :  weeds  grew  in 
the  streets  of  Ghent  and  Bruges,  which  had  once  been 
thronged  with  crowds  of  thriving  citizens.  Merchants 
and  artificers  had  been  driven  forth  from  a  land,  where 
their  lives  and  property  were  held  at  the  will  of  their 
oppressors,  and  where  industry  was  blighted  by  war 
and  rapine.  England,  France,  and  Holland  were  al- 
ready profiting  by  their  skill  and  enterprise  :  while 
Spain  had  lost  the  best  of  her  own  subjects,  and  the 
most  fruitful  sources  of  her  wealth. 

As  the  government  of  the  republic  was  founded  on 
the  ancient  constitutions  of  the  provinces,  it  ^ 

.    ,  ■■■  Constitu- 

was   municipal   rather  than  popular.      The  tionoftho 

'■  ^  _■'■•'■  republic. 

states-general,  which  exercised  supreme  au- 
thority, even  over  the  state-council  itself,  consisted  of 


68  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

delegates  from  tlie  provincial  assemblies.  These  as- 
semblies again  were  chosen  by  the  municipal  magis- 
trates of  the  different  cities,  who  were  themselves 
self-elected.  Nowhere  was  there  pof)ular  election: 
the  representation  was  municipal  throughout.  The 
few  nobles  in  the  republic  had  a  voice  in  the  provin- 
cial assemblies  and  in  the  states-general,  as  sujjposed 
representatives  of  the  rural  districts  and  smaller 
towns :  but  the  greater  number  had  left  their  northern 
home,  and  were  in  the  councils,  or  armies  of  the  king. 
Thus  the  entire  power  of  the  State  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  middle  classes.  From  among  themselves  they 
elected  magistrates  and  delegates,  and  so  ruled  their 
citizen-state.  In  theory  it  was  far  from  being  a  model 
republic:  but  as  yet,  the  interests  of  the  community 
were  bound  up  in  a  common  cause ;  and  the  staid 
burghers  governed  with  honesty  and  patriotism. 

That  the  republic  should  have  outlived  its  chief 
Further        oppressor,  was  an  event  of  happy  augury : 
events.         13^^  years  of  trial  and  danger  were  still  to 
be  passed  through.     The  victory  of  Nieuport  raised 
Prince  Maurice's  fame,  as  a    soldier,  to  its 
highest  point ;    and  the  gallant  defence  of 
Ostend,  for  upwards  of  three  years,  against  the  Spa- 
niards, proved  that  the  courage  and  endurance  of  his 
soldiers,  had  not  declined  during  the  pro- 

1601-16&4  or 

tracted  war.     At  sea  the  Dutch  fleets  won 
new  victories  over   the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese ; 
and  privateers  made  constant  ravages  upon  the  ene- 
my's commerce.     But  there  were  also  fail- 

1G04-160G.  ■"  J  .7  •■!  p     .1 

ures    and  reverses,  on  the  side   of   the  re- 
public, dissensions  among  its  leaders,  and  anxieties 
concerning  the  attitude  of  foreign  States. 
And   thus,  with  varied  fortunes,   this   momentous 


NEGOTL\.TIONS  FOR  PEACE.  69 

"war  had  now  continued  for  upwards  of  forty  years. 
On  both  sides,  the  foremost  men  of  two  gen- 
erations had  passed  away :  tens  of  thousands  of'peace. 
had  lost  their  lives  in  battles  and  sieges : 
all  had  undergone  privations  and  suffering.  The 
republic  could  only  maintain  the  struggle  by  great 
sacrifices :  the  Spaniards  obtained  little  succour  from 
Madrid,  or  revenue  from  the  wasted  provinces.  Their 
neglected  troops  were  in  constant  mutiny.  On  land, 
the  prospects  of  tlie  two  parties  were  fairly  balanced, 
and  promised  interminable  war.  At  sea  the  Dutch  had 
a  decided  and  increasing  superiority.  On  both  sides 
there  was  a  desire  for  peace.  The  Dutch  would  ac- 
cept nothing  short  of  unconditional  independence: 
the  Spaniards  almost  despaired  of  reducing  them  to 
subjection,  while  they  dreaded  more  republican  vic- 
tories at  sea,  and  the  extension  of  Dutch  maritime 
enterprise  in  the  East. 

Overtures  for  peace  were  first  made  cautiously  and 
secretly  by  the  archdukes/  and  received  by 
the  States  -vrnth  grave  distrust.     Jealous  and  •^'"'"^  i'"'' 

.  .        .        peace. 

hauglity  was  the  bearing  of  the  republic,  in 
the  negotiations  which  ensued.  The  states-general,  in 
full  session,  represented  Holland,  and  received  the 
Spanish  envoys.  The  independence  of  the  States  was 
accepted,  on  both  sides,  as  the  basis  of  any  treaty : 
but,  as  a  preliminary  to  the  negotiations,  the  republic 
insisted  upon  its  formal  recognition,  as  a  free  and 
equal  State,  in  words  dictated  by  itself ;  and  upon  the 
consent  of  the  king  of  Spain.  Full  of  diplomatic  wiles 
and  subterfuges,  the  Spaniards  in  vain  attempted  to 
evade  these  conditions.     They  were  foiled  by  the  firm- 

'  Tliis  was  t]i(!  title  of  tlio  archduke  and  arcliducliess. 


70  THE   NETHERLANDS. 

ness,  and  straiglitforward  purposes  of  the  states-gen- 
eral. The  proud  little  republic  dictated  its  own  con- 
ditions to  the  archdukes ;  and  at  length  an  armistice 
was  signed,  in  order  to  arrange  the  terms  of 
a  treaty  of  peace.  It  was  a  welcome  breath- 
ing time  :  but  peace  was  still  beset  with  difficulties 
and  obstacles.  The  Spaniards  were  insincere:  they 
could  not  bring  themselves  to  treat  seriously,  and  in 
good  faith,  with  heretics  and  rebels  :  they  desired  the 
re-establishment  of  the  Church  of  Eome ;  and  they 
claimed  the  exclusive  right  of  trading  with  the  East 
and  West  Indies.  The  councils  of  the  republic  were 
also  divided.  Barneveldt,  the  civilian,  was  bent  upon 
peace :  Prince  Maurice,  the  soldier,  was  burning  for 
the  renewal  of  the  war.  But  Barneveldt  and  the 
peace  party  prevailed,  and  negotiations  were  conti- 
nued. Again  and  again,  the  armistice  was  renewed  : 
but  a  treaty  of  peace  seemed  as  remote  as  ever. 

At  length,  after  infinite  disputes,  a  truce  for  twelve 
years  was  agreed  upon.     In  form  it  was  a 

The  twelve  o  j. 

years'  truce,  trucc,  and  uot  &  treaty  of  peace  :  but  other- 
wise the  republic  gained  every  point  upon 
which  it  had  insisted.  Its  freedom  and  independence 
were  unconditionally  recognised :  it  accepted  no  con- 
ditions concerning  religion :  it  made  no  concessions  in 
regard  to  its  trade  with  the  Indies.  The  great  bat- 
tle for  freedom  was  won  :  the  republic  was  free  :  its 
troubles  and  perils  were  at  an  end.  Its  oppressors 
had  been  the  first  to  sue  for  peace  :  their  commis- 
sioners had  treated  with  the  states  -  general  at  the 
Hague  ;  and  they  had  yielded  every  point,  for  which 
they  had  been  waging  war  for  nearly  half  a  cen- 
tury. 

Nor  were  these  the  only  triumphs  of  the  republic. 


EECOGMinON   or  ITIE  REPUBLIC.  71 

Pliilip  had  burned  Protestants  by  iliousands :  but  his 
son,  in  ratifying  the  truce,  besought  indul-  Rciiirions 
gence  for  the  Catholics.     President  Jeannin,  pratxd^or 
the  French  ambassador,  made  an  eloquent  *"''"^"^"^^*- 
appeal  to  them  in  the  same  cause,  asserting  that  no 
slavery  was  so  intolerable  as  restraints  u])on  the  free 
exercise  of  religion.     The  tables  were  turned  ;  and  the 
republic  had  made  illustrious  converts  to  religious 
toleration. 

The  recognition  of  the  Dutch  republic,  by  Spain 
and  other  States,  was   an  important  epocli 
in  the   history  of  European  liberties.     Ab-  <>f  tuo 

-111  en  •         1       republic. 

solute  power  had  been  successfulfy  resisted : 
the  right  of  a  people  to  revolt  against  oppression  had 
been  recognised  by  crowned  heads ;  and  freedom  of 
conscience  had  been  maintained  against  the  Church 
of  Rome,  and  the  Inquisition. 

Such  principles  as  these  could  not  be  confined 
within  the  narrow  limits  of  the  United  Neth-  ussigni- 
erlands :  but  were  spreading  and  bearing  ***^"*^"- 
fruit  throughout  Europe.  In  France  the  Huguenots 
had  recovered  freedom  of-  worship,  under  Henry  IV. 
In  England  there  were  already  signs  of  the  coming 
conflict  between  the  Stuarts  and  the  Parliament,  in 
which  the  principles  of  the  divine  right  of  kings,  and 
ecclesiastical  dominion,  on  one  side,  and  civil  and 
religious  liberty  on  the  other,  were  to  be  fought  out 
In  Bohemia,  the  disciples  of  John  Huss  had  long 
since  obtained  toleration  for  the  reformed  religion  ; 
and  at  this  very  time,^  the  Emperor  granted  freedom 
of  worship  to  Protestants,  in  Hungary  and  Austria. 
In  resisting  the  tyranny  of  Philip  of  Spain,  the  Neth- 

'  In  Hungary,  Oct.  19,  1008  :  in  Austria,  March  13,  1609. 


72  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

erlands  liad  been  figliting  the  battle  of  Protestantism, 
and  of  European  liberties. 

The  Spaniards  and  Portuguese  liad  hitherto  taken 
Union  of  the  lead  in  geographical  discoveries,  and  re- 
an'dcom-  mote  Commercial  adveutures  :  the  Pope  had 
^^''^^-  assumed  to  give  them  a  monopoly  in  trade 
■with  the  Indies  :  but  now  the  free  State  of  the 
Netherlands,  whose  commercial  resources  had  ena- 
bled it  to  resist  the  overwhelming  pov^^er  of  Spain,^ 
wi'ested  from  the  hands  of  despotism  the  primacy  of 
the  seas,  and  the  commerce  of  all  nations.  Hence- 
forth England, — also  advancing  in  freedom, — was  to 
be  its  only  rival  in  maritime  enterprise,  in  distant 
conquests,  and  wide  -  spreading  empire.  Despotic 
Spain  was  declining  in  power,  in  wealth  and  intel- 
lectual activity  ;  and  the  two  freest  States  in  Europe 
were  sharing  the  commerce,  the  riches,  and  the  do- 
minion of  the  world. 

The  intellectual  develoj^ment  of  Holland  was  also 
_,    „       ,    associated   with   its    freedom.      The   whole 

Intellectual 

P'"2'ess  of  population  was  educated ;  and  the  higher 
classes  Avere  singularly  accomplished,  espe- 
cially in  modern  languages,  in  which  they  have  re- 
tained their  proficiency,  in  modern  times. 

Among  the  liberties  enjoyed,  in  the  early  days  of 
Freedom  of  the  republic,  was  a  remarkable  freedom  of 
opinion.  speech  and  of  the  press,  upon  all  affairs  of 
State,  far  exceeding  that  permitted  in  any  other 
country,  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries. 

Painfully  instructive  was  the  contrast  between  the 
other  Netherland  provinces,  and  the  more  fortunate 

'  Philip  I.  having  conquered  and  annexed  Portugal,  enjoyed  the 
dominion  and  commercial  rights  of  both  countries. 


THE   SPAOTSH  PROVINCES.  73 

republic,  .  They  had  cast  in  their  lot  with  despotism  ; 
and  had  lost  their  yery  life-blood.     Far  sn- 
perior,  m  natural  advantacres,  to  the  north-  Spanish 

■■•  .  Ill  11         piovinces 

ern  provinces,  they  had  once  enOTossed  the  after  the 

■••  ''  '-'  peace. 

commerce  and  manufactures  of  the  Neth- 
erlands. But  ships  were  now  rotting  in  the  port 
of  Antwerp  :  the  looms  and  workshops  of  Ghent 
and  Bruges  were  silent  as  the  grave.  Realms,  once 
happy  and  prosperous,  were  blighted  by  tyranny ; 
and  for  more  than  two  centuries,  continued  an  ex- 
amj)le  and  a  warning  to  Europe.  On  one  side  were 
freedom  and  prosperity  :  on  the  other,  oppression 
and  ruin. 

These  provinces  continued  to  observe  their  old  con- 
stitutional forms.  Their  provincial  assem-  ^,^^5^.  ^^^^_ 
blies,  composed  of  the  clergy,  the  nobility,  ^^ti'"!'""- 
and  the  third  estate,  or  commons,  were  accustomed  to 
meet:  but  their  power  was  monopolised  by  a  few 
churchmen  and  nobles.  Deputies  from  the  larger 
towns  were  chosen  by  the  privileged  and  self-elected 
magistrates;  and  all  the  smaller  towns,  and  the 
country,  were  without  even  the  form  of  representa- 
tion. After  1G34,  the  summoning  of  the  states-gene- 
ral was  discontinued ;  and  the  Netherlands,  as  a  na- 
tion, were  governed  by  the  viceroy,  without  popular 
control  or  responsibility.  But,  apart  from  political 
administration,  the  people  continued  to  enjoy  many 
>  privileges  conceded  to  them  in  former  times.  The 
administration  of  justice  was  independent;  and  the 
liberty  of  the  subject  assured  by  law.  Some  of  tlio 
provinces  claimed  peculiar  franchises  under  charters, 
the  most  remarkable  of  which  was  the  jo7/ense  ciitrie  of 
Brabant;  and  the  old  municipal  constitutions  of  tlio 
cities  were  generally  maintained :  but  with  i\\o\v  life 
VOL.  11.-- 4 


74  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

and  spirit  subdued  by  local  oligarchies,  and  foreign 
rule. 

The  Dutch  republic  was  confirmed  as  an  indepen- 
Doraestic  dent  State :  its  embassies  were  received  with 
thI'Dutdf  consideration  and  respect,  by  crowned  heads : 
Kepubhc.  g^  great  future  of  commercial  prosperity,  of 
colonial  conquest,  and  European  wars,  by  sea  and 
land,  was  before  it:  but  its  domestic  history  cannot 
be  followed  without  disappointment  and  sadness.  A 
people  who  had  won  their  freedom,  by  such  heroic 
sacrifices,  should  have  made  its  worthy  enjoyment  an 
example  to  the  whole  world :  but  they  were  distracted 
by  religious  discords  and  civil  strife.  A  municipal 
constitution,  and  a  federation  of  provinces,  provoked 
disunion :  while  the  jealousies  and  ambition  of  rulers, 
and  tlie  factious  violence  of  the  populace,  brought  re- 
proach uj)on  a  free  country. 

The  stadtholder,  now  become  Prince  of  Orange,  by 
Thestadt-  ^^®  death  of  his  ill-fated  brother,  was  the 
Baraeveku.  ^^'^^  ^^  ^^  wroug  to  the  Republic,  which  he 
^^^^-  had  so  nobly  defended.     His  hatred  of  Bar- 

neveldt  had  increased  since  the  truce,  until  he  was 
bent  upon  his  ruin,  even  at  the  cost  of  freedom  and 
justice.  To  subvert  his  influence  in  the  states-general, 
he  arbitrarily  changed  the  senates  of  many  of  the 
towns,  and  filled  them  with  creatures  of  his  own, — an 
act  more  worthy  of  the  tyrants  with  whom  he  had 
done  battle,  than  of  the  chief  of  a  free  commonwealth. 
This  breach  of  the  constitution  was  followed  by  the 
illegal  arrest,  and  judicial  murder,  of  the  aged  Barne- 
veldt,  by  which  the  freedom  of  the  republic  was  pro- 
faned. Grotius,  and  other  friends  of  this  eminent 
statesman,  were  cast  into  prison ;  and  ministers  of  re- 
ligion of  the  'remonstrant'  party  were  banished  and 


THE   HOUSE   OF  OILVNGE.  75^ 

imprisoned.     Such  were  the  fruits  of  civil  and  reli- 
gious liberty,  under  Maurice  of  Nassau.^ 

And  now  the  republic  was  to  be  drawn   into  the 
great  whirlpool   of   European   wars,   which  war^ofthe 
desolated  many  lands  for  upwards  of  a  cen-  republic. 
tury.     It  fought  for  the  Protestant  cause,  against  the 
Catholic  League,  in  the   thirty  years'  war,^ 
which  shook  the  foundations  of  absolutism 
and  the  Church  of  Rome.     The  twelve  years'  truce 
expired,  and   hostilities   were   resumed  be- 
tween S^Dain  and  the  Netherlands.    The  arms 
of  the  republic  were   again  victorious :  but   it  was 
nearly  thirty  years  before  an  honourable  peace  was, 
at  length,  concluded.    The  gallant  little  State  had  won 
a  considerable  place   among  the  powers  of 
Europe ;  and  this  period  was  the  culminating 
point   in  the  glories  of  the  republic.      Its  maritime 
genius  was  not  yet  overshadowed  by  that  of  England  : 
its  struggles  with  foreign  enemies  had  united  domestic 
factions  in  a  common  cause  ;  and  its  extended  com- 
merce and  foreign  possessions  had  poured  prodigious 
riches  into  the  land.     Cultivation  and  the  arts  flou- 
rished with  its  wealth  and  liberty.     It  was  the  age  of 
Grotius,  Heinsius,  and  Meteren :  of  Rembrandt,  Wou- 
vermans,  Cuyp,  and  Paul  Potter. 

A  less  propitious  period  was  approaching.     The 
office   of  stadtholder  had  become  virtually  rp,,^  jj^^gg 
hereditary   in    the   House   of    Orange,    and  "''"'•""se- 
those  princes  were  assuming,  more  and  more,  the  pre- 

'  See  Mr.  Motley's  Life  and  Death  of  John  of  Barncveldt,  cli.  18-22. 

"^  On  one  side  were  the  Elector  Palatine,  Henry  IV.  of  France,  the 
kings  of  England,  Denmark,  and  Sweden,  and  the  United  Provinces  : 
on  the  other,  the  Pope,  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  the  king  of  Spain, 
and  the  archdukes  of  the  Netherlands. 


76  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

tensions  of  royalty.  William  II.  of  Orange  had  mar- 
ried the  princess  -  royal  of  England,  daughter  of 
Charles  I.  This  alliance  naturally  assured  his  sym- 
pathies with  that  unfortunate  monarch,  and  embroiled 
the  republic  with  the  English  Parliament.  In  imita- 
tion of  the  errors  of  Charles,  which  had  precipitated 
his  doom,  he  arrested  six  of  the  most  emi- 
nent deputies  of  the  states-general,  and  sur- 
rounded that  assembly  with  troops.  He  attempted  to 
seize  Amsterdam,  by  an  armed  force,  in  the  dead  of 
night,  and  to  wreak  his  vengeance  upon  that  wealthy 
city,  which  had  ventured  to  oppose  his  royal  will. 
This  hopeful  prince  would  either  have  trampled  un- 
der foot  all  the  liberties  of  the  republic,  or,  like  his 
English  model,  would  have  provoked  rebellion :  but 
his  career  was  suddenly  cut  short  by  death,  at  the 
early  age  of  twenty-four. 

A  week  later,  his  princess  gave  birth  to  a  son, — 
destined  hereafter,  as  the  renowned  William 

William        III.,  to  rule  over  Enci;land  as  well  as  Holland. 
Ill  .  , 

Meanwhile,  the  office  of  stadtholder  was  in 

abeyance ;  and  the  states-general,  relieved  from  the 

yoke  of  a  master  who  had  treated  them  so  roughly, 

assumed  to  themselves  the  sovereignty  of  the  republic. 

The  English  and  the  Dutch  were  bound  together 

by  so  many  ties, — by  ancient  friendsliips, 
antfiioi-       by  religion,  liberty  and  commerce, — that  an 

alliance  between  the  commonwealth  and  the 
republic  would  have  seemed  most  natural ;  and  such 
was  the  wish  of  the  English  Parliament,  and  of  many 
of  the  statesmen  of  Holland.  But  the  sympathies  of 
the  Orange  party,  and  of  the  people,  were  with  the 

royal  family   of  England.      The   Prince   of 

Wales,   afterwards    Charles  II.,   had   taken 


FURTHER  DISORDERS.  77 

refuge  at  the  Hague ;  and  wlien  Oliver  St.  Jolm  and 
Walter  Strickland  came  as  ambassadors  from  tlie  Par- 
liament, they  were  hooted  at,  in  the  streets,  by  repub- 
lican mobs,  as  regicides.  They  sought  the  friendship 
of  Holland  :  but,  as  they  insisted  upon  the  immediate 
exj)ulsion  of  the  English  fugitives,  their  mission  would 
necessarily  have  failed,  even  if  the  temper  of  the  peo- 
ple had  been  more  friendly.  They  returned  in  anger ; 
and  hostile  measures  were  immediately  commenced. 
The  navigation  act  was  passed,  for  the  express  pur- 
pose of  ruining  Dutch  commerce:^  letters  of  reprisal 
were  issued;  and  very  soon  the  republics  were  at 
war.  The  two  great  naval  powers  were  not  unfairly 
matched :  but  the  English  proved  themselves  the 
stronger.      Peace   was   soon    restored :  but 

.       .  1653-54 

Cromwell  insisted  that  the  States  should  ex- 
clude the  infant  Prince  of  Orange,  and  his  descen- 
dants, fi'om  the  stadtholderate ;  and  to  this  unjust  and 
ignoble  condition,  the  pensionary  De  Witt  persuaded 
them  to  submit. 

The  republic  was  doomed  to  further  wars,  ruinous 
alike  to  its  commerce,  its  finances  and  its  cnns^tant 
industry.      Its   sympathies   with   the    royal 
cause  of  the  Stuarts,  and  its  hospitality  to  Charles  II., 
were  forgotten  ;  and  it  was  soon  at  war  again  with 
the  English   monarchy.     It   even   measured  j^^j^g^ 
its  strength  with  England  and  France  com- 
bined.     For  years  it  battled  bravely  against 
Louis  XIV. ;  when,  by  a  strange  shifting  of  parts,  its 

'  This  memorable  act  prohibited  tlie  importation  of  the  productions 
of  Asia,  Africa,  and  America,  except  in  Engli.sh  ships,  and  the  pro- 
ductions of  Europe,  except  in  the  sliips  of  tlie  country  whence  they 
Avore  imported.  Nothing  could  have  been  more  injurious  to  tho 
carrying  trade  of  Ih^hind. 


78  THE  NETHEELANDS. 

only  ally,  in  all  Europe,  was  Spain,  its  traditional 
enemy.  Its  achievements  during  these  wars,  by  sea 
and  land,  are  memorable  in  history.  All  eyes  were 
turned  to  the  little  State  which  was  able  to  contend 
against  the  navies  of  England,  and  the  armies  of  '  Le 
Grand  Monarque.' 

But  such  contests  were  a  severe  trial  to  its  re- 
ThePcr-  sources,  and  aggravated  the  weight  of  its 
Sdkt.  taxation.     At  the  same  time,  internal  dissen- 

1G67.  sions  were   introducing   weakness  and   dis- 

orders into  the  administration  of  public  affairs ;  and 
serious  changes  in  the  constitution  of  the  republic. 
In  1667,  the  provincial  Estates  of  Holland,  led  by  the 
pensionary  De  Witt,  fearful  of  renewed  usurpations 
upon  their  freedom,  and  jealous  of  the  Orange  family, 
abolished,  by  what  was  termed  the  '  Perpetual  Edict,' 
the  office  of  stadtholder  in  that  province.  This  edict 
was  violently  resented  by  the  party  of  the  young 
Prince  of  Orange,  and  was  repugnant  to  the  wishes 
of  other  provinces.  But,  on  the  breaking  out  of  hos- 
tilities, the  young  Prince,  scarcely  of  age,^  was  ap- 
pointed captain-general,  on  condition  that  he  should 
refuse  the  stadtholderate,  if  offered  to  him.  Instead 
of  preparing  themselves,  with  one  accord,  to  resist 
their  enemies,  the  parties  of  De  Witt  and  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange  were  almost  plunged  into  civil  war. 
In  the  midst  of  tumults  and  anarchy,  the  Perpetual 
Edict  was  revoked,  and  the  Prince  was  proclaimed 
Death  of  stadtholder.  De  Witt  and  his  brother  Cor- 
nelius fell  victims  to  the  vengeance  of  the 
Orange  party  and  the  fury  of  a  mob.    Since  the  death 

'  His  majority  had  been  fixed  at  twenty-two,  and  lie  still  wanted 
a  few  months  of  that  age. 


WILLIAM  ASCENDS  TEE  ENGLISH  THRONE.  79 

of  Barnevelclt,  tliere  liad  been  no  such  statesman  as 
John  de  Witt.  The  first  had  been  sacrificed  to  the 
jealousy  of  a  ruler  :  the  second  to  party  feuds,  and 
popular  violence.  The  fate  of  both  these  eminent 
men  was  a  disgrace  to  the  republic,  and  a  reproach 
to  its  free  institutions. 

The  Prince  of  Orange  (William  III.)  was  now  mas- 
ter of  the  State,  and  immediately  invaded  ,p,,g  pj.jjj,.g 
the  liberties  of  the  towns,  by  changing  the  ^yj^Ji^^s'-', 
municipal    governments,    and    filling    them  "^• 
with   his   own  devoted   followers.      Repub- 
lican liberty  had  already  been  sacrificed,  again  and 
again,  to  each  succeeding  exigency  ;  and  its  ultimate 
destiny  was  now  foreshadowed.     Another  important 
step,  in  the  history  of  the  republic,  was  soon  to  follow. 
The  stadtholderate  of  the  provinces  was  de- 

^  ,  The  stadt- 

clared  hereditary  m  the  Prince  of  Orange,   holder 

.  ,       liereditary. 

and  his  descendants.     He  was  now  virtual- 
ly sovereign   of  the   United   Provinces ;   and  higher 
honours  were  awaiting  him.    In  1677,  he  mar-  Ascends 
ried  Princess  Mary,  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  ulrone.^'^''^ 
York  (afterwards  James  II.)  ;  and,  in  1688,  ^ess-so. 
won  for  himself  and  his  consort  the  throne  of  Eng- 
land.    English  liberties  owed  much  to  William  III.  : 
but  Holland  found  herself  a  weak  State  under  an 
hereditaiy  prince,  and  allied  to  a  stronger  power,  in 
whose  wars  she  was  entangled,  and  to  whose  interests 
her  own  were  sacrificed. 

At  his  death,  in  1702,  without  issue,  Holland  was 
released  from  this  iniurious  connection :  but 

- .  _  -  .  1  •  •       Holland 

did  not  escape  from  the  unceasing  wars  m  after  his 
which  she  had  been  involved.     For  several 
years,  the  government  of  the  republic  was  resumed 
by  the  states-general :  but  in  17'17,  William  Prince  of 


1747. 


80  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

Orange  (William  IV.)  recovered  the  united  offices  of 
stadtliolder,  captain  and  admiral  -  general, 
which,  mainly  through  the  influence  of  the 
nobles,  were  now  declared  hereditary  in  his  family. 
He  soon  assumed  most  of  the  attributes  of  royalty. 
He  was  king,  in  all  but  the  name ;  and  having  the 
personal  command  of  the  army  and  nay}%  he  was,  in 
truth,  far  more  powerful  than  a  constitutional  sove- 
reign. Meanwhile  other  changes  were  pass- 
ing over  the  government  of  the  republic. 
Loud  complaints  were  made  of  corruption  in  the 
states-general :  offices  of  trust  were  said  to  be  bought 
and  sold :  even  the  administration  of  justice  was 
tainted  with  suspicions  of  bribery;  and  the  muni- 
cipal councils  had  been  so  often  arbitrarily  changed, 
that  they  had  lost  their  independence.  The  people, 
themselves,  weighed  down  by  heavy  taxes, — the  fruit 
of  constant  warfare, — and  suffering  from  the  gradual 
decay  of  Dutch  commerce,  appeared  to  be  losing  their 
old  spirit  of  fi'eedom  and  patriotism.  There  had 
always  been  disunion  among  the  provinces : 
dining  the  feuds  of  rival  parties  had  caused  weak- 
ness to  the  State :  but  now  the  administra- 
tion seemed  stricken  with  infirmity,  and  the  people 
with  political  languor.  The  noble  little  State  was 
rapidly  declining  :  its  navy  was  rotting :  its  harbours 
were  being  choked  with  sand :  its  colonies  falling 
into  decay :  its  trade  and  manufactures  perishing 
under  the  rivalry  of  England. 

These  various  causes  had  long  been  undermining 
War  with  ^^®  power  of  Holland,  when  her  ruin  was 
England.  nearly  completed  by  a  war  with  England. 
1780.  jjqj.   commerce   was    swept  from   the   high 

seas :  her  colonies  fell,  one  after  another,  before  the 


WAR  WITH  ENGLAND.  81 

arms  of  lier  victorious  rival ;    and  she  was  j^gg 
liumbled  by  an  ignominious  peace. 

The  failures  of  the  government  favoured  the  growth 
of  a  'patriot'  party,  opposed  to  the  stadt-  The  patriot 
holder,  and  clamorous   for   the  recovery   of  ^'ojll^'^y^*^' 
popular  liberties.     By  the  struf:jQ;les  of  this  P'^^'i'^- 
i:)arty   with    the   fiiends   of    the   Prince    of    ' 
Orange,  the  country  was  plunged  into  civil  war  ;  when 
the  king   of  Prussia  invaded  the  provinces  and  re- 
stored the  ascendency  of  the  Orange  family. 

The  patriots  being  now  trampled  upon,  without 
mercy,  by  the  dominant  party,  fled  in  great 
numbers  to  France,  which  was  already  throb-  refugees  iu 
biug  with  the  first  throes  of  its  impending 
revolution.  Hitherto  there  had  been  little 
of  democracy  either  in  the  constitution  of  the  repub- 
lic, or  in  the  sentiments  of  the  Dutch  people.  The 
populace  had  often  been  turbulent  and  riotous  :  but 
their  sympathies  were  all  on  the  side  of  the  princes 
of  the  House  of  Orange.  The  patriot  party  had 
striven  to  diminish  the  excessive  power  of  the  stadt- 
holder,  and  to  restore  municipal  liberties :  but  they 
professed  none  of  the  doctrines  of  theoretic  demo- 
cracy. The  recent  foundation  of  a  democratic  repub- 
lic in  America  had,  indeed,  awakened  in  Holland,  as 
elsewhere,  a  bolder  spirit  of  political  discussion :  but 
little  had  yet  been  heard  of  social  equality  and  the 
rights  of  man.  But  now  the  banished  patriots  natu- 
rally caught  the  spirit  of  French  democracy.  They 
allied  themselves  with  the  revolutionary  party :  and 
hoped  to  obtain  their  recall  from  exile,  and  the  tri- 
umph of  their  cause,  by  the  aid  of  the  soldiers  of  the 
revolution. 

These  exiles  were  in  close  communication  with  theiif 


82  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

Mends  at  home ;   and  when,  in  1793,  the  National 
Convention  declared  war  aeainst  the  stadt- 

War  with  ^  " 

Frauce.  holder,  a  considerable  party  were  in  secret 
correspondence  with  the  enemy,  and  hailing 
the  invaders  as  champions  of  the  liberties  of  Holland. 
Overpowered  by  the  French,  for  whom  a  severe  frost 
had  bridged  over  the  waters, — hitherto  the  natural 
bulwarks  of  Holland, — and  weakened  by  domestic 
treason,  the  stadtholder  and  his  family  fled  : 

1794-1795.  '  .  I'll  1 

Revolution  and  the  revolution  was  proclaimed  through- 
procaiiin,  .   ^^^^  ^-^^  provinces.      Dutch  citizens  decked 

themselves  with  tricoloured  emblems  :  fraternised  with 
the  French  soldiery :  planted  the  tree  of  liberty  in 
every  town,  and  celebrated  the  triumph  of  liberty, 
equality,  and  fraternity  with  feasts  and  dancing. 

A  revolutionary  committee  was  formed  upon  the 
The  new  French  model.  The  sovereignty  of  the  peo- 
tkm  ""^"^  pie  and  the  rights  of  man  were  proclaimed : 
the  ancient  municipal  constitution  of  the 
provinces  was  overthrown ;  and  a  representative  as- 
sembly summoned,  to  be  chosen  by  universal  suffrage. 
The  hereditary  titles  of  the  nobility  were  abolished ; 
and  their  domains  appropriated  for  the  use  of  the 
State :  feudal  customs  were  abrogated :  the  use  of 
heraldic  devices  and  liveries  was  prohibited :  even 
the  gallows  and  the  whipping-posts  were  pulled  down 
as  emblems  of  slavery.  Revolutionary  clubs  were 
founded  on  the  model  of  those  of  France  :  but  they 
were  less  violent  than  their  prototypes :  they  were 
not  supported  by  ferocious  mobs  ;  and  they  were  held 
in  restraint  by  a  constitutional  government.^ 

'  Juste,  Hist,  de  Bclgique,  livre  ix.  cb.  1.     Mrs.  Da  vies,  Mem.  of 
Ondaaije  (Utrecht,   1870),   173,   173.     Many  details  of  the  revolu- 


HOLLiVND  A  FRENCH  PROVINCE.  83 

The  revolution  was  accomplisliecl :  all  Dutcli  citizens 
were  free  and  equal :  but  their  country  was 
treated  like  a  province  of  France.     French  a  Fi'tiu  ii 
troops  were  quartered  upon  them,  and  main- 
tained at  their  expense :  French  assignats  were  passed 
off  upon  them  for  good  money;   and  the  quarrels  of 
France  had  become  their  otvti.     For  a  few  years  the  re- 
public was  allowed  a  nominal  independence,  under  the 
domination  of  France  :  but  in  1806,  Napoleon  sent 
his  brother  Louis  to  rule  as  his  vassal  king  ;  and  in 
1810,  he  absorbed  its  territory  into  the  French  empire. 

For  three  years  Holland  suffered  under  the  op- 
pressive rule  of  the  emperor :  she  was  ex-  con^jt^. 
hausted  by  taxes  and  exactions :  the  blood  nionaicby. 
of  her  sons  was  shed  under  the  eagles  of  ^^^^• 
Napoleon,  on  the  battle-fields  of  Europe ;  and  her 
commerce  was  utterly  destroyed.  But  in  1813,  she 
was  able  once  more  to  cast  off  the  yoke  of  the  for- 
eigner, and  to  recover  her  independence.  It  was  not 
a  time  for  republican  experiments ;  and  a  constitu- 
tional monarchy  was  established  in  the  House  of 
Orange.  The  Netherlands  were  now  included  with 
Holland  in  the  new  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  un- 
der William  V.,  Prince  of  Orange.^  The  same  con- 
stitutional privileges  were  assured  to  them,  as  were 
enjoyed  by  the  Dutch  provinces,  including  complete 
religious  freedom.  The  Belgians  now  enjoyed  more 
constitutional  freedom  than  had  been  their  lot  for 
three  centuries ;  and  they  were  again  united  mth  the 

tionary  movement  in  tlie  Netherlands,  not  given  in  general  histories, 
will  be  found  in  this  work. 

'  At  this  time  he  was  called  'sovereign  ])rince  '  of  the  Nether- 
lands. In  March  1815  he  proclaimed  himself  King  of  the  Nether- 
lauds. 


Holland  and 
Bd''iuin. 


84  THE  NETHEELAl^DS. 

nortliern  provinces,  under  a  descendant  of  tlie  great 
William  of  Orange,  who  liad  struggled,  with  their 
common  ancestors,  for  civil  and  religious  liberty. 
Brussels,  a  Belgian  city,  was  the  capital  of  the  new 
kingdom ;  and  the  commercial  and  agricultural  pros- 
perity of  Belgium  received  an  impulse  from  restored 
freedom,  which  had  been  unknown  to  many  genera- 
tions. 

This  union,  however,  was  not  destined  to  be  of  long 
duration :  it  was  the  work  of  the  allied  sove- 
reigns— not  the  spontaneous  fusion  of  the  two 
nations ;  and  the  religious  differences  of  the  northern 
and  southern  provinces  gravely  affected  the  stability 
of  the  new  State.  The  Calvinists  of  the  North  and 
the  Koman  Catholics  of  the  South  had  no  common 
sympathies :  while  for  upwards  of  two  centuries  they 
had  been  governed  upon  opposite  principles, — the 
former  being  under  the  rule  of  a  republic, — the  lat- 
ter under  foreign  governors.  Commercial  rivalries, 
no  less  than  political  jealousies,  contributed  to  the 
estrangement  of  the  two  peoples.  Both  in  commerce 
and  in  political  influence,  Holland  was  the  dominant 
power,  and  she  regarded  Belgium  merely  as  an  exten- 
sion of  her  territory :  while  Belgium,  on  her  side,  con- 
sidered herself  annexed  to  a  rival  State,  rather  than 
united  with  a  friendly  people.^  Moreover,  the  king 
was  a  Dutchman :  he  carried  a  new  constitution  with 
a  high  hand  against  a  majority  of  Belgian  notables ; 
and  otherwise  favoured  the  interests  and  nationality 
of  Holland.  The  highest  offices  in  the  State  and  in 
diplomacy  were  bestowed  upon  Dutchmen.     By  inter- 

'  Nothomb,  Essai  sur  la  revolution  Beige,  44 ;  Juste,  Hist,  de  Bel- 
giquc,  livr.  ix.  ch.  2. 


HOLLAND  AOT)  BELGIUM.  85 

ferences  v/itli  freedom  of  education,  by  restraints  upon 
the  press,  and  by  discouragement  of  the  language 
and  peculiar  laws  of  the  Belgians,  the  government 
united  against  itself  the  Eoman  Catholics  and  the 
Liberal  party, — otherwise  oj)posed.  Pretensions  to 
prerogatives,  scarcely  compatible  with  so  new  a  mon- 
archy, increased  the  alienation  of  the  Belgians.  At 
length,  in  1830,  the  Revolution  in  France  precipitated 
an  insurrection  in  Belgium,  which  resulted  in  the 
separation  of  that  country  from  Holland,  and  the 
establishment  of  a  free  and  prosperous  kingdom,  un- 
der the  enlightened  rule  of  Leopold  L,  king  of  the 
Belgians.^ 

The  two  kindred  countries,  whose  fortunes  had  some- 
times been  united,  and  sometimes  dissevered, 
now  became  distinct  constitutional  monar-  tnml^m  m 
chies.  In  both,  the  principles  and  traditions 
of  freedom  were  maintained;  and  the  rights  of  the 
peojDle  were  guaranteed  by  liberal  institutions,  and  by 
the  good  faith  and  moderation  of  their  sovereigns. 
But  in  Holland  the  Protestant  religion,  for  v/liich  so 
noble  a  struggle  had  been  made,  in  former  times,  has 
saved  that  State  from  the  dangers  of  ecclesiastical 
domination.  In  Belgium,  the  ancient  ascendency  of 
the  Church  of  Ptome  was  upheld;  and  a  grave  con- 
flict has,  for  several  years,  been  waged  between  the 
Ultramontane  Catholics  and  the  Liberal  party,  which 
threatens  the  civil  liberties  of  the  country.  In  no 
other  European  State  have  the  pretensions  of  the 
Church,  in  recent  times,  been  pressed  so  far,  or  with 
so  much  success.  The  issue  of  this  conflict  is  yet  to 
be  determined.     The  majority  of  the  people  are  Catho- 

'  Juste,  Hist,  dc  Ddrjiquc,  livr.  ix.  cb.  3. 


86  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

lies :  the  priestliood  know  how  to  wield  popular  forces 
in  furtherance  of  their  cause;  and  the  Church  of 
Borne,  discomfited  in  other  States,  has  exerted  all 
her  influence,  to  recover  dominion  in  Belgium,  which 
she  has  lost  elsewhere.  But  the  times  are  unpropi- 
tious  to  Ultramontane  schemes :  the  Church  of  Rome 
has  lost  her  hold  upon  the  leaders  of  thought,  through- 
out Euroj)e ;  and  the  Belgians,  however  faithful  to  her 
creed,  are  not  likely  to  suffer  her  pretensions  to  im- 
pair their  cherished  liberties.  In  a  free  State,  such 
pretensions  have  become  an  anachronism ;  and  their 
ultimate  failure  is  assured.^ 

The  eventful  history  of  the  Netherlands  :  their  an- 
continned  cieut  freedom  :  their  painful  struggles  against 
th?N"ther-  despotism :  their  critical  contest  for  the  rights 
lands.  q£  conscience ;  and  their  good  and  evil  for- 

tunes, naturally  command  our  symj)athy.  The  two  in- 
dependent States,  into  which  the  seventeen  historic 
provinces  are  now  divided,  are  both  enjoying  ample 
political  freedom,  and  revived  prosperity.  In  contend- 
ing for  their  traditional  franchises,  the  people  had 
never  been  moved  by  the  principles  and  aims  of  demo- 
cracy. Holland  had  become  a  republic  by  the  force 
of  circumstances  :  it  was  not  founded  upon  a  demo- 
cratic basis ;  and  it  soon  submitted,  once  more,  to  the 
rule  of  an  hereditary  prince.  The  Batavian  republic 
was  but  an  offshoot  of  the  French  Eevolution.     For 

'  '  Si  dans  les  longs  siecles  du  moyen-age,  la  papaute  a  etc  toute- 
puissante,  u'est-ce  point  parce  qu'elle  dominait  sur  les  esprits  ?  et  si 
aujoard'hui  elle  perd  sa  puissance,  n'est-ce  pas  parce  que  I'empire 
des  iimes  lui  echappe? ' — '  Nous  ne  croyons  pas  a  un  veritable  danger, 
car  il  est  impossible  que  I'humanite  retourne  dix  siecles  en  arrierc.' 
— L'Eglise  et  VEtat  depuis  la  Eevolution.  Preface.  The  third  book 
of  this  very  thoughtful  work  treats  fully  of  Ultramontanism  in  Bel- 
gium ;  and  the  whole  volume  deserves  an  attentive  perusal. 


HOLLAND  AND  BELGIUM.  87 

centuries  the  Netherlands  desired  nothing  more  than 
the  enjoyment  of  municipal  privileges,  under  their 
native  sovereigns  ;  and  Holland  and  Belgium  are  still 
free,  prosj)erous,  and  contented  under  the  mle  of  their 
constitutional  kings.  Their  liberties  are  now  far 
greater  than  any  to  which  they  aspired  in  former 
times.  They  have  retained  their  municipal  fran- 
chises :  while  the  people  have  acquired  the  political 
rights  of  citizens,  and  a  share  in  the  sovereignty  of 
a  fi-ee  State.  Their  past  struggles  have  fitted  them 
for  the  temperate  exercise  of  popular  privileges  ;  and 
their  institutions  are  in  harmony  with  their  traditional 
sentiments  and  predilections. 


CHAPTER  Xn. 

FBANCE. 

THE  COTJKTRY  AND  THE  PEOPLE — GBOWTH  OF  THE  MONARCIIY — 
GEADUAL  OVERTHKOW  OP  POPULAR  LIBERTIES — CENTRALISATION 
—COURTIERS  ANB  FEUDALISM — PRIVILEGES  AND  ABUSES — BUR- 
THENS UPON  THE  PEASANTRY — IMPOVERISHMENT  OF  THE  NOBLES, 
AND  ADVANCE  OP  OTHER  CLASSES,  IN  SOCIETY— THE  NEW  PHI- 
LOSOPHY— THE  CHURCH  AND  OPINION— LOUIS  XIV.  AND  LOUIS  XV. 

We  now  approach  tlie  history  of  a  great  European 

^  ,  State,  which  illustrates,  above  all  other  ex- 

Late  '  T  •      1  e 

OTovvthof     amples,  the   social  and   political  causes  o± 

in  France,  clemocracj,  its  forces,  and  its  dangers.  In 
France,  democracy  was  of  a  much  later  growth  than 
in  Italy,  Switzerland,  or  the  Netherlands.  The  revival 
of  society,  after  the  dark  ages,  had,  indeed,  secured 
some  popular  franchises,  from  the  Crown  and  the 
nobles.  But  these  were  lost  as  the  monarchy  ad- 
vanced in  power;  and,  until  late  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  no  government  in  Europe  appeared  more 
firmly  established.  Democracy  then  revealed  itself, 
in  new  forms :  professing  new  principles :  seeking  new 
aims  ;  and  causing  unexampled  revolutions. 

Of  all  the  countries  of  Europe,  France  is  the  most 
„.  favoured  in  situation,  in  climate,  and  in  the 

The  cotm-  ' 

to^^and^the  fertility  of  her  soil.  On  the  north,  her  coasts 
France.        ^re  opcu  to  the  Commerce  of  England,  and 


THE  FEANKS  AND  FEUDALISM.  89 

the  States  of  northern  Europe  :  on  the  west,  to  Spain 
and  t]ie  Atlantic ;  and  on  the  south  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean. On  the  east,  her  frontiers  extend  to  Germany 
and  Switzerland.  Her  climate,  adapted  by  the  natural 
variations  of  so  extended  a  realm  to  a  great  diversity 
of  products,  is  everywhere  temperate.  Her  soil  yields 
corn,  wine,  and  oil  in  generous  abundance.  Her  peo- 
ple are  endowed  with  rare  intelligence,  ingenuity, 
and  taste.  Gay,  sociable,  and  fond  of  pleasure,  they 
are  yet  industrious,  temperate,  and  thrifty.  An  ad- 
vanced civilisation  was  the  result  of  these  fortunate 
conditions  ;  and  France  became  distinguished,  among 
the  nations  of  Europe,  in  arms,  in  wealth,  in  culture, 
and  in  all  the  arts  and  accomplishments  of  social  life. 
Yet,  with  all  these  natural  advantages,  the  prosperity 
and  happiness  of  the  people  were  blighted  by  politi- 
cal and  social  ills.  Misgovernment  and  unequal  laws 
thwarted  the  beneficence  of  nature. 

Late  in  the  fifth  century,  the  Gauls  had  been  con- 
quered by  the  Teutonic  Franks,  under  Clo- 

■••  ''  The  Franks 

vis.  This  small  band  of  conquerors — not  ex-  ami  foudai- 
ceeding  ten  thousand — having  overcome  the 
Goths  and  the  Burgundians,  who  had  already  settled 
in  the  country,  laid  the  foundations  of  the  French 
monarchy.  Dividing  amongst  them  the  fairest  do- 
mains of  the  conquered  country,  they  established  the 
rule  of  feudalism.  The  Franks  were  to  the  Gauls 
what,  at  a  later  period,  the  Normans  were  to  the  Anglo- 
Saxons.  Tlie  landowners  were  of  a  different  race  from 
that  of  the  tillers  of  the  soil :  they  spoke  another  lan- 
guage, and  had  their  own  distinct  laws,  traditions  and 
customs.  The  dominant  race  guarded  their  rule,  and 
provided  for  their  interests  as  lando-svners,  by  exact- 
ing all  the  rights  and  dues  of  feudal  superiors.    Largo 


90  FRANCE. 

grants  of  land  wero  also  made  to  tlie  Cliurcli,  to  -wliicli 
all  the  feudal  rights  of  that  period  were  attached.  In 
no  other  country  was  feudalism  more  firmly  estab- 
lished. It  lay  heavily  upon  the  people  :  but  it  was  a 
cause  of  weakness  to  the  monarchy. 

The  enlargement  and  consolidation  of  the  French 

kingdom  was  the  work  of  many  centuries. 

of  the  By  -wars,  intriojues   and  alliances,  province 

monarchy.  -^  '  "        _  _  '    ■■■ 

was  added  to  province,  until  the  magnificent 
realm  of  France  was,  at  length,  completed.  Mean- 
'vvhile  the  monarchy  was  feudal,  and  in  the  earlier 
times,  elective.  Its  wars  were  sustained  by  the  mili- 
tary services  of  the  vassals  of  the  Grown.  But  their 
allegiance  sat  lightly  upon  them  :  at  one  time  they 
disobeyed  the  summons  of  their  chief,  at  another 
they  encountered  him  in  open  war.  The  country  was 
desolated  by  foreign  wars,  invasions,  and  internal 
strife  :  but,  throughout  all  its  troubles  and  vicissi- 
oveithrow  tudes,  the  power  of  the  Crown  was  steadily 
daichie'fs!  advancing.  Princes  and  barons  were  suc- 
cessively brought  under  subjection :  their 
dangerous  power  was  broken  by  the  civil  wars  of  the 
1624-1643  Fronde  ;  and  finally  overthrown  by  the  vig- 
orous administration  of  Richelieu. 
The  Church  was  long  another  source  of  weakness 
The  to  the  Crown.     With  vast  possessions   and 

privileges,  and  supported  by  the  alien  power 
of  Piome,  she  was  nearly  independent  of  the  State, 
jgjg  But,   after    protracted    contests,   Francis   I. 

obtained  from  the  Pope  the  nomination  to 
ecclesiastical  dignities  ;  and  the  clergy  became  amen- 
able to  the  direct  influence  of  the  Crown,  and  were 
liberal  in  their  subsidies. 

By  these  continued  conquests  over  feudalism  and 


/ 


THE  JACQUERIE.  91 

the   Cliurcli,   the   supremacy   of  the   monarchy  was 

established.     The  king,  no  longer  relying  on 

the  military  services  of  his  vassals,  raised  I'oweior 

•^      _  ^  '  tliu  Crown. 

standing  armies  ;  and  assumed  independent 
prerogatives  of  legislation,  of  judicature,  and  of  taxa- 
tion. 

While  France  was  thus  advancing  in  greatness,  and 
her  kings  in  power,  the  people  were  sufifer-  Misery  and 
ing  from  the  distracted  state  of  the    conn-  oni?"^'^"^^ 
try,  and  the  oj^pressive  weight  of  feudalism,  p'^"^^''^- 
They  suffered  from  invasions  and  civil  wars,  from  the 
rigour  of  feudal  service,  and  from  vexatious  restraints 
upon  their  industry.     They  were  serfs  of  nobles  and 
of  the  Church  ;  and  were  bound  to  slavery  in  body 
and  soul.     The  Albigenses  and  other  heretics  were 
hunted  down  like  wolves,  and  learned  some  of  that 
ferocity  which  disi3layed  itself  in  later  times.     From 
the  time  of  Charlemagne,  we  read  of  the  wretched- 
ness of  the  peasantry ;  and  in  the  fourteenth  century 
the   country  was  desolated  by  famine   and 
pestilence.     This-  period  is  also  memorable 
for  a  formidable  insurrection  of  the  peasantry  after 
the  battle  of -Poitiers,  when  King  John  had  been  taken 
prisoner  to  England,  and  the  country  was  almost  in  a 
state  of  anarchy.    The  peasants  suffering  from  ^^^^  j^^^ 
want,  and  resenting  the  oppression  of  the  fi>'<;"e. 
feudal  lords,  rose  in  great  numbers,  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  France  :  they  burned  many  castles,  mur- 
dered the  owners,  and  committed  the  most  frightful 
outrages   upon   women   and   children.^     Their   fierce 
hatred  of  the  nobles  and  gentry  proved  the  severity 
of  the  feudal  yoke  :  ^  but  it  also  showed  the  savagery 

'  Froissart,  Chron.  (Cijllcction  do  Buolion),  cli.  385. 

*  '  lis  crurcut  qu'il  leur  Otoit  jHTiniH  do  so  soulcvcr  centre  los 


92  FEANCE. 

to  wliicli  a  Froncli  populace  could  bo  roused.  At  this 
period,  struggles  with  feudalism  were  rife  in  other 
parts  of  Europe.  In  England,  they  exploded  in  the 
rebellion  of  Wat  Tyler  :  ^  in  the  Netherlands  in  the 
rising  of  the  towns  against  the  barons  and  the  counts 
of  Elanders.^  But  nowhere  did  insurgents  commit 
atrocities  so  barbarous  as  those  of  the  French  Jacque- 
rie,^ and  in  later  times,  the  Kke  passions  were  to  be 
revealed,  in  excesses  no  less  monstrous,  and  unna- 
tural. 

The  Jacquerie  was  repressed  with  merciless  se- 
verity:* but  the  spirit  of  vengeance  long  rankled  in 
the  minds  of  the  peasantry ;  and  several  years  later  a 
fresh  outbreak  was  threatened.  According 
to  Eroissart,  if  the  king  had  been  defeated 
in  Elanders  by  Philip  Van  Artevelde,  there  would 
have  been  a  general  massacre  of  the  nobles  and  gen- 
try of  France.^ 

Nor  was  the  democratic  spirit  confined  to  the  pea- 
santry.   Before  the  outrages  of  the  Jacquerie,  Stephen 

nobles  da  royaume,  et  de  prendre  leiir  revanche  des  mauvais  traite- 
ments  qu'ils  en  avaient  regus.' — Cont.  de  Nangis,  i\\.  119, 

'  Et  cliacun  d'eux  dit,  "  II  dit  voir  (vrai),  il  dit  voir  :  honni  soit 
celui  par  qui  il  demeurera  que  tous  les  gentils  hommes  ne  soit 
detruits." ' — Froissart,  Ghron.  (Collection  de  Buchon),  cli,  385, 
xii.  293. 

1  In  1381. 

^  See  siqira,  15-17  ;  Perrens,  Dimocratic  en  France,  ii.  31-37. 

2  *  Certes  oncques  n'avint  entre  Chr'-tiens  et  Sarrassins  telle  for- 
cenerie  que  ces  gens  fasoient,  ni  qui  plus  fissent  de  maux  et  de 
plus  vilains  faits,  et  tels  que  creature  ne  devroit  oser  penser,  aviser, 
ni  regardei'.' — Froissart,  Chron.  livr.  i.  cli.  385. 

^  '  Si  commencerent  aussi  a  tuer  et  a  decouper  ces  mochants  gens, 
sans  pitit',  et  sans  raerci  ;  etles  pendoieut  par  fois  aux  arbres,  ou  ils 
les  trouvolent.' — Ibid.  en.  386. 

"  Ibid.  livr.  ii.  cli.  186  (Collection  de  BucLion). 


REBELLION  IN  PARIS.  93 

Marcel,  Provost  of  Paris/  was  master  of  tlie  capital, 
and  nearly  of  the  kingdom.     By  liim  and  his 
civic  force,  Paris  was  placed  in  a  state  of  de-  Mara-i" 
fence,  against  invaders.     He  dominated  over 
tlie  Estates,  assembled  at  this  crisis :  he  put  the  king's 
ministers  to  flight;  and,  by  means  of  a  committee  of 
the  Estates,  he  assumed  the  practical  sovereignty  of 
the  State.     He  even  joined  his  own  name  with  that 
of  the  regent  in  summoning  a  meeting  of  the  Estates. 
But  his  rule  was  short.     The  popular  leader  was  slain 
by  his  fellow-citizens,'^  and  the   democracy 
was  overthrown.     The  brief  career  of  this     "  ^ 
remarkable  provost  naturally  recalls  the  memory  of 
Erienzi  in  Italy,  and  the  Van  Ai'teveldes  in  Flanders.^ 
Each  of  these   conspicuous  men  represented,  for  a 
time,  the  democracy  of  the  fourteenth  century :  each  lost 
his  life  in  the  cause  he  had  espoused :  not  one  of  them 
permanently  advanced  the  liberties  of  his  country. 

But  the  mutinous  spirit  of  Paris  was  not  subdued ; 
and  in  1382  the  people,  resenting  some  new  Rei,eiiioniQ 
taxes,  rebelled  against  the  king,  broke  open  ^''"*-  ^^^^• 
the  prisons,  and  armed  themselves  from  the  public  ar- 
mouries. Piouen  also  joined  in  this  rebellion.'*  Ele- 
ments of  disorder  were  widespread  throughout  France : 
but  the  Crov/n  was  steadily  consolidating  its  power, 
and  reducing  nobles  and  people  alike  to  subjection. 

The  kings  had  at  first  favoured  municipal  liberties 
as  a  counterpoise  to  the  power  of  the  barons ;  ]\,„„ici|,ai 
and  as  the  towns  increased  in  wealth  and  pros-  ^'i^^^'cs. 

'  Prevost  des  marchands. 

'  Froissart,  Chron.  livr.  i.  cli.  393  ;   Perrens,  La  Democratic  en 
France,  cli.  i.-xii. 
^  Perreus,  La  Democratie,  en  France,  i.  332. 
*  Froib.sart,  Chron.  livr.  ii.  cli.  127,  128,  101. 


94  FRANCE. 

perity,  they  sliowed  much  of  that  spirit  of  freedom  and 
independence  which  had  distinguished  the  free  cities 
of  other  lands.^  In  the  south,  traditions  of  the  an- 
cient Koman  municipalities  may  have  served  to  keep 
alive  this  si:)irit ;  ^  and  everywhere  resistance  to  feudal- 
ism, and  the  common  interests  of  their  trades,  united 
the  burghers  into  powerful  municipal  communities. 
They  elected  their  own  magistrates,  and  shared  in  the 
active  public  life  of  a  fi'ee  society.  But  at  an  early  pe- 
riod, the  government  of  most  of  the  French  towns  had 
become  the  heritage  of  a  small  body  of  the  richer 
burghers,^  who  were  more  earnest  in  securing  privi- 
leges for  themselves  than  in  advancing  the  political  in- 
fluence of  their  municipalities.  And,  considering  their 
importance,  the  towns  played  an  inconsiderable  part  in 
the  politics  of  France.  In  political  power,  they  never 
approached  the  renowned  cities  of  Italy,  of  the  Neth- 
erlands, of  Germany,  or  even  of  Spain.  If  any  town 
displaj^ed  too  much  independence,  it  was  promptly 
deprived  of  its  municipal  franchises ;  *  and  Louis  XI. 
subjected  the  jurisdiction  of  the  towns  to  his  own 
lieutenants.^  In  1692,  Louis  XIV.  abolished  all  muni- 
cipal elections ;  and  sold  the  right  of  governing  the 

'  De  Tocqueville,  L'anden  Regime,  63  ;  Freeman,  Hist.  Essays,  2nd 
ser.  12. 

2  EolDertson,  History  of  Charles  V.,  sect.  i.  n.  [Q] ;  Lecky,  Hist,  of 
nationalism,  ii.  270, 

*  '  Au  onzieme  ou  douzieme  siecle  les  communes  se  montrent.  Au 
treizi^me  siecle  la  decadence  etait  dej;i  complete.  II  est  certain  que 
ces  revolutions  communales  avaient  ete  I'ceuvre  de  la  partie  riche 
des  habitants  des  villes.  Les  proletaires  suivaieut  :  mais,  lit'las  !  t 
aucun  moment  ils  ne  creent  rien  qui  ait  eu  vie,  meme  d'un  jour.' — 
Edgar  Quinet,  La  Revolution,  i.  43. 

■*  e.g.  Bordeaux,  by  Charles  VII. 

^  DeToc(ii\e\i\\e,  L'ancien  Regime,  64;  Crowe,  Hist,  of  France, 
ii.  255. 


THE   STATES-GENEExVL.  95 

towns  to  the  rich  citizens,  who  were  ready  to  pur- 
chase it.^  The  monarchy  was  now  far  too  strong  to 
suffer  from  municipal  independence ;  and  this  traific 
in  offices  was  simply  a  financial  expedient.  So  little 
did  the  king  concern  himself  about  popular  privileges, 
.  that  no  sooner  had  he  sold  the  municipal  offices,  than 
he  treated  with  the  burghers  for  the  repurchase  of 
their  rights.  So  great  a  mockery  had  municipal  fi'an- 
chises  become,  that,  in  some  towns,  these  rights  were 
thus  sold  no  less  than  seven  times.^  But,  whether 
sold  to  individuals  or  to  the  burghers  at  large,  the 
result  was  practically  the  same :  the  towns  being 
governed  by  a  small  oligarchy,  uncontrolled  by  the 
"people,  and  completely  under  the  direction  of  the 
officers  of  the  Crown.^  They  were  effaced  from  the 
political  constitution  of  France. 

Another  institution  of  the  middle  ages  shared  the 
same  fate.  The  Estates  of  the  realm  were  gtate-.- 
assembled,  in  early  times,  to  advise  the  king.  Kencrai. 
These,  indeed,  were  originally  councils  of  barons 
and  prelates.*  But,  in  1302,  Philip  the  Fair  sum- 
moned the  tiers  etat,  being  delegates  from  the  towns, 
to  meet  the  nobles  and  prelates  in  Notre-Dame  ;  and 
this  was  the  first  convention  of  the  states-general. 
They  were  afterwards  assembled  irregular^,  in  times 
of  national  difficulty  and  danger,  or  when  the  necessi- 
ties of  kings  drove  them  to  demand  extraordinary 
subsidies ;  ^  and,   in  1355,  it  appears  that  the  three 

'  De  Tocqueville,  63.  =  Ibid.  64. 

'  '  Au  dix-lmitiime  siecle  le  gouvei'neraent  municipal  des  villcs 
avait  done  drgt'ni'rr  paitout  en  une  petite  oligarchic.' — De  Tocque- 
ville, L'ancicn  Piifjime,  68. 

*  e.fj.  The  Parliament  assembled  in  Paris  in  l!?84,  by  Louis  the 
Hardy. 

'■  Louis  131au(;,  Hid.  do  la  Ilea.  Fr.  i.  157  it  scq. 


90  FRANCE. 

Estates  deliberated  together.^  Again,  in  1484,  tlie 
states-general  were  convoked,  so  as  to  ensure  a  nation- 
al representation,  and  embraced  delegates  from  the 
country,  as  well  as  from  the  towns.  These  delibera- 
tions were  conducted  not  by  orders,  but  in  six  bureaux, 
which  comprised  the  representatives  of  all  the  orders, 
according  to  their  territorial  divisions.^  In  England, 
assemblies  such  as  these  grew  into  a  free  and  pow- 
erful Parliament,  controlling  the  prerogatives  of  the 
Crown,  and  protecting  the  rights  of  the  commons. 
But  in  France,  they  had  no  settled  place  in  the  consti- 
tution :  they  were  clothed  with  no  defined  authority : 
they  laid  their  complaints  {colliers)  at  the  foot  of  the 
throne,  without  any  assurance  that  they  would  be- 
listened  to :  they  were  called  and  dismissed,  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  Crown;  and  were,  at  length,  wholly 
discontinued.^ 

With   the   states  -  general   of  1614,   these  national 

assemblies  were  brought  to  a  close;  and, 
continu-       heuceforth,  the  king  levied  his  subsidies  by 

prerogative.  These  assemblies  had,  indeed, 
imposed  little  restraint  upon  the  increasing  power  of 
the  Crown  :  but  they  had  maintained  the  princij)le  of 
representation,  in  the  constitution  of  France.  The 
nobles,  the  clergy,  and  the  commons,  had  been  brought 
into  the  presence  of  the  king ;  and  the  commons  had 
been  recognised  as  a  political  order.     Two  of  these 

'  Perrens,  La  Democratie  en  France  au  moyen-dge,  i.  135.  This 
author  says  :  '  Quel  qu'ait  ete  le  but  poursui\-i  et  le  but  atteint,  il 
est  impossible  de  ne  pas  remarquer  qu'a  leur  insu  nobles  et  prelats 
faisaient  un  premier  pas  dans  la  voie  de  I'egalite  entre  les  trois 
ordres.' 

■■^  Aug.  Thierry,  Essai  sur  I'Mstoire  de  la  formation  du  Tiers-etat,  i. 
87  ;  Louis  Blanc,  Hist,  de  la  Bevolutlon  Pr.  i.  153. 

'  Louis  Blanc,  Hist.  i.  160-169. 


THE  PAELIAMENTS.  97 

orders,  closely  associated  witli  the  Crown,  and  profit- 
ing by  its  prerogatives,  continued  to  enjoy  great  power 
and  privileges ;  but  the  third,  or  commonalty,  now 
whoU}'  lost  their  recognition  as  an  Estate  of  the  realm. 

Several  of  the  provinces,  which  had  been,  from  time 
to  time,  acquired  by  France,  still  retained  provincial 
their  ancient  constitutions ;  and  their  Estates  assembues. 
imposed  a  certain  check  upon  the  prerogatives  of  the 
Crown,  in  the  levying  of  taxes.  In  Languedoc,  Bur- 
gundy, Provence,  and  Brittany,  and  other  provinces, 
or  pays  d'itats,  the  Estates,  consisting  of  bishops,  no- 
bles, and  city  magistrates,  met  annually  to  grant  sub- 
sidies to  the  king,  and  to  assent  to  new  taxes.  Some- 
times they  opposed  his  demands :  but  they  were 
generally  coerced  by  his  overruling  power.  They 
were,  however,  mainly  assemblies  of  nobles  and 
churchmen,  the  last  strongholds  of  feudalism;  and 
Richelieu,  in  his  contest  with  the  survivors  of  feudal 
power,  endeavoured  to  abolish  them.  Most  of  the 
provinces  proved  too  powerful  to  be  yet  overcome,  by 
the  strong  hand  of  prerogative.  But  Louis  XIV.  was 
afterwards  able  to  deprive  Normandy,  Anjou,  Tou- 
raine,  and  other  provinces,  of  their  provincial  assem- 
blies. Languedoc,  Burgundy,  Provence,  Brittany,  and 
other  provinces,  were  permitted  to  continue  as  pa?/s 
cTetats :  but  their  assemblies  were  completely  governed 
by  the  commissaries  of  the  king.  And  thus  another 
institution,  endowed  with  some  measure  of  constitu- 
tional independence,  was  overthrown. 

A  further  check  upon  prerogative  was  found  in  the 
Parliaments.  These  bodies,  however,  were  T,,ePariia- 
in  no  sense  representative.  They  were  nomi-  '"i^"''^- 
noes  of  the  Crown ;  and,  as  high  courts  of  justice, 
they  proved  firm  friends  to  prerogative,  and  enemies  to 
VOL.  u. — Q 


98  FKANCE. 

feudalism.^  But  courts  are  ever  ready  to  enlarge  their 
own  jurisdiction;  and  as  the  king  promulgated 'his 
decrees,  or  ordinances,  by  requiring  them  to  be  regis- 
tered by  the  Parliaments,  they  assumed  the  right  of 
delaying  or  refusing  this  registration:  or,  in  other 
■words,  of  putting  a  veto  upon  the  acts  of  the  Crown. 
Having  no  commission  fi'om  the  king,  nor  from  the 
people,  for  the  exercise  of  such  a  function,  tlieir 
pretensions  were  naturally  resisted.  The  king  knew 
how  to  maintain  his  prerogatives.  He  could  over- 
come the  contumacy  of  a  Parliament,  by  holding  a 
Lib  de  Justice ;  and,  if  it  continued  refractory,  he  could 
banish  its  most  mutinous  members,  or  order  the  re- 
moval of  the  Parliament,  in  a  body,  until  it  submitted 
to  his  will.^  But,  in  the  absence  of  any  other  con- 
trolling power,  the  opposition  of  the  Parliaments  of- 
ten expressed  public  opinion ;  and  as  the  only  barrier 
against  the  arbitrary  power  of  the  king,  they  formed 
a  popular  element  in  the  constitution.^  Nor  did  the 
Parliaments  confine  their  opposition  to  the  decrees 
of  the  Crown :  they  often  ventured  upon  the  strongest 
remonstrances  against  the  policy  of  the  government. 

The  Parliament  of  Paris  was  the  first  of  these  dis- 
tinguished bodies  :  but  the  provincial  parliaments, — 
originally  eight  in  number,  and  afterwards  increased 
to  fourteen, — were  also  powerful  within  their  own 
jurisdictions.  They  exercised  the  highest  judicature 
in  their  several  provinces.  They  consisted  of  the 
most    eminent    lawyers    and    magistrates  in  France, 

mnobled   by  their   offices,  distinguished  by  their 


1  Hallam,  Middle  Ages,  193-196. 

'•^  Henri  Marten,  Ilist.  de  France,  ix.  109,  xv.  142,  &c.;  Louis  Blanc, 
Hist,  de  la  Rev.  Fr.  i.  435  ;  Laferriere,  Hkt.  du  Droit  de  France. 
"  Do  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  Bcgimc,  344. 


CENTRALISATION.  99 

learning,  eloquence,  and  cultivation, — the  ornaments 
of  French  society.^  The  Parliaments  continued  to 
display  a  strong  spirit  of  independence,  until  they 
were  abolished  by  Louis  XV.,  in  1771.^ 

And  thus,  in  each  succeeding  age,  the  prerogatives 
of  the  Cro^vn  were  enlarged,  while  every  xhemon- 
other  power  in  the  State  was  subjected  to  f.^te  nndiT 
its  dominion.  And  as  the  commonalty  were  ^°'''*  ^^'^• 
advancing  in  wealth,  in  intelligence,  and  in  social  in- 
fluence, they  were  excluded  from  all  voice  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  their  country.^  Under  Louis  XIV.  the  mon- 
archy had  become  absolute.  Whatever  constitutional 
rights  may  have  been  ojjposed  to  the  power  of  the  king, 
he  exercised  prerogatives  which  overcame  all  resist- 
ance. He  could  silance  a  Parliament  by  a  lit  de  justice: 
he  could  imprison  his  subjects  by  Icttres  de  cachet :  he 
could  banish  them  by  lettres  d'exil:  he  could  confiscate 
their  property :  he  could  tax  their  revenues.  Nor  was 
he  content  to  rule  over  the  temporal  rights  of  his  sub- 
jects only :  he  assumed  to  govern  their  souls ;  and,  by 
revoking  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  he  subjected  the  con- 
sciences and  worship  of  his  people  to  his  own  wilL 
And  while  the  monarchy  was  thus  acquiring  a  mono- 
poly of  power,  it  was  losing  much  of  its  feudal  character. 

Most  of  the  old  local  authorities  had  been  gradually 
superseded  by  nominees  of  the  Crown.     The 

C*'iitruli.''fi- 

kind's  council  (le  conseil  du  roi)  combined  the  tion  iu 

.,..,         T...  -,     France. 

highest  powers,  ]udicial,  administrative,  and 

'  '  France,  so  fertile  of  ^reat  men  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries,  might  better  spare,  perhaps,  from  her  annals,  any  class 
or  description  of  them,  than  her  lawyers.' — Hallam,  Middle  Agns,  i. 
19G.  '  The  spirit  and  learning  of  the  French  provincial  magistracy,— 
the  old  Parliamentary  spirit, — was  tlie  very  salt  of  the  nation  before 
the  IJovoliition  of  178!).'— Keeve,  Roi/al  and  Rev.  France,  ii.  93. 

^  See  infra,  p.  120,  "  Miguet,  IUhL  dc  la  JiCv.  Fr.  lutr.  8,  9. 


100  FBANCE. 

even  legislative.  Tlie  comptroller-general  was  a  min- 
Thcinten-  ister  wlio  wielded  nearly  all  the  executive 
dants.  power  of  the  State.     In  every  province  was 

an  intendant,  who  administered  its  affairs  as  agent  of 
the  government.  In  the  words  of  Law,  the  notorious 
financier,  '  the  kingdom  was  governed  by  thirty  in- 
tendants.'  These  officers  levied  the  taxes,  regulated 
the  militia  and  police,  superintended  the  roads, 
bridges,  and  other  public  works,  and  undertook  the 
relief  of  the  poor.^  The  intendants  even  ruled  over 
the  towns  as  well  as  the  country,  —  administering 
their  finances,  establishing  their  octrois,  and  author- 
ising the  execution  of  their  public  works.^  In  the 
villages  the  people  once  had  a  voice  in  the  manage- 
ment of  their  own  affairs  :  but  in  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, they  had  all  fallen  under  the  tutelage  of  the  in- 
tendants. These  active  and  vigilant  officers  greatly 
extended  the  power  of  the  Crown :  but  in  the  same 
measure,  they  increased  the  burthens  of  the  people. 
It  was  their  first  duty  to  em-ich  the  royal  treasury ; 
and  they  performed  it  with  little  regard  to  the  suffer- 
ings and  repugnance  of  the  tax-jDayers. 

Even  the  courts  found  their  jurisdiction  superseded 
The  courts  ^J  ^^^  administrative  activity  of  the  inten- 
of  justice,  dants.  They  continued  to  determine  private 
suits  between  parties  :  but  were  not  allowed  to  inter- 
fere in  cases  in  which  the  government  and  its  officers 
were  concerned.  These  courts  had  done  good  service 
to  liberty,  under  an  absolute  government.     All  their 

^  '  C'est  radministration  de  I'etat  qui  s'etend,  de  toutes  parts,  sur 
les  debris  des  pouvoirs  locaux  :  c'est  la  hierarcliie  des  fonctionnaires 
qui  remplace,  de  plus  en  plus,  le  gouvemement  des  nobles.' — De 
Tocqueville,  L'ancien  Regime,  26. 

-  De  Tocqueville,  Vanckn  Regime,  69. 


EVILS    OF  ABSOLUTISM.  101 

proceedings  were  conducted  in  public  :  their  decisions 
were  open  to  appeal :  tliey  were  independent ;  and, 
above  all,  tliey  were  not  venal :  they  afforded  protec- 
tion against  public  and  private  wrongs.  It  was  a 
grievous  blow  to  liberty,  and  to  public  security,  when 
power  prevailed  over  justice,  and  the  people  could 
only  protect  themselves  by  force.^ 

All  these  changes  tended  to  concentrate  the  entire 
power  of  France  in  the  capital.  From  early  times 
Paris  had  been  the  seat  of  the  court  and  of  the  govern- 
ment, the  chosen  resort  of  literature  and  the  arts,  and 
of  society.  It  was  also  a  centre  of  industry  and  manu- 
factures, to  which  great  numbers  of  capitalists  and 
skilled  artisans  were  attracted.  And  while  the  caj^ital 
was  thus  advancing  in  power,  riches,  and  culture,  the 
gradual  absorption  of  all  local  authorities,  by  the  cen- 
tral government,  withdrew  from  the  provinces  their 
activity  and  life.  The  provinces  were  depleted  ftf 
their  life-blood  by  the  capital.  Their  weakness  and 
stagnation  were  increasing,  while  Paris  was  stimu- 
lated into  excessive  vitality.  Its  commercial  industry 
attracted  multitudes  of  workmen ;  and  the  working 
classes  acquired  a  dangerous  preponderance.^ 

This  concentration  of  all  the  powers  of  the  State  in 
the  Crown  was  fatal  not  only  to  the  liberties,  g^,,^  ^^ 
but  to  the  material  and  social  well-being,  of  a''"*"'""«m. 
the  country.     No  longer  controlled  in  the  levying  of 
taxes,  kings  were  free  to  riot  in  every  extravagance. 
They  engaged  lightly  in  serious  wars  :  tlioy  built  costly 
palaces:  they  maintained  extravagant  establishments;- 
they  surrounded  themselves  with  a  court  of  extraor- 

'  De  Tocquevillo  says  :  '  Qnancl  iin  peuple  a  dc'truit  duns  son  sein 
I'aristocratie,  11  court  vers  la  centralisation  comnic  dc  liii-nnnue.' — 
L'uTiciea  liifjime,  89.        ''  Do  Tocquevillo,  L'anckn  Rtyimc,  cli.  vii. 


102  FEMCE. 

dinary  stateliness  and  splendour.  There  were  no 
bounds  to  their  expenses ;  and  when  more  money  was 
needed  for  the  royal  state,  fresh  taxes  were  laid  upon 
the  people.  They  lived  for  themselves  alone,  for  their 
ambition,  their  pride  and  their  pleasures.  They  had 
no  thought  of  duty  to  their  subjects.  Kuling  by  here- 
ditary right,  they  were  the  representatives  of  God 
upon  earth,  and  were  accountable  to  no  man. 

The  court  of  Louis  XIV.,  at  Versailles,  was  the  most 
Court  of  magnificent  and  the  most  costly  in  Europe. 
Louis  XIV.  j^Q  earthly  sovereign  could  be  surrounded  by 
greater  state,  or  approached  with  deeper  reverence.^ 
So  brilliant  a  society  of  princes  and  nobles  had  never 
been  collected.  Nowhere  had  graceful  manners,  well- 
bred  courtesy,  and  polished  conversation  been  cul- 
tivated to  such  perfection.  This  favoured  circle 
formed  the  ideal  of  social  elegance  and  refinement. 
lif  made  France  famous  as  the  politest  of  nations.  But 
it  was  idle,  fiivolous,  and  corrupt.  Pleasure  and  pre- 
ferment were  its  only  aims.  It  had  no  sense  of  public 
duty  or  responsibility.  Courtiers  enjoyed  a  gay  society, 
which  scarcely  cared  to  cover  its  vices  with  the  thin 
veil  of  gallantry.  They  j)erformed  no  useful  service 
to  the  State :  but  we  re.  ever  seeking  new  offices  and 
pensions.  With  all  their  pride  of  birth  and  station, 
they  were  not  ashamed  to  beg  unmerited  favours  from 
their  royal  master.  And  their  insatiable  greed  mul- 
tiplied the  burthens  of  the  people.^ 

'  'Depuis  les  Ct'sars,  aucune  vie  liumaine  n'a  tenu  tant  de  place 
au  soleil.' — Taine,  Les  Origines,  114.  The  second  book  of  this  re- 
markable work  contains  a  description  of  this  court,  at  once  compre- 
hensive and  minute. 

5  As  a  single  example  :  '  En  1757  I'impot  est  de  283,156,000  livres  ; 
en  1789,  de  470,394,000.'— Taine,  Les  Origines,  455. 


EVILS  OF  THE   COURT.  103 

The  evils  of  sucli  a  court  as  this  were  grave  enough : 
but  its  indirect  consequences  were  fatal  to  j;^,,,^  ^^  ^j^^ 
the  interests  of  society.  The  attraction  of  <=°"'"'^- 
nobles  and  high  ecclesiastics,  from  their  provincial 
strongholds,  to  the  royal  court,  had  commenced  in  the 
reign  of  Francis  L,  and  increased  with  the  decline  of 
feudalism,  and  the  aggrandisement  of  the  monarchy. 
The  warlike  chiefs  of  one  ago,  became  the  silken 
courtiers  of  another.  Before  the  nobles  were  attracted 
to  the  court  they  lived  upon  their  own  territories : 
they  were  surrounded  by  their  neighbours  and  de- 
pendents :  they  v/ere  identified  with  the  social  life  of 
the  provinces.  Their  feudal  rights  were  invidious 
and  oppressive :  but  in  the  eyes  of  their  own  people, 
they  were  princes,  to  whom  all  accustomed  services 
were  rightly  due.  They  kept  alive  a  sentiment  of 
hereditary  loyalty-^  Their  bravery  and  manly  virtues, 
the  splendour  of  their  hospitality,  their  charities  and 
fi-iendly  offices,  endeared  them  to  their  countrymen. 
And  in  more  tranquil  times,  they  were  able  to  lay 
aside  the  sword,  and  assume  the  duties  and  respon- 
sibilities of  magistrates,  provincial  councillors,  and 
country  gentlemen.  At  this  very  period,  when  they 
could  have  done  the  best  service  to  society,  the}^  de- 
serted their  ancestral  halls,  and  flocked  to  Paris  and 
Versailles.  Princes  in  the  provinces,  they  now  be- 
came the  gilded  servants  of  tlie  king ;  and  their  reve- 
nues, instead  of  maintaining  their  old  feudal  state, 
contributed  to  the  splendour  of  the  royal  court.  But 
they  profited  by  the  munificence  of  the  king  and  the 
privileges  of  their  order ;  and  while  still  enjoying  the 

' '  La  seigneurie,  le  comte,  le  duclu'  deviennent  une  patiio  que  Ton 
aime  d'un  instinct  aveugle,  et  pour  laquclle  on  se  dOvoue.' — Taine, 
Lea  Origincs,  13. 


104  EEANCE. 

rights  of  feudalism,  tliey  escaped  from  all  its  duties. 
On  tlie  ground  of  tlieir  feudal  services  to  tlie  Crown, 
tliey  had  formerly  claimed  exemption  from  other  pub- 
lic burthens ;  and  now  that  these  services  were  no 
longer  rendered,  their  exemption  was  maintained. 

All  the  highest  offices  in  the  Church,  the  State,  and 
Hi"h  offices  ^^^^  army,  were  conferred  upon  nobles.  No 
lised'by  Commoner  could  aspire  to  hold  them.  The 
nobles.  bisliop,  the  abbot,  ai^  the  prior  were  of  gen- 
tle birth  :  the  half-starved  cure  was  a  plebeian.^  The 
bishop  lived  like  a  prince,  surrounded  by  luxuries, 
and  mixing  freely  in  the  gay,  and  not  too  moral  society 
of  the  court.  The  cure,  ill-housed  and  ill-fed,  laboured 
in  his  humble  calling,  without  encouragement  from 
above,  and  without  a  hope  of  preferment.  To  be  a 
captain  in  the  army,  an  officer  was  required  to  prove 
that  he  had  four  degrees  of  nobility ;  and  throughout 
the  service,  j)romotion  was  to  be  gained,  not  by  merit, 
but  by  court  favour.  Sinecures  were  multiplied  for 
the  nobles,  in  the  public  administration,  and  in  the 
court.  They  were  of  no  service  to  the  State :  they 
contributed  little  to  the  dignity  of  the  royal  house- 
hold :  but  they  weighed  heavily  upon  the  national 
finances.^  Preposterous  pensions  were  lavished  upon 
courtiers  and  favoured  ladies,  without  any  pretence  of 
service  to  the  State.^ 

Nor  were  offices  multiplied  merely  for  the  gratifica- 
saie  of  ^^^^  °^  courtiers.  Since  the  fifteenth  century, 
offices.  ^Ijq  ^q^q  Qf  p^iijiic  offices  had  been  resorted 
to  by  the  Crown  as  a  source  of  revenue.     To  enhance 

'  Les  vrais  pasteurs  des  ames,  Ics  co-opcrateurs  dans  le  saint  mi- 
nistere,  ont  a  peine  une  subsistauce.' — Le  Marquis  de  Mirabeau,  cited 
by  Taine,  Les  Origines,  94.    See  also  Laurent,  L'Eglise  et  VEtat,  3-11. 

»  Taiue,  81-89.  "  Ibid.  90. 


SALE   OF  OFFICES.  105 

their  saleable  value,  many  of  them  were  made  here- 
ditary :  some  even  carried  with  them  a  j)atent  of  no- 
bility :  all  entitled  the  fortunate  holders  to  exemption 
from  many  taxes.  Multitudes  of  offices  were  created, 
not  because  they  were  necessary,  but  because  they 
could  be  sold.  Such  offices  existed  in  every  depart- 
ment of  the  State ;  and  thus  there  stood  between  the 
government  and  the  people,  an  independent  official 
aristocracy,  very  burthensome  to  the  country,  and  lit- 
tle under  the  control  of  its  rulers.  To  adminis-ter  the 
affairs  of  a  great  State  efficiently,  with  such  a  staff, 
was  out  of  the  question;  and  Louis  XIV.,  in  great 
measure,  superseded  them  by  the  appointment  of  an 
intendant  and  suhdelegiies  in  every  province.  Yet  more 
offices  were  created  and  sold ;  and  their  holders  being 
exempt  from  taxation,  the  burthens  upon  their  less 
fortunate  neighbours  were  increased;  and  their  own 
privileges  became  the  more  obnoxious.  Even  the  re- 
versions of  offices  were  sold.  Monopolies  were  also 
granted,  at  high  prices,  which  crippled  trade,  and 
brought  ruin  upon  numbers  of  industrious  families. 

While  the  nobles  were  thus  enjoying  the  lucrative 
offices  and  honours  of  the  court,  and  distri-  Exemptions 
buting  favours  to  their  friends,  their  feudal  «'fn"Wt-8. 
domains  were  deserted-  The  State  taxes,  from  which 
their  own  property  and  that  of  the  Church  were 
wholly  or  partly  exempt,  were  constantly  becoming 
more  burthensome  to  the  poorer  proprietors,  for  whom 
there  was  no  exemption.  About  one-half  the  soil  be- 
longed to  the  favoured  rich,  and  the  other  half  to 
the  heavily-laden  poor.^     But  yet  more  grievous  were 

'  'Si  on  dcfalquo  les  terres  publiques,  les  priviKgies  possedcnt  la 
moitie  du  royaume.  Et  ce  gro3  lot  est,  en  mCmc  temps,  le  plus 
ricLo.' — Taine,  Les  Origincs,  18. 


106  FEANCE. 

the  feudal  dues  and  local  burthens  borne  by  the  un- 
privileged lands.  All  the  great  nobles  and  dignitaries 
of  the  Church  were  now  absentees;  and  the  lesser 
nobles  and  proprietors,  still  resident,  were  deprived 
of  their  local  functions  by  the  officers  of  the  State. 
Nothing  of  feudalism  remained  but  its  burthens ;  and 
these  were  heavier  than  ever. 

The  corvee,  or  statute-labour,  exacted  for  the  repair 

of  the  roads  and  various  local  works,  tolls  on 

uponthi      the  roads,  ferries  across  the  rivers,  dues  at 

peasantry.     ^^.^^^  ^^^  markets,  exclusive  rights  of  grinding 

corn,  of  pressing  grapes,  and  of  keeping  pigeons: 
fees  on  the  sale  of  land,  dues  and  ground-rents  to 
the  feudal  lord,  in  money  and  in  kind:  tithes  and 
seignorial  dues  to  the  Church:  such  were  the  chief 
burthens  upon  the  land.^  As  wealth  and  civilisation 
increased,  more  constant  demands  were  made  for  puli- 
lic  roads.  They  were  most  needed  for  the  rich :  but 
they  were  made  at  the  cost  of  the  poor  peasants,  to 
whom  they  were  of  little  use.^  Besides  these  feudal 
dues,  the  public  burthens  upon  the  peasantry  were 
grievous.  Among  them  were  the  taille,  a  heavy  per- 
sonal tax,  unequally  assessed  and  arbitrarily  levied ;  ^ 
and  others  no  less  onerous.^ 

These  demands  upon  the  peasant  proprietors  and 
Effects  farmers  became  more  repugnant  when  the 
reshiTnce  ^udal  Superiors  had  lost  their  power.  So 
long  as  the  nobles  administered  justice,  exe- 
cuted the  laws,  and  took  the  lead  in  all  local  affairs, 
these  public   duties   seemed  to  Justify  their  rights. 

'  De  Tocqueville,  L'anden  Begime,  42. 

"^  This  peculiar  hardsliip  was  strikingly  condemned  by  the  king 
himself  in  an  edict  against  the  cwoee. — Ibid.  2G6. 
3  Ibid.  185.  *  See  infra,  p.  110. 


BUETHENS  UPON  THE  TEASANTKY.  107 

They  stood  in  the  same  relation  to  the  people  as  the 
State, — rendering  services,  and  receiving  taxes  ;  but 
now  the  services  were  withdrawn,  and  the  exactions 
continued.  These  dues  were  constantly  becoming 
more  burthensome.  In  the  absence  of  proprietors, 
agents  and  stewards  were  hard  task-masters.  It  was 
their  business  to  collect  the  uttermost  farthing  from 
the  peasantry.  The  unjust  steward  knew  how  to  pro- 
fit by  his  exactions :  the  honest  servant  was  bound 
to  meet  the  urgent  necessities  of  his  employer.  Still 
worse  was  the  lot  of  the  unhappy  peasant  when  the 
dues  were  leased  to  a  stranger,  or  mortgaged  to  a 
creditor.  Unfeeling  and  rapacious,  such  men,  who 
now  stood  in  the  place  of  the  proprietor,  became  the 
terror  and  scourge  of  the  cultivators, — reducing  them 
to  beggary,  and  driving  them  from  their  homes.^ 

There  were  many  proprietors,  indeed,  still  resident 
upon  their  estates.  Too  poor  to  enjoy  the  Ropideut 
pleasures  of  the  capital,  for  which  they  p^^''"^^'''''^- 
longed,  they  lived  penuriously  in  their  own  chateaux. 
They  were  relieved  of  all  the  public  duties  of  a  coun- 
try gentleman  :  ^  but  they  were  tenacious  of  their  old 
feudal  rights, — the  dove-cot,  the  warren,  and  the  game 
preserves.^  With  more  sympathy  for  the  peasantry 
than  the  collectors  of  absentee  proprietors,  they  were 

'  '  On  comprend  que,  exercee  par  leurs  mains  (les  fermiers  ou 
debiteurj;),  la  fi'odalitt^  pdt  i)araitre  souvent  plus  dure  qu'au  moyen- 
S-ge.'—Bo  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  Regime,  405  (note).  'C'est  un 
loup  ravissant,  que  Ton  lache  sur  la  terre,  qui  en  tire  jusqu'aux 
demiers  sous,  accable  les  sujets,  les  reduit  n  la  niendicite,  fait  de- 
serter les  cultivateurs,  rend  odieux  le  maitre  qui  se  trouve  force 
de  tolerer  ses  exactions,  pour  le  faire  jouir.' — Reuauldon,  628,  cited 
by  Taine,  Les  Orifjines,  67. 

"  De  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  Regime,  39,  56,  &c. 

"  Taine,  Le.<i  Originen,  50. 


108  FRANCE. 

too  poor  to  be  liberal  They  lived  upon  their  feudal 
rights,  and  could  not  afford  to  forego  them.^  Whe- 
ther the  proprietor  was  resident  or  not,  there  was  no 
relief  for  the  peasant ;  and  at  length  the  long-suffer- 
ing cultivators  of  the  soil  learned  to  cast  sullen  and 
revengeful  looks  upon  the  chateau.  There  lay  the 
treasured  title-deeds  which  had  doomed  them  to  pen- 
ury. There  might  be  found,  at  some  future  time,  the 
means  of  rescue  and  redemption.^ 

Besides  these  two  classes  of  feudal  landowners, 
Peasant  there  was  a  prodigious  number  of  peasant 
proprietors.  pj-Qprietors,  who  had  gradually  acquired 
portions  of  the  original  feudal  grants.  Serfdom  had 
been  generally  unknown  for  centuries  before  the 
Revolution.^  In  Normandy  it  had  ceased  to  exist  so 
far  back  as  the  thirteenth  century  ;  ^  and  the  pea- 
santry, no  longer  serfs,  became,  in  vast  numbers,  pro- 
prietors of  the  soil.  Long  before  the  Revolution  and 
the  Code  Napoleon,  the  extraordinary  subdivision  of 
the  land,  among  peasant  proprietors,  had  been  ob- 
served by  French  statesmen.'  Numbers  of  nobles 
and  landowners,  impoverished  by  extravagance  and 
by  the  mismanagement  of  their  estates,  were  induced 
to  sell  portions  of  their  land  to  the  peasantry.  To 
this  class  about  one-third  of  the  land  of  France  be- 
longed. They  were  generally  poor,  ignorant,  and 
struggling  for  a  bare  subsistence.     Though  they  had 

'  '  Le  peuple,  qui  d'un  mot  va  souvent  droit  a  I'idee,  avait  donne 
a  ce  petit  gentilhomme  le  nom  du  moins  gros  des  oiseaus  de  proie  : 
il  I'avait  nomme  le  hobereau.'— De  Tocqueville,  181. 

^  Taine,  Les  Origine^,  52. 

"  The  only  exception  was  in  territories  m  the  east  of  France,  ac- 
quired from  Germany. 

*  De  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  Regime,  livr.  ii.  ch.  1. 

'  Ibid.  ;  Doniol,  La  Etvolution  Fran(;am,  et  la  Fcodalite. 


PEASANT  PROPIIIETOIIS — METAYERS.  109 

purchased  their  little  patches  of  soil  out  of  their 
scanty  savings,  they  had  not  acquired  exemption 
fi'om  feudal  dues ;  and  as  their  richer  neighbours,  to 
whom  these  dues  were  paid,  were  exempt  fi'om  other 
taxes,  the  chief  burthens  fell  upon  this  single  class, 
which  was  least  able  to  bear  them.  Whatever  the 
pride  of  ownership,  the  peasant  proprietor  was  still 
called  upon  to  leave  his  own  farm,  and  to  work  for 
another,  without  rev/ard.  His  crops  were  devoured 
by  his  great  neighbour's  game  :  his  corn  was  ground 
dearly  at  the  privileged  mill ;  and  he  still  paid  feudal 
rents  for  lands  which  he  called  his  own.  Can  we 
wonder  that  the  peasant  proprietors  hated  the  nobles 
and  the  Church  ?  ^ 

Another  class  of  peasants,  who  shared  the  suffer- 
ings and  wrongs  of  the  small  proprietors.  Theme- 
were  the  peasant  tenantry  of  the  nobles  and  ^'*^'''"" 
the  Church,  known  as  metayers,  who  paid  their  rent 
in  kind.  Without  capital  or  skill,  or  interest  in  the 
soil,  their  farming  was  wretched.  The  landlord  suf- 
fered by  the  unproductiveness  of  his  land  :  the  tenant 
was  oppressed  by  agents,  collectors,  and  money- 
lenders.    At  best,  the  metayer  earned  a  bare  subsist- 

'  Many  interesting  illustrations  of  the  condition  of  the  peasantry, 
before  the  Revolution,  will  be  found  in  Bonnemere,  Hist,  dcs  Pay- 
sans ;  in  Boulanvilliers,  Etat  de  la  France;  and  in  L'liistoire  d'un 
Paysan,  1789,  1793,  1793,  1794-1815,  by  Erckmann-Chatrian.  'La 
noblesse  et  le  clergt',  ces  deux  ordres  rapaces,  se  sont  approprics 
tous  les  avantages  do  la  societt',  ont  fait  tarir  pour  nous  toutes  los 
sources  de  I'aisance  et  de  la  prosperite  ;  on  nous  a  vexes,  maciros, 
a  pen  prC-s  comme  des  bCtes  de  sorame.  Ces  ennemis  du  bonheur 
des  peuples  ne  paient  rien  si  I'ctat,  quoiqu'ils  possedent  les  plus 
grands  biens,  des  biens  immenses :  tout  est  a  eux,  rien  a  nous,  et 
avec  ce  rien  nous  sommes  obliges  de  faire  face  a  tous  les  besoins  do 
la  chose  publique.'— ii(^c'xio7is  d'un  PhUosopJie  Breton,  Intr.  au 
Moniteur,  p.  509. 


110  FEANCE. 

ence,  —  living    a    hard    life,    ill-fed,    ill-clothed,    ill- 
housed,  and  ignorant;  and  upon  him  fell  the  taxes 
from    which    his    privileged   landlord    was    exempt. 
Both   these  classes  of  peasants  were  poor 

Poverty  .  -^ 

of  the  enough :  but,  to  escape  impositions,  they  pre- 

tended even  greater  poverty.  Their  wretch- 
ed houses  were  out  of  repair,  and  nearly  stripped  of 
furniture :  their  clothing  was  beggarly,  and  their  food 
coarse  and  scanty.^ 

Another  grievous  wrong  was  suffered  by  the  pea- 
Thegame-  sautry,  from  the  feudal  game-laws.  Game 
^'*"'®'  was   strictly  preserved  for  the   use   of  the 

lords  of  the  soil :  and  for  its  protection,  the  peasant 
was  exposed  to  the  most  vexatious  injuries.  His 
crops  were  destroyed  without  compensation  :  he  was 
forbidden  to  protect  them  by  the  inclosure  of  his  land : 
he  could  keep  neither  dog  nor  gun.  Woe  to  him  if, 
at  the  hatching  season,  he  disturbed  the  partridges 
by  cutting  his  own  grass,  or  lucerne,  or  osiers.  Any 
breach  of  these  laws  was  punished  with  rigorous 
severity.'^ 

The  peasantry  were  ruined  by  State  taxes,  by  local 
wei-'htof  hurthens,  and  by  feudal  dues  and  services. 
taxes.  ijij^Q  tax-gatherer  was  ever  at  their  doors  :  he 

even  pursued  them  as  they  came  from  church  :  their 
goods  were  sold  for  non-payment  of  taxes ;  and  their 
ignorance  exposed  them  to  extortion  and  fraud,^  Not 
only  were  these  taxes  ruinous  in  amount,  but  some, 

"     '  Taine,  Les  Origines,  445. 

^  '  Leurs  capitaines  de  chasse,  veneurs,  gardes  forestiers,  gruyers, 
protegent  les  bStes  comme  si  elles  etaient  des  hommes,  et  poursui- 
vent  les  hommes  comme  s'ils  etaient  des  betes.' — Taine,  Les  Ori- 
gines, 73. 

'  La  plupart  .  .  .  ressemblent  aux  fellahs  d'Egypte,  aux  labou- 
reurs  de  I'lndoustan.' — Ibid.  4G6. 


THE  miilTIA.  Ill 

like  the  salt-tax  and  tlie  wine-tax,  were  levied  by 
means  so  oppressive  and  vexatious,  tliat  tlie  loss  to 
industry  and  trade  was  more  serious  than  the  tax 
itself.^ 

The  last  wrong  of  the  peasantry  was  that  of  recruit- 
ing for  the  militia.  The  military  forces  were 
drawn  exclusively  from  the  lower  classes :  all 
people  in  comfortable  circumstances,  as  well  as  their 
servants,  enjoyed  exemption  from  service ;  and  none 
but  the  poor  peasants,  who  had  no  friends,  were 
pressed  into  the  ranks.'^  Dragged  from  their  homes, 
and  made  soldiers  against  their  will,  they  were  treated 
with  severity  and  neglect.  While  their  noble  officers 
were  faring  sumptuously  every  day,  the  common  sol- 
diers were  coarsely  and  sparely  fed,  ill-lodged,  and  ill- 
treated.^  Nowhere  was  the  hard  contrast  between 
the  noble  and  the  peasant  more  striking  than  in  a 
French  regiment.  The  soldiers,  sullen  and  discon- 
tented, deserted  in  thousands,  and  lived  upon  society 
as  outlaws,  marauders,  poachers,  and  vagrants. 

There  was  no  agricultural  middle  class,  like  that  of 
yeomen,  or  large  tenant  farmers,  as  in  Eng-  Noagricui- 
land.  The  rural  society  was  that  of  nobles,  middle 
squires,  and  peasants.  Nor  did  any  of  the 
middle  class,  enriched  by  trade,  choose  their  homes 
in  the  country.  Eepelled  by  the  haughty  bearing  of 
the  proprietors/  and  by  the  local  burthens  which  fell 

'  Ibid.  468-473. 

'^  '  Le  service  leur  est  si  odieux,  que  souvent  lis  se  sauvent  dans 
les  bois,  ou  il  faut  les  poursuivre  a  main  armco.' — Ibid.  513. 

^  '  Six  sous  par  jour,  un  lit  etroit  pour  deux,  du  ])ain  de  cliien,  et 
dopuis  quelques  anm'es,  des  coups  conimc  a  un  cliien.' — Taine,  Les 
Orif/incs,  513. 

*  '  Le  seigneur  qui  residait  dans  ses  terres  niontrait,  d'ordiiiaire 
unc  certaine  bonhomie  familicre  cuvers  les  paysans  ;  mais  son  in- 


112  FRANCE. 

heavily  upon  tliem,  as  unprivileged  owners,  tliey  took 
refuge  in  the  towns,  and  swelled  tlie  ranks  of  the 
bourgeoisie.^ 

With  such  discouragements  to  the  industry  of  the 

peasantry,  we  learn  without  suri)rise  of  the 
and  bread      miseries  by  which  large  parts  of  France  were 

often  afflicted.  Famines  were  not  infrequent, 
which  carried  off  multitudes  of  sufferers  ;  and  reduced 
the  survivors  to  the  most  frightful  privations.^  "While 
nobles  and  prelates  were  feasting,  at  Yersailles,  thou- 
sands of  their  wretched  people  were  dying  of  hun- 
ger. Large  tracts  of  land,  deserted  by  the  peasantry, 
were  thrown  out  of  cultivation.  Many  fled  from  their 
miseries  to  the  provincial  towns,  and  to  Paris  :  where 
a  starving  populace  were  often  driven  to  riots  and 
pillage.  They  broke  down  the  barriers  at  the  octroi, 
they  forced  open  granaries,  and  provision  shops  :  they 
plundered  markets,  and  they  hung  bakers.  Multi- 
tudes of  beggars  infested  the  country  roads,  the  towns 
and  the  capital.  In  1767,  no  less  than  50,000  were 
taken  up,  by  order  of  the  government.^  Bands  of 
armed  robbers  and  poachers  cut  down  woods,  swept 
away  game  and  poultry,  and  plundered,  farm-houses. 
These  dangerous  vagabonds,  trained  to  outrage,  were 
ready  to  lead  famished  mobs  in  tumults  and  insurrec- 
tions.* 

The  towns  were  more  prosperous  than  the  country : 

science  vis-a-vis  des  bourgeois,  ses  voisins,  etait  presque  infinie.' — 
De  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  Regime,  134. 

'  '  La  presque  totalite  de  la  classe  moyenne  dans  l'ancien  regime 
habitait  les  villes.'— Ibid.  134,  136. 

^  Taine,  Les  Origines,  430  et  seq. 

2  De  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  Regime,  199. 

*  Taine,  Les  Orlgiiics,  507,  508. 


IMrO\T3rJSH]!IENT  OF  NOBLES.  113 

but  tlie J  suffered  grievous  burtliens.  Tliey  were  sub- 
ject to  a  heavy  octroi,  and  to  public  and  local  ,j,,j^  ^^^.^^^_ 
imposts  :  tlieir  trade  was  injured  by  monopo-  *^^^^  towns. 
lies,  and  fiscal  vexations :  no  one  was  free  to  follow 
liis  calling  in  liis  own  way :  everywhere  privilege 
was  opposed  to  freedom.  Numbers  of  tlieir  own 
workmen  were  often  without  employment ;  and  they 
were  overrun  by  paupers  and  vagrants  from  the 
country.^ 

While  the  country  was  suffering  from  misrule,  in- 
justice, and  selfishness,  important  changes 
were  coming  over  the  society  of  France.  i"hiiieiitrof 
The  old  nobles  retained  their  ancient  privi- 
leges :  but  their  social  position  was  gravely  altered. 
Such  was  the  respect  due  to  birth,  that  nobility  once 
stood  alone  and  unapproachable  in  society.  It  was  a 
distinct  caste.^  Nobles  rarely  married  beyond  their 
own  privileged  circle,  and  never  without  discredit. 
They  were  also  the  only  wealthy  class :  their  great 
possessions  placing  them  far  above  the  reach  of  ri- 
valry. And  when  they  resided  upon  their  patrimo- 
nial estates,  their  influence  over  provincial  societ}'  was 
unbounded.  But  their  ranks  had  been  thinned  by 
the  civil  wars ;  and  court  life  had  impaired  their  for- 
tunes. Their  estates  were  impoverished  by  neglect 
and  mismanagement :  and  not  all  the  lavish  bounty 
of  the  king  sufficed  to  maintain  their  extravagance. 
Many  sank  deeply  into  debt :  some  saved  themselves 
from  ruin   by  unequal  marriages.^    Above    all,  they  » 

'  Ibid.  482,  505. 

^  '  La  noblesse  est  devenue  une  caste,  c'est-a-dire  que  sa  marque 
distincte  est  la  naissance.' — De  Tocqueville,  L'anden  Regime,  124. 

^  '  Depuis  plusieurs  siecles  les  nobles  fran(;ais  n'avaient  cesse  de 
tj'appauvrir.     "Malgrc  ses  privileges,  la  noblesse  bc  ruinc,  ot  s'aue* 


114  FRANCE. 

had  wholly  abdicated  tlieir  proper  duties,  as  a  gov- 
erning class.  While  the  country  was  disturbed  by 
dangerous  disorders, — mainly  due  to  their  neglect, — 
they  were  spending  a  life  of  pleasure  and  frivolity. 
They  were  masters  of  wit  and  epigram :  but  they 
were  without  statesmanship,  patriotism,  or  a  sense  of 
public  duty.  They  had  lost  their  influence  over  soci- 
ety; and  they  took  no  pains  to  recover  it.  If  they 
desired  power  they  sought  it  through  the  favour  of 
the  king.  They  had  no  ambition  apart  from  the 
court.  And  thus  France  was  deprived  of  the  guid- 
ance of  its  natural  leaders. 

Meanwhile  other  classes  had  been  rising  in  French 
society.     While  the   nobles   were   becoming 

Rise  of  -^    .  r.  .  1,1 

other  poorer,  mtendants,  financiers,  merchants  and 

classes.  ^ 

lawyers  were  growing  rich.  If  they  had 
formed  a  powerful  middle  class,  controlling  the  no- 
offlciai  bles,  and  representing  the  interests  of  the 
nobles.  people,  they  could  have  done  much  to  repair 
the  evils  of  French  society.  But  it  was  their  first 
ambition  to  be  ennobled.  A  part  of  their  wealth 
was  at  once  invested  in  the  purchase  of  an  office, 
which  conferred  the  rank  and  privileges  of  nobility.^ 
The  social  position  of  these  official  nobles  was  equi- 
vocal. By  the  old  nohlesse,  they  were  still  regarded 
as  rot'uriers ;  and  they  added  nothing  to  the  politi- 
cal power,  or  social  influence,  of  the  nobility.  On 
the  other  hand,  they  were  viewed  with  jealousy,  by 
their  former  equals.     Their  privileges  were  invidious ; 

antit  tous  les  jours,  et  le  tierst'tat  s'empare  des  fortunes,"  ecrit  tris- 
tement  un  gentilhomme,  en  1755.' — De  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  Re- 
gime, 117. 

'  In  the  time  of  Necker  the  number  of  such  offices  was  no  less  than 
4,000. — De  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  lUginie,  133. 


CAPITALISTS.  115 

and  tlieir  pretensions  offensive.^  They  were  exempt 
from  burthens,  which  fell  the  more  heavily  upon  their 
neighbours ;  and  their  pride  proToked  envy  and  ridi- 
cule. They  failed  to  acquire  the  respect  of  the  people, 
like  the  ancient  nobles  :  while  they  aggravated  the 
sense  of  inequality,  which  had  long  been  rankling  in 
the  minds  of  the  unprivileged  classes.  Unlike  the 
judicial  nobles  of  the  Parliaments,  whose  learning 
and  public  services  ensured  respect,  they  formed  no 
element  of  stability  in  French  society. 

But  the  increasing  commerce  of  France  had  en- 
riched great  numbers  of  citizens,  beyond  this 
privileged  circle, — capitalists,  bankers,  con- 
tractors, and  merchants.  Such  men  became  the  chief 
creditors  of  the  State  and  of  the  nobles  ;  and  so  great 
were  the  necessities  of  the  court,  that  they  often  suf- 
fered losses,  and  ruinous  delays,  in  the  recovery  of 
their  debts.^  Many  were  richer  than  their  debtors, 
lived  in  the  same  splendour,  and  vied  with  them  in 
social  pretensions.^  But  there  was  a  broad  gulf  be- 
tween them.  The  nobles  were  gradually  relaxing 
some  of  their  dignity  :  but  they  held  themselves  aloof 
from  the  roturiers.  They  borrowed  their  money,  but 
avoided  their  company.  The  capitalists  had  become 
a  power  in  the  State  :  but  they  were  estranged  from 
the  court  and  the  nobles.^ 

'  '  Dans  certaines  provinces,  les  nouveaux  anoblis  sont  repousses 
d'un  cote  pares  qu'on  ne  les  juge  pas  assez  nobles,  et  de  I'autre 
parce  qu'on  trouve  qu'ils  le  sont  dcja  trop,' — Ibid.  134. 

*  Taine,  Les  Origines,  406. 

^  '  lis  avaient  les  mOmes  idoes,  les  memes  habitudes,  suivaient 
les  memes  gouts,  se  livraient  aux  mPmes  plaisirs,  lisaient  les  mtmes 
livres,  parlaient  le  meme  langage.  lis  ne  difEeraieut  plus  entre  eux 
que  par  les  droits.' — De  Tocqucville,  L'anden  Regime,  121. 

*  Ibid.  130. 


IIG  FBANCE. 

Tlie  only  class  witli  whom  tlie  nobles  associated, 
Men  of  upon  equal  terms,  were  men  of  letters.  These 
letters.  gave  lustre  to  their  salons ;  and  enlivened 
the  conversation  of  the  great,  with  wit  and  graceful 
learning.  They  v^ere  courted  and  flattered, — often  re- 
ceiving attentions  due  to  men  of  the  highest  rank.^ 
There  was  no  question  of  their  birth,  but  only  of  their 
genius  and  celebrity.  As  leaders  of  public  opinion, 
they  might  have  been  powerful  auxiliaries  of  the  court 
and  the  nobles :  but  their  literary  influence  was  hos- 
tile to  the  higher  classes,  and  was  undermining  the 
ancient  fabric  of  French  society. 

If  we  search  for  a  middle  class  in  French  society, 
The6o(/r-  ^^^  must  look  to  the  bourgeoisie.  But  who 
geoide.  were  they?  Tliere  was  a  time  when  they 
had  a  recognised  place  in  the  State.  They  exercised 
their  municipal  franchises ;  and  they  were  represented 
as  part  of  the  tiers-ctat,  in  the  Estates.  But  they  had 
lost  all  these  privileges :  they  performed  no  services 
to  their  country,  or  their  order :  but  had  become  a 
race  of  greedy  place-hunters.  Vast  numbers  of  small 
ofiices  were  created  and  sold  for  their  gratification.^ 
Of  these,  many  thousands  exempted  the  holders  from 
the  whole  or  part  of  the  public  burthens,  from  service 
in  the  militia,  from  the  land  tax,  or  the  corvee.     Here 

'  '  En  beaucoup  d'occasions,  les  litres  litteraires  avaient  la  pre- 
ference sur  les  titres  de  noblesse.'  .  .  .  '  On  voyait  f requeuiment, 
dans  le  monde,  des  hommes  de  lettres,  du  deuxicme  et  du  troisieme 
rang,  accueillis  et  traitt'S  avec  des  egards  que  n'obtenaieut  pas  les 
nobles  de  province.' — De  Segur,  MiJm.  cited  by  Taine,  Les  Origines, 
390. 

*  '  De  1693  iv  1709,  seulement,  on  calcule  qu'il  en  f ut  cree  quarante 
mille,  presque  toutes  ji  la  portce  des  moindres  bourgeois.'  .  .  . 
'  Chacun,  suivant  son  etat,  dit  un  contemporain,  veut  Gtre  quelque 
cliose  de  par  le  roi.' — De  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  Regime,  137. 


THE  BOUEGEOISIE.  117 

were  more  privileges  and  inequalities !  Tlie  petty 
placeman,  who  served  the  king,  was  set  above  his  fel- 
lows. He  gave  himself  the  airs  of  a  great  man :  he 
contrived  to  shift  the  local  burthens  to  the  shoulders 
of  his  poorer  townsmen  ;  and  was  repaid  by  their 
envy  and  hatred.  In  every  town,  the  government  had 
created  a  privileged  aristocracy,  alienated  fi*om  the 
people,  useless  to  the  State,  and  a  just  cause  of  popu- 
lar discontent. 

Nor  was  the  civic  aristocracy  confined  to  placemen. 
The  more  prosperous  burghers  were  members  ^^j^,,^  ^^^^_ 
of  corporate  companies,  or  guilds.  The  mu-  *^'*^*- 
nicipal  functions  of  these  bodies  had  long  since  passed 
away :  but  their  members  were  notables  of  the  town : 
they  held  themselves  above  their  fellow-citizens ;  and 
contended  for  precedence  among  themselves.  The  no- 
tables claimed  to  be  sprinkled  fii'st  with  holy  water : 
the  barbers  would  not  ^deld  the  place  of  honour  to 
the  bakers.  Such  trifling  disputes  occupied  the  atten- 
tion of  the  intendant,  the  tribunals,  the  Parliaments, 
and  even  of  the  king  himself.^  Everywhere  there  was 
privilege,  inequality,  pretension.  There  was  no  sound 
middle  class,  proud  of  its  position,  contented  with  its 
lot,  and  uniting  to  maintain  the  public  liberties.  But 
there  was  a  hourgeoisie,  divided  against  itself,  and 
wholly  separated  fi-om  the  people. 

Such  being  the  constitution  of  French  society,  to 
whom  was  the  oppressed  peasant,  or  humble 

.  .       The  clergy. 

artificer,  to  appeal,  for  the  protection  of  his 
interests,  and  the  redress  of  his  wrongs?    He  could 
look  for  little  help  from  the  absentee  noble,  the  im- 
poverished squire,  the  king's  host  of  functionaries,  or 

'  Ibid.  141 


118  FEANCE. 

the  city  notable.  But  lie  had  friends  and  advisers  of 
the  middle  class,  to  whom  he  turned  in  all  his  troubles. 
The  cure  was  of  the  same  class  as  himself :  his  own  lot 
in  life  had  been  hard  and  unthankful ;  and  he  sympa- 
thised with  the  sufferings  and  wrongs  of  his  afflicted 
flock.  He  knew  too  well  the  selfishness  and  indiffer- 
ence of  the  higher  churchmen,  and  lords  of  the  soil ; 
and  he  was  a  daily  witness  to  the  painful  struggles  of 
his  humble  brethren.  His  sympathies  were  with  the 
poor ;  and  he  revolted  against  the  oppression  of  their 
rulers.  He  was  poor  and  ignorant:  he  could  give 
them  little  help :  but  he  comforted  them  in  their  sor- 
rows, and  hoped  for  better  times,  when  he  might  serve 
them. 

But  a  more  powerful  adviser  was  at  hand.     In  every 
^^g  dispute   with   a   landlord,  or   collector,  the 

lawyers.  lawyer  was  ready  to  help  his  humble  cli- 
ents. He  was  clever  and  dexterous :  they  could  sel- 
dom read  or  write :  he  knew  the  subtleties  of  the 
law,  and  the  tricks  of  agents  and  collectors ;  and  he 
could  plead  the  cause  of  the  poor  with  skill  and  bold- 
ness. Lawyers^  swarmed  throughout  the  country ;  and 
they  exercised  a  prodigious  influence  over  the  people. 
Like  the  cures,  they  were  of  humble  birth ;  and  were 
generally  repelled  from  the  society  of  their  privileged 
neighbours.  But  in  education  they  were  superior  to 
all  but  the  highest  class,  and  men  of  letters.  They 
knew  all  the  abuses  of  the  law,  and  of  official  admin- 
istration; and  they  were  familiar  with  the  new  phi- 
losophy. At  the  same  time,  they  resented  the  social 
'  inequalities,  under  which  they  smarted ;  and  they  per- 
ceived, in  the  wrongs  of  the  people,  the   means  of 

'  Viz  :  Avocats,  procureurs,  notaires. 


CONDITION  OF  FEANCE.  119 

reforming  the  intolerable  evils  of  the  State.  Active 
aucl  ambitious:  with  large  opportunities  of  associa- 
tion, among  themselves,  and  with  other  classes, — they 
prepared  the  way  for  a  revolution,  in  which  they  were 
hereafter  to  play  a  conspicuous  part.^ 

Such  then  was  the  political  and  social  condition 
of  France,  in  the  eighteenth  century.  There  p„i5ticai 
was  a  monarchy  all  but  absolute  :  a  feudal  cond1?fon 
nobility  with  oppressive  powers,  and  invidi-  °^  Frauce. 
ous  privileges :  a  burthensome  official  aristocracy,  with 
its  own  privileges  and  exemptions :  an  exacting  royal 
administration :  injurious  monopolies ;  and  an  op- 
pressed and  suffering  people,  without  political  rights. 
These  were  evils  which  threatened  the  State  with 
danger.  They  were  \aewed  with  indifference  by  the 
courtly  nobles  at  Versailles  :  but  they  did  not  escape 
the  notice  of  an  acute  English  observer.  Lord  Ches- 
terfield, writing  from  Paris  Dec.  25,  1753,  said :  *  In 
short,  all  the  symptoms  I  have  ever  met  with  in  his- 
tory, previous  to  great  changes  and  revolutions  in 
government,  now  exist  and  daily  increase  in  France.'' 

But  where  was  redress  to  be  sought  for  the  griev- 
ances of  the  people?  The  states -general  ^1^^^^.^^ 
might  have  represented  the  national  wrongs,  p''''"-^"piiy. 
and  withheld  subsidies  until  relief  was  obtained  :  but 
they  had  long  ceased  to  have  a  place  among  the  insti- 
tutions of  France.  A  fi'ee  press  might  have  awakened 
the  attention  of  rulers  to  the  dangerous  condition  of 
the  country  :  but,  until  late  in  the  eighteenth  century, 
political  discussions  were  prohibited.  Any  attack 
upon  the  government  or  its  officers  was  visited  with 

'  Tainn,  Lcs  Origincs,  518-531. 
'  Lord  CheHterfickV K  Letters. 


120  FRANCE. 

severity :  but  tlie  utmost  license  -was  permitted  to  tlio 
discussion  of  abstract  questions  of  religion,  philosophy, 
and  politics.  God  might  be  insulted  with  impunity  : 
the  foundations  of  society,  the  rights  of  property,  and 
the  sacred  duty  of  insurrection  might  be  discussed : 
but  let  a  writer  beware  how  he  criticised  an  inten- 
dant.^  The  country  needed  a  bold  exposure  of  existing 
evils,  and  a  practical  discussion  of  suitable  remedies. 
But  the  literature  of  the  eighteenth  century  took  a 
direction  ill  calculated  to  redress  the  wrongs  of  the 
people.  Instead  of  pursuing  a  sober  investigation  of 
practical  evils,  it  revelled  in  abstract  speculations. 
Instead  of  exposing  distinct  abuses  in  Church  and 
State,  it  assailed  religion,  and  aimed  at  the  recon- 
struction of  society,  upon  a  theoretic  basis.  A  host 
of  brilliant  writers  were  discussing  the  most  momen- 
tous questions  in  religion  and  politics:  but  not  one 
contributed  to  the  moral  and  social  improvement  of 
his  countrymen.  They  wrote  without  practical  know- 
ledge, and  without  serious  aims.  They  knew  little  of 
the  peasantry  :  they  possessed  little  sympathy  with 
their  wrongs  :  but  they  were  eloquent  in  their  visions 
of  ideal  bliss.  For  all  the  ills  of  an  old  and  complex 
society,  they  could  perceive  no  remedy  but  in  a  return 
to  nature.  They  wrote  for  theorists  and  sentiment- 
alists,— not  for  statesmen  or  earnest  philanthropists.^ 

'  'Le  gouvemement  permet  de  discuter  fort  librement  toutes 
sortes  de  tlieories  gent'rales  et  abstraites,  en  matiere  de  religion,  de 
pliilosophie,  de  morale,  et  meme  de  politique.  II  souffre  assez  volon- 
tiers  qu'on  attaqiie  les  principes  fondamentaux  sur  lesquels  repo- 
sait  alors  la  societe,  et  qu'on  discute  jusqu'a  Dieu  meme,  pourvu 
qu'on  ne  glose  point  sur  ses  moindres  agents.' — De  Tocqueville, 
L'anden  Begime,  95. 

'^  '  Jamais  de  faits  :  rien  que  des  abstractions,  des  enfilades  de  sen- 
tences sur  la  nature,  la  raison,  le  peuple,  les  tyrans,  la  liberte,  sorte 


THE  NEW  PHILOSOPHY.  121 

The  two  principal  authors  of  the  new  philosophy 
were  Voltaire  and  Kousseau ;  and  for  many 
years  the  vigorous  and  versatile  intellect 
of  the  former  exercised  tlie  greatest  inliuence  over 
French  thought.  He  united  more  conspicuous  talents 
than  any  man  of  letters,  of  his  ov/n,  or  perhaps  of 
other,  times.  Wit,  epigram,  raillery,  satire,  ridicule, 
and  argument,  were  equally  at  his  command.  He  was 
at  home  in  every  variety  of  literature, — in  history, 
poetry,  the  drama,  the  essay,  or  the  romance.  Bril- 
liant in  conversation,  he  was  the  delight  of  the  most 
polished  society  in  Europe.  Crowned  heads  were 
among  his  disciples.  He  had  little  faith  in  religion, 
in  moral  systems,  in  governments,  or  in  human  na- 
ture ;  and  he  projected  no  schemes  for  the  regenera- 
tion of  society.  But  throughout  his  long  life,  he 
laboured  to  assail  the  Church,  to  shake  the  national 
faith,  and  to  overthrow  traditions.  There  was  no 
reverence  in  his  being :  he  had  no  respect  for  authori- 
ties :  his  philosophy  was  that  of  a  reckless  icono- 
clast. It  was  his  single  mission  to  cast  down  the 
cherished  idols  of  his  countrymen.  His  mocking 
spirit  was  congenial  to  the  fashionable  society  of  his 
age  :  the  frivolous  courtiers  made  no  secret  of  their 
infidelity ;  and  even  the  higher  ecclesiastics  professed 
little  earnestness  in  the  faith  of  the  Catholic  Church.^ 

de  ballons  gonflus  et  entreclioqui's  inutilement  dans  los  esp.aces.' — 
Taine,  Les  Origincs,  2G2.  '  Tous  pcnseut  q\i'il  conviont  de  subslituer 
des  roglcs  simplos  et  clt'meiitaires,  puisi'es  dans  la  raison  et  dans  la 
loi  naturelle,  aux  coutumes  compliquees  et  traditionelles,  qui  n'gis- 
sent  la  socit'tc  de  leur  temx)S.' — De  Tocqucville,  L'ancicn  llcgime, 
205. 

' '  It  was  as  necessary  to  the  character  of  an  accomplished  man  that 
he  should  desjiiso  the  religion  of  his  country,  as  tliat  ho  should  know 
Lis  letters.' — Macaulay'ii  EasajH,  iii.  114  (Kanke's  Ilist.  of  the  Popes). 
VOL.  II.— 0 


122  FBANCE. 

His  caustic  sarcasms  were  repeated  in  every  salon,  and 
insjDired  the  profane  wit  of  minor  writers.^ 

Eousseau  formed  a  singular  contrast  to  his  great 

contemporary.     Gifted  with  an  original  ge- 

Eousseaa.     ^^^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^  sublime  egotist :  a  visionary, 

with  a  vein  of  madness  :  a  philosopher  whose  belief 
was  in  fictions.  According  to  his  scheme,  property 
was  a  wrongful  appropriation  of  what  belonged  to 
society:  government  was  an  usurpation  of  the  com- 
mon rights  of  the  people.  He  was  the  advocate  of 
communism,  and  of  the  absolute  sovereignty  of  the 
people.  The  existing  order  of  society  was  the  viola- 
tion of  an  imaginary  social  contract,  into  which  men 
in  a  state  of  nature  and  equality  had  entered  ;  and  all 
who  opposed  a  return  to  this  state  of  nature — kings, 
priests,  or  nobles — were  to  be  overthrown,  as  enemies 
to  the  human  race.  The  indi^ddual  rights,  interests, 
and  affections  of  the  citizen  were  to  be  renounced  in 
favour  of  the  general  community.  Even  the  educa- 
tion of  children  was  to  be  withdrawn  fi-om  the  pa- 
rents, and  entrusted  to  the  State.  All  the  natural 
instincts,  passions  and  habits  of  mankind:  all  the 
laws,  customs,  and  traditions  of  society  were  ignored  ; 
and  a  fanciful  contract,  opposed  to  all  human  expe- 
rience, was  to  be  assumed  as  the  supreme  rule  for 
the  government  of  the  world.  Voltaire  had  been  first 
in  the  work  of  demolition :  Rousseau  became  the 
apostle  of  social  reconstruction ;  and  during  the  latter 
part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  his  philosophy  was  in 
the  ascendant.^    It  was  attractive  even  to  the  polite 

'  Talne,  Les  Origines,  375-384. 

'  'On  pent  dire  que  la  seconde  moitie  du  siecle  lui  appartient.' — 
Taine,  Les  Origines,  354. 

'  Dans  les  classes  mitoyenncs  et  inf  erieures,  Eousseau  a  eu  cent 


THE  NEW  PHILOSOPHY.  123 

circles,  wlio  followed  Yoltaire,  and  it  was  accepted 
with  enthusiasm  by  the  middle  classes — the  provincial 
lawyers  and  the  bourgeoisie.  lu  a  land  of  privileges 
and  inequality,  it  taught  that  all  men  were  equal :  in 
the  midst  of  suffering  and  wrong,  it  promised  the  ideal 
happiness  of  a  j)rimitive  society. 

A  crowd  of  able  ^saiters  contributed  to  the  spread  of 
the  new  philosophy,  of  whom  Diderot  was 

■"•  .1-      1   •  Diderot  and 

the  chiei.     Powerful  m  his  own  resources,  he  t''«  ^^^y- 

clopedie. 

associated  with  his  literary  labours  a  body 
of  learned  men,  who,  in  the  renowTied  *  Encyclopedie,' 
discussed  every  question  in  religion,  philosophy,  and 
politics,  with  unexampled  freedom.  The  new  phi- 
losophy was  spread  throughout  Europe ;  and  it  was 
made  popular  in  tracts,  tales,  and  comedies.  It  gave 
the  tone  to  all  the  thought  and  literature  of  the  agc.^ 
Its  doctrines  were  not  original :  ^  they  were  bor- 
rowed from  English  philosophers  :  ^  but  in  England 
they  had  never  taken  root.     They  had  been  confined 

fois  plus  de  lecteurs  que  Voltaire.' — Mallet-DupaUj  cited  by  Taine, 
ibid.  414 

'  Mr.  Lecky  maintains  that  '  a  revolutionary  movement  of  some 
kind  was  the  normal  result  of  the  tendencies  of  the  age,  and  that  its 
chief  causes  are  to  be  sought  entirely  outside  the  discussions  of 
political  philosophers,'  but  he  allows  that  'they  undoubtedly  modi- 
fied, and  in  a  measure  directed,  the  movement  that  j^roduced  them.' 
— Rationnlism  in  Europe,  ii.  234. 

'  Had  there  been  no  Voltaire,  there  would  have  been  no  Camille 
Desmoulius.  Had  there  been  no  Diderot,  there  would  have  been  no 
Marat.' — Lord  Lytton,  The  Parisians,  ii.  183. 

^  '  Une  pareille  pensee  n'rtait  pas  nouvelle  :  elle  passait  et  re- 
passait  sans  cesse  depuis  trois  mille  ans  a  travers  Timagiiiation  des 
liorames,  sans  pouvoir  s'y  fixer.' — De  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  llef/irue, 
20.5. 

'  Comte  gave  Ilobbes  credit  for  being  the  first  philosopher  of  this 
school  : — '  C'est  surtout  il  Ilobbes,  en  cffot,  que  roniontent  his- 
toriquement  les  plus  importantci  conceptions  critiques,  qu'uu  irra- 


124  FEANCE. 

to  tlie  realms  of  speculation,  like  perpetual  motion 
and  the  pliilosopher's  stone.  The  practical  English 
mind  addressed  itself  to  the  redress  of  present  griev- 
ances, and  the  amendment  of  existing  laws.  It  ac- 
cepted the  State  and  society  as  it  found  them,  with- 
out dreaming  of  their  theoretical  reconstruction. 
But  in  France,  where  practical  political  discussion 
had  long  been  unknown,  and  men  of  letters  and  wits 
were  the  chief  disputants,  the  startling  theories  of 
the  new  school  captivated  the  imagination,  and  in- 
spired the  eloquence,  of  a  host  of  contemporary 
writers.  The  minds  of  men  were  unsettled  :  their 
faith  was  shaken  in  every  principle  which  had  hither- 
to been  their  guide  ;  and  no  practicable  aims  were  set 
before  them,  to  direct  their  future  course. 

Nor  were  the  doctrines  of  the  new  school  confined 
Opinion  in  to  Frauce.  They  reached  the  thrones  as 
SrnmitUe  Well  as  the  salons  of  Europe.  The  brilliant 
eijiteentii  Writings  of  Voltaire  touched  alike  the  coarse 
ceutuiy.  nature  of  Frederick  the  Great  of  Prussia, 
the  hard  instincts  of  Catherine  of  Russia,  and  the 
liberal  sj^irit  of  Joseph  II.  of  Austria.  Even  the 
Pope,  Benedict  XIV.,  was  among  the  number  of  his 
disciples.  The  spirit  of  free  inquiry  took  possession 
of  despotic  rulers,  whose  influence  gave  a  further  im- 
pulse to  the  prevailing  sentiment  of  the  times.^ 

To  believe  in  nothing  was  the  new  creed  ;  and  how 

tio!iel  usage  attribiie  encore  fl  nos  philosophes  du  xviii"  siecle,  qui 
ii'en  farent  essentiellement  que  les  indispensables  propagateurs. ' — 
Philos.  Pos.  V.  713  ;  and  see  Taine,  Les  Origines,  330. 

'  See  Mill,  Bepi'.  Oovt.  15. 

'  L'irreligion  etait  repandue  parmi  les  princes  et  les  beaux  esprits: 
elle  ne  penctrait  guere  encore  dans  le  sein  des  classes  moyennes  et 
du  peuple.' — De  Tocqueville,  L'ancicn  R'gime,  230. 


f 


THE   CnunCH  AND  PUBLIC   OPINION.  125 

was  it  to  be  combated  by  tliose  who  held  fast  to  the 
old  faith  ?     The  philosophers,  men  of  let-  „. 

-,         ..  .  ,  .  .  The  Church 

ters,  and  wits,  were  its  champions :  society  a"d  puwic 

-    .  ■■■  ''     opinioD. 

accepted  it :  the  Church  stood  alone  in  re- 
sisting it.  But  the  Church  had  lost  much  of  her  in- 
fluence since  the  Middle  Ages.  Her  wealth,  dignity, 
and  invidious  privileges  remained  :  but  her  spiritual 
authority  had  been  weakened  by  the  Eicformatiou 
— by  religious  controversies — by  contentions  with  the 
Parliaments — and,  above  all,  by  the  growing  spirit  of 
philosopliical  inquiry,  which  marked  the  eighteenth 
century.  The  intellect  of  France  had  received  a  great 
impulse  from  the  revival  of  learning  in  Italy.^  Re- 
ligious thought  had  been  awakened  by  the  Reforma- 
tion :  but  the  Church  was  immutable  in  her  teaching 
and  her  policy  :  she  had  repressed  all  freedom  of 
opinion. 

Having  failed  to  exterminate  the  Huguenots,  in  one 
age,  she  had  driven  them  out  of  France,  in  rp,,^ 
another.  They  were  the  most  prosperous,  iJ"K'ienot3. 
enlightened,  and  well-ordered  of  the  king's  subjects : 
they  were  the  flower  of  the  middle  classes.  If  tole- 
ration had  been  extended  to  them,  they  would  have 
formed  a  barrier  between  the  Church  and  infidelity. 
Their  spirit  was  earnestly  religious  ;  and  if  they  had 
questioned  the  doctrines  of  the  Church,  they  would 
have  discussed  them  with  reverence,  while  spreading 
more  widely  a  knowledge  of  Christian  truth.  But, 
left  to  her  own  unchanging  course,  the  Church  con- 
tinued to  teach  the  doctrines  of  the  Middle  Ages  ; 
and  left  the  people  in  the  darkest  ignorance.  She 
enjoined  obedience,  submission,  and  self-abasement  to 

'  Aug.  Thierry,  Etmai  sur  Vllld.  du  Tiers  Etat,  i.  107,  108. 


126  FRANCE. 

a  people  suffering  from  intolerable  wrongs.  And,  un- 
conscious of  danger,  slie  was  suddenly  confronted  by 
a  new  class  of  thinkers,  hostile  to  the  Church  and  to 
religion  itself.  The  intolerance  which  had  repressed 
even  the  modest  faith  of  the  Huguenots,  naturally 
promoted  a  reaction.  The  Church  now  encountered 
the  most  searchiiig  criticism  of  her  doctrines  and 
traditions,  a  scathing  exposure  of  her  abuses,  and 
ribald  sarcasms  upon  her  faith.  And  to  those  who 
shrank  from  infidelity,  were  presented  the  most  at- 
tractive pictures  of  the  perfectibility  of  the  human 
race,  and  of  a  social  paradise,  from  which  men  had 
hitherto  been  excluded  by  cruel  barriers  which  the 
Church  herself  had  raised.  Need  it  be  said  that  the 
Church  was  unequal  to  the  strife  ?  She  had  lost  the 
great  weapon  of  persecution;  and  the  intellect  and 
temper  of  the  age  were  opposed  to  her  teaching.^ 
Sometimes  attempts  were  made  to  restrain  the  license 
of  the  press  :  but  they  were  such  as  to  irritate,  rather 
than  to  frighten  the  writers  into  silence.^  Prosecuted 
for  irreligion,  they  redoubled  their  assaults  upon  the 
Church  and  its  doctrines.  And  authors  had  now  be- 
come the  most  powerful  order  in  the  State.  They 
were  courted  by  kings,  princes,  and  nobles  :  they 
were  worshipped  in  society  :  they  were  flattered  by 
ladies  of  rank  and  fashion  ;  and  they  directed  the 
public  opinion  of  their  time.^ 

'  'No  Bossuet,  no  Pascal  came  forth  to  encounter  Voltaire.' — 
Macaulay's  Essays,  iii.  340  (Ranke's  Ilist.  of  the  Popes). 

'^  '  Les  auteurs  n'etaient  persecutes  que  dans  la  mesure  qui  fait 
plaindre,  et  non  dans  celle  qui  fait  trembler.'  —  De  Tocqueville, 
L'anden  Regime,  225, 

^  '  Visiblement,  dans  ce  monde,  le  premier  role  est  aux  ecrivains  ; 
on  ne  s'entretient  que  de  leurs  f  aits  et  gestes  :  on  ne  se  lasse  pas  de 
leur  reudre  hommage.' — Taine,  Les  Origiiies,  370.     'La  vie  politique 


THE   CHURCH  AND  rUBLIC   OPINION.  127 

But  tliG  peasantry,  and  multitudes  of  tlie  Frencli 
people,  were  still  ignorant;  few  of  them  T^e lower 
could  read  or  write.  Philosophical  treatises  classes. 
were  above  their  comprehension :  even  the  popular 
literature  could  scarcely  reach  them.  But  the  spirit 
of  the  new  philosophy  had  penetrated  society.  The 
leaders  of  thought  and  action  were  everywhere  pos- 
sessed by  it.  Even  the  courtiers  of  Louis  XV.  were 
apt  to  mingle  with  their  license  and  frivolity,  a  free- 
dom of  philosophical  thought  which  threatened  their 
own  order.  It  was  natural  that  they  should  think 
lightly  of  religion :  but  their  speculations  spared 
neither  the  Church,  nor  any  of  the  traditions  upon 
which  the  State  and  society  were  founded.^  The  same 
fi'eedom  of  discussion  was  observed  in  other  circles 
less  exalted;  and,  as  at  the  Reformation,  ojiinions 
spread  rapidly  from  the  thinking  classes  to  the  lowly 
and  uneducated ;  so  the  spirit  of  the  new  philosophy 
gradually  reached  deep  into  the  strata  of  French 
society.  And  it  was  quickened  by  the  growing  dis- 
contents of  the  people.  If  they  failed  to  understand 
the  principles  of  a  philosophy  which  was  discussed  so 
freely,  they  were  yet  unsettled  by  the  opinions  of 
others,  and  prepared  to  follow  those  who  promised 
relief  from  their  sufferings,  and  a  happier  future. 
They  were  not  unfaithful  to  their  religion,  like  the 
higher  classes :  but  they  were  moved  by  visions  of 
earthly  happiness. 

fut  violemment  refoulce  dans  la  littt'rature,  et  les  t'crivainp,  prenant 
en  main  la  direction  de  I'opinion,  se  trouvtrent  un  moment  tenir 
la  place  que  ler,  cliefs  de  parti  occupent  d'ordinaire  dans  les  pays 
libres.' — De  Tocqueville,  209. 

'  '  Nous  goutions  a  la  fois  les  avantai^es  du  patriciat,  et  les  dou- 
ceurs d'unc  i)liilo.sophic  plrbeicnne,'  said  a  young  noblo  (Do  Stgur), 
cited  by  Tuiiic,  Les  Ori'jincs,  oOO. 


128  FKANCE. 

If  tlie  pcoplo  had  been  familiarised,  by  freedom, 
Absence  of  "^'i^^  ^^^^  practical  administration  of  public 
pubMc^  affairs,  tliey  would  have  been  less  influenced 
opiniou.  -^jj  dangerous  sj^eculations.  But  political 
intelligence  had  been  dulled  by  centralisation :  the 
nobles  had  long  ceased  to  exercise  independent  influ- 
ence over  public  opinion ;  and,  so  far  as  their  influence 
extended,  it  was  in  favour  of  those  theories  v.hich 
were  destined  to  overthrow  their  own  order,  and  sub- 
vert the  government  on  which  they  rested.  Piulers 
were  wholly  blind  to  the  dangers  by  which  the  State 
was  threatened.  They  had  no  such  warnings  as  those 
which  are  given  in  a  free  State,  where  the  grievances 
and  sentiments  of  the  people  are  made  known.  Theo- 
retical writers  were  confident  and  powerful :  while  those 
classes,  by  whom  the  State  should  have  been  governed, 
were  inert  and  without  foresight  or  statesmanship. 

And  while  the  new  philosophy  was  alienating  its 
ciassicid  disciples  from  the  Church  and  religion,  and 
earning.  fi^i^g  them  with  aspirations  for  the  political 
rights  of  man,  the  scholarship  of  the  age  dwelt  with 
admiration  upon  the  examples  of  antiquity,  and  the 
glories  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  republics.  In  the 
courtly  dramas  of  Corneille,  and  the  grave  romances 
of  Fenelon,  republican  virtues  were  gracefully  repre- 
sented. Ideal  characters  were  easily  transformed 
into  living  beings,  worthy  of  present  imitation.  Such 
studies  stimulated  the  prevailing  sentiments  of  so- 
ciety ;  and  classical  names  and  models  were  hereafter 
to  assume  a  conspicuous  place  in  the  Eevolution. 

Such  being  the  condition  of  society  and  of  opinion, 

in  the  eighteenth  century,  the  reigns  of  two 

failure?  of     of  the  kiugs  who  ruled  over  France,  during 

that  period,  were  adverse  to  the  influence 


FAILURES  OF  LOUIS  XIV.  129 

and  stability  of  tlie  tlirone.  Tlie  wars  of  Louis  XIY., 
and  his  domestic  extravagance,  tried  severely  tlie 
resources  of  tlie  State.  Taxes  were  multiplied  :  but 
no  exactions  could  supply  the  needs  of  the  ex- 
hausted treasury ;  and  the  sufferings  of  the  people 
were  aggravated  by  the  final  embarrassments  of  the 
government.  Nor  were  the  disorders  of  the  internal 
administration  reduced  by  the  ascendency  of  France 
in  Europe.  The  ambition  of  Louis  XIV.  had  over- 
reached itself;  and  his  latter  days  were  clouded 
by  failures  and  reverses.  After  all  the  sacrifices  of 
France,  the  lustre  of  her  great  king  was  fading.  His 
taxes  and  exactions  continued  :  but  his  glory  was  de- 
parting. 

The  reign  i)i  Louis  XV.   aggravated  all  the  evils 
under   which   France   was    suffering.      The  Keignof 
monarchy  was  degraded  by  his  vices  :   the  ^^^^  ^^' 
nobles  and  society  were  debased  by  his  scandalous 
court.     The  feebleness  of  his  rule  encouraged  feuds 
between  the  Church   and  the  Parliaments,    and  dis- 
cussions were  provoked,  in  which  the  Crown  and  all 
the  privileged  orders  were,  in  turn,  assailed.     By  an 
unwaiTantable  interference   with   the  Parliament  of 
Paris,  to  screen  a  minister  charged  with  corruption, 
he  stirred  the  resentment  of  the  Parliaments ;  and 
was  driven  at  last  to  suppress  them,  with  the 
strong  hand  of  prerogative.     These  eminent 
bodies  were  supported  by  public  opinion  :  they  were 
regarded   as   the    only   bulwarks    against    arbitrary 
power ;  and  their  fall  left  the  people  wholly  at  the 
mercy  of  a  corrupt  court,  and  an  oppressive  and  in- 
capable government.^ 

'  De  Tocqucville,  L'ancicn  RCgime,  244. 
6* 


130  FRANCE. 

TliG  credit  of  tlie  king  was  furtlier  impaired  by 
liis  feeble  foreign  policy  and  military  failures,  by  tlie 
disastrous  battle  of  Kosbacli,  and  tlie  treaty  of  Paris. 
France  was  at  once  oppressed  and  dishonoured.  Vio- 
lations of  public  faith  to  creditors  were  already  fre- 
quent :  a  national  bankruptcy  was  threatening  :  the 
load  of  taxation  was  heavier,  and  more  galling  than 
ever :  discontents  were  rife,  and  ominous  disorders 
prevailed  throughout  the  country.  The  deplorable 
policy  of  the  government  was  assailed  with  unwonted 
freedom.  The  speculative  writings  of  the  last  fifty 
years  were  now  succeeded  by  controversies  upon 
political  economy  and  finance,  and  other  questions 
directly  affecting  the  administration  of  the  State. 
Still  founding  their  views  upon  the  abstract  princi- 
jiles  of  the  philosophers,  they  questioned  every  law 
and  institution  of  the  State,  and  condemned  the 
abuses  under  which  the  country  was  suffering.^  And 
never  had  there  been  a  time  when  the  monarchy 
could  so  ill  bear  the  scrutiny  of  public  opinion.  The 
ignoble  reign  of  Louis  XY.,  in  dishonouring  the  mon- 
archy, had  forfeited  the  loyal  veneration  of  his  sub- 
jects, and  shaken  the  hereditary  throne  of  the  kings 
of  France.^ 

'  '  Toutes  les  institutions  que  la  Eevol  ution  devait  abolir  sans 
retour,  ont  ete  I'objet  particulier  de  leurs  attaques  ;  auciine  n'a 
trouve  grace  a  leurs  yeux.' — De  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  Regime,  234. 

'  lis  ont  deja  cougu  la  pensee  de  toutes  les  rc'formes  sociales  et 
administratives  que  la  Revolution  a  faites,  avant  que  I'idee  dcs 
institutions  libres  ait  commence  a  se  faire  jour  dans  leur  esprit.' — 
ma,  2C5. 

"^  Henri  Marten,  Hist,  de  France,  livre  cii.  ;  Louis  Blanc,  Hist,  de 
la  Eev.  Fr.  i.  433  et  seq. ;  Crowe,  Hist,  of  France,  ch.  35,  36. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

iTLUs'CE  {continued). 

LOUIS  XVI. — REFOEMS  AREESTED  BY  PEIVILEGE — ALLIANCE  WITH 
AMERICAN  COLONIES  —  FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES  —  THE  STATES- 
GENERAL —  TRIUMPH  OF  IHE  COMMONS  —  TROGRESS  OF  THE 
REVOLUTION— FOREIGN  AID  INVOKED — EMIGRATION  OF  NOBLES 
— THE  king's  flight — THE  SEPTEMBER  MASSACRES — ABOLITION 
OF  THE  MONARCHY — THE  KING'S  TRIAL  AND  DEATH. 

Threatened,  indeed,  were  the  prospects  of  France, 
v;hen  Louis  XYI.  ascended  tlie  throne  :  the  Accession 
finances  of  the  State  disordered  :  the  people  xvi.'"May 
discontented  and  turbulent :  factions  embit-     '  "  ' 
tered :    the   higher   and   lower   classes   hostile  :    the 
Crown   weakened :    the   nobles   discredited   and   un- 
popular :  the  Parliaments  dissolved,  but  still  intrac- 
table :  a  public  opinion  aroused  and  inflammable  ;  and 
a   country  without  a  single  institution  commanding 
public  confidence.^ 

Never  was  there  a  more  amiable  or  virtuous  king 
than  Louis  XVI.,  nor  one  more  alive  to  his  m^ 
own   duties   and   responsibilities.      He   was 

'  Tlio  general  narrative  of  events  during  tins  reign,  and  Ihrougli- 
out  the  Revolution,  is  mainly  founded  upon  tlie  Histories  of  Thiers, 
Mignet,  Louis  Blanc,  Lamartine  {Ilid.  dcs  Girondim),  Von  Sybel, 
Crowe  {llkt.  of  France),  De  Tocqucville  {L'ancien  Regime  ct  la 
Hcv(jlutiou).  With  the  widest  divergencies  of  opinion  among  these 
writers,  there  is  a  general  agreement  as  to  the  leading  events  of 
the  period. 


132  FEANCE. 

ready  to  redress  all  the  grievances  of  his  subjects, 
with  modest  beneficence  :  but  he  was  himself  without 
capacity  to  govern.^  He  had  succeeded  to  a  perilous 
inheritance  ;  and,  innocent  himself,  was  doomed  to 
suifer  for  the  faults  of  his  ancestors. 

His  reign  was  opened  with  reforms.  He  at  once 
His  diffl-  reduced  the  overgroAvn  royal  establishments. 
cuitius.  jjg  recalled  the  Parliaments,  and  commenced 
the  revision  of  the  finances.  But  the  institutions  and 
society  of  France  were  unfitted  for  the  safe  execution 
of  necessary  reforms,  and  the  king  was  at  once  in  the 
midst  of  troubles.  For  centuries  it  had  been  the 
policy  of  the  State  to  multiply  privileges  ;  and  now 
the  time  had  come  when  they  must  be  overthrown. 
The  reforms  His  able  minister  Turgot,  relying  upon  the 
otTurgot.  i^garty  support  of  his  royal  master,^  grap- 
pled at  once  with  some  of  the  worst  abuses  under 
which  France  was  suffering.  He  abolished  at  once 
the  obnoxious  corvee  :  ^  he  wrested  trade  from  the 
grasp  of  the  guilds,  and  released  it  from  internal  cus- 
toms dues  :  he  made  the  system  of  taxation  less  bur- 
thensome,  while  he  extended  it  to  the  nobles  and 
the  clergy.  He  even  held  out  the  hope  of  enlarged 
political  rights,  by  means  of  provincial  assemblies, 
and  ultimately  of  the  states-general. 

Little  had  the  bold  and  honest  reformer  calculated 
upon  the  opposition  which  his  measures  would  en- 
counter.   But  the   privileged   classes  united   against 

'  '  Prince  equitable,  modere  dans  ses  gouts,  ncgligemment  eleve, 
mais  porte  au  bien  par  un  penchant  nature!.' — Thiers,  Hist,  de  la 
Eev.  Fr.  i.  7. 

-  '  Louis  xvi.  a  repete  souvent,  "  II  n'y  a  que  moi  et  Turgot,  qui 
soyons  les  amis  du  peuple." ' — Thiers,  Hist,  de  la  BCv.  Fr.  i.  7. 

2  In  the  preamble  to  the  edict,  the  king  condemned  this  impost  in 
the  most  forcible  language. — De  Tocqueville,  L'ancicn  Regime^  266. 


REFORMS  OF  TURGOT.  133 

him  :  and  lie  was  witliout  tliat  jiopular  support  upon 
which  he  might  have  relied  in  a  free  coun-  oppo«tion 
try.  The  court  cried  out  against  his  mea-  vlieged^" 
sures  as  ruinous  to  the  Crown  and  the  aris-  '^''"^®'^*- 
tocracy ;  and  the  Duke  of  Orleans  fomented  riots,  in 
the  streets  of  Paris,  against  a  reforming  minister, 
who  was  striving  to  redress  the  wrongs  of  the  people. 
Turgot  had  none  to  support  him  but  the  king  himself; 
and  he,  at  length,  gave  way  to  the  influence  of  his 
court  and  the  clamours  of  misguided  mobs.  A  firmer 
will  than  his  might  possibly  have  j^i'evailed  :  yet  how 
was  such  a  combination  of  powerful  interests  to  be 
overborne  ?  The  people,  for  whose  benefit  these  re- 
forms were  proposed,  were  ignorant,  and  without  po- 
litical rights :  there  was  no  party  or  popular  organ- 
isation :  no  representative  chamber.  The  Parliament 
of  Paris,  itself  a  privileged  body,  hotly  espoused 
the  cause  of  the  nobles  and  the  guilds.  The  intelli- 
gence, '  as  well  as  the  power  of  the  country,  was  on 
the  side  of  privilege.  The  minister  fell :  his  healing 
measures  were  summarily  revoked  ;  and  a  policy  of 
reaction  was  commenced.  Such  reforms  as  those  of 
Turgot,  approved  by  the  peoj^le  and  accepted  by  the 
privileged  classes,  might  have  averted  the  revolution. 
They  anticipated,  by  several  years,  the  scheme  of  the 
revolution  itself.  They  were  the  commencement  of  a 
remedial  policy,  which  would  gradually  have  miti- 
gated the  sufferings,  and  appeased  the  discontents  of 
the  people.  Now  they  proclaimed  abuses,  without 
correcting  them,  raised  hopes  and  disappointed  them, 
and  revealed  the  power  and  selfishness  of  the  privi- 
leged classes,  already  Jiated  by  the  people.^ 

■  De  Tocqueville  says  :— '  L'expciicnce  apprend  que  le  moment  le 
plus  dangereux  pour  un  mauvais  gouveruement  est  d'ordinaire  celui 


134  FKA2JCE. 

These  events  were  soon  followed  by  the  recognition 
The  war  of  ^^  ^^^  Tevolted  Ameiicau  colonies,  and  the 
tn!ieuen^  wai*  with  England.  Here  was  another  pre- 
dence.  ludc  to  revolution.  Already  the  minds  of 
men, — not  in  France  only,  but  throughout  Europe, — 
had  been  disturbed  by  the  discussion  of  abstract  po- 
litical rights ;  and  now  the  king  of  France  was  the 
ally  of  the  rebellious  subjects  of  another  monarch, 
and  supporting  the  foundation  of  a  democratic  re- 
public.^ It  was  the  realisation  of  the  dreams  of 
Bousseau :  it  was  the  theory  of  popular  philoso- 
phers, reduced  to  practice  by  American  statesmen, 
and  approved  and  maintained  by  the  king  of  France. 
And  when  the  great  republic  was  fully  established,  as 
an  independent  State,  it  afforded  an  example  of  free- 
dom and  equality,  unknown  in  the  previous  history  of 
the  world. 

Nor  was  it  only  by  the  spread  of  democratic  sen- 
Expenscs  timcuts,  that  this  war  advanced  the  cause 
oi  the  war.  ^f  revolution.  Costly  armaments  had  been 
undertaken,  with  an  ill-furnished  exchequer  :  the  re- 
sources of  taxation  were  almost  exhausted :  a  loose 
administration  of  the  finances  permitted  heavy  ar- 
rears and  deficits  ;  and  a  reckless  system  of  loans  was 

ou  il  commence  a  se  rC^former.'  '  Le  mal  qu'on  soufErait  patiemment 
comme  inevitable,  semble  insupportable  des  qu'ou  conceit  I'idee  do 
s'y  soustraire.' — L'ancien  Regime,  259.  We  must,  liowever,  guard 
ourselves  against  the  conclusion,  that  it  is  safer  to  maintain  abuses 
than  to  correct  them. 

'  '  La  France  presidait  a  Torigine  d'une  nation  libre,  et  elle  avait 
mis  elle-mrme  la  main  dans  ce  berceau.' — Edgar  Quinet,  La  Rev. 
i.48. 

'  Par  quel  vertige  les  amis  d'un  roi  absolu  I'avaient-ils  pousse  it 
tendre  la  main  a  des  insurgents  ? ' — Louis  Blanc,  Hist,  dc  la  Rev. 
Fr.  ii.  43. 


PROVINCLVL  ASSEMBLIES.  135 

hurrying  on  the  State  to  bankruptcy.  Meanwhile 
the  inordinate  expenses  of  the  court  were  not  re- 
duced. Necker,  who  had  succeeded  Turgot,  fell  in 
attempting  to  restrain  them :  Calonne  sought  favour 
with  the  courtiers,  by  giving  free  scope  to  their  ex- 
ti'avagance. 

Meanwhile,  the  king  and  his  ministers  were  intro- 
ducing further  reforms  into  the  administration.  In 
1779,  provincial  assemblies  were  revived,  in 
many  parts  of  France,  and  somewhat  later  assombiiea 
throughout  the  realm ;  and  they  applied 
themselves  with  great  zeal  to  the  discussion  of  the 
grievances  of  the  people.^  In  1787,  they  were  en- 
trusted with  considerable  powers, — executive  and  ad- 
ministrative,— and  encroached  upon  the  functions  of 
the  intendants.  Local  self-government,  so  long  un- 
known, was  suddenly  endowed  with  life  and  activity. 
Useful  reforms  were  made ;  and  in  several  of  the 
provinces  the  nobles  and  clergy  displayed  a  praise- 
worthy desire  to  relieve  the  people,  and  to  contribute 
their  due  share  to  the  public  burthens.^  But  generally 
they  exposed  abuses,  without  redressing  them,  and 
inflamed  discontents,  instead  of  allajdng  them.  Mean- 
while these  elective  assemblies  became  masters  of  tlie 
seigneurs  ;  and  the  revolution  was  half  effected  by  the 
State  itself.^ 

Another  critical  reform,  at  this  period,  was  the  pub- 
lication of  Necker's  memorable  ^comiiie  rendu.''  Ncckor's 
A  system  of  loans  was  necessarily  founded 
upon  public  credit;  and,  to  satisfy  the  capi- 


aiiiipte 
rcmlii. 
1781. 


'  De  Tocqucville,  IJanden  Regime,  270. 

^  Taine,  Lea  Origines,  393-300  ;  De  Lavergnc,  Les  AsmnhUes  Pro- 
vine  idles. 

•  De  Tocqaevillo,  ch.  vii. 


136  FRANCE. 

talists,  whose  money  lie  was  anxious  to  borrow,  Necker, 
for  the  first  time,  published  a  full  account  of  the  re- 
ceipts and  expenditure  of  the  State.  Whatever  its 
effect  upon  the  public  creditors,  its  consequences  were 
otherwise  momentous.  It  revealed  the  monstrous  ex- 
travagance of  the  court :  it  enabled  the  people  to  con- 
trast the  excessive  emoluments  of  the  nobles,  who 
engrossed  all  the  higher  offices  of  the  State,  and  in 
the  army,  with  the  niggardly  pay  of  the  minor  civil 
functionaries,  and  of  the  neglected  soldiers — all  men 
of  the  people ; — and  it  acknowledged  the  new  principle 
of  public  responsibility.  Hitherto  the  government 
had  been  accountable  to  no  one :  henceforth  it  became 
accountable  to  the  country  and  to  pubKc  opinion. 

The  discussion  of  reforms  had  stimulated  public 
Public  opinion,  throughout  the  country.  Already 
opinion.  awakened  by  the  controversies  of  previous 
reigns,^  it  had  now  acquired  an  extraordinary  influ- 
ence. The  king  was  still  absolute  in  theory  :  but  he 
was  constrained  to  consult  and  to  flatter  it.^  The 
press  had  cast  off  all  restraints,  and  was  freely  dis- 
cussing the  measures  of  the  government.  Without 
free  institutions,  the  monarchy  was  surrounded  by  the 
irregular  forces  of  democracy. 

At  length,  in  1787,  bankruptcy  could  no  longer  be 
averted,  except  by  a  new  financial  policy ; 

An  assem-  ^  i.  j  ^  c  j  ^ 

t'lyo*  and  Calonne  revived  the  remedial  schemes 

notables. 

January       of  Turgot.     Warned  by  the  experience  of  his 

predecessors,  he  endeavoured  to  propitiate 

the  privileged  classes,  by  submitting  his  plans  to  an 

'  See  supra,  p.  130. 

*  '  DSs  1784,  Necker  disait  dans  un  document  public,  comme  un  fait 
incon teste  :  "La  plupart  des  etrangers  ont  peine  u  se  faire  une  idee 
de  I'autorite  qu'exerce  en  France  aujourd'hui  I'opinion  publique ; 


I 


THE  STATES-GENERAL.  137 

assembly  of  notables :  ^  but,  far  fi'om  giving  liim  sup- 
port, they  urged  his  removal  from  office.  The  Parlia- 
ment of  Paris  also  condemned  his  measures.  Again 
the  court,  and  the  privileged  classes,  were  too  strong 
for  a  reforming  minister,  however  urgent  the  public 
necessities ;  and  Calonne,  like  his  far  worthier  prede- 
cessors, was  sacrificed  to  their  resentment.  But  it 
was  not  enough  to  reject  his  schemes :  the  evils  he  was 
attempting  to  surmount  were  beyond  dispute,  and  de- 
manded instant  remedies.  His  successor,  De  Brienne, 
appealed  to  the  Parliament  of  Paris  for  its  assent  to 
new  taxes.  It  refused  ;  and  the  king  endeavoured  to 
coerce  it,  and  other  Parliaments  who  made  common 
caooe  with  it,  by  an  arbitrary  use  of  his  prerogatives, 
uzKuited  to  the  times,  and  resented  by  public  opinion. 
He  even  exiled  the  members  of  the  Parlia- 
ment of  Paris — 235  in  number — to  Troyes,  "^"* 
by  lettres  de  cachet.  And  having  recalled  the  Parlia- 
ment, he  ventured,  in  ominous  imitation  of  Charles  L, 
to  arrest  two  of  its  leading  members — D'Espremenil 
and  Goislart — in  the  hall  of  the  Parliament  itself.  It 
was  now  too  late  to  govern  by  prerogative  ;  and  the 
two  bodies  which  had  been  consulted,  on  behalf  of 
the  nation,  were  opposed  to  the  Crown. 

Some  now  course  was  inevitable ;  and  the  Parlia- 
ment of  Paris  had  already  demanded  that  Thestates- 
the  states-general  should  be  assembled,  to  s^"^™'- 
devise  measures  for  the  relief  of  the  country.^    It  was 

ils  comprennent  difficilemciit  ce  que  c'est  cette  puissance  invisible, 
qui  commande  jusque  dans  lo  palais  du  roi.' — De  Tocqueville, 
L'ancicn  Regime,  256. 

'  There  had  been  no  assembly  of  notables  since  1G2G,  under  Riche- 
lieu. 

'■'  Thiers,  Hid.  dr  la  Rev.  i.  14. 


138  FBANCE. 

nearly  two  liundred  years  since  tliis  disused  and  almost 
forgotten  body  had  been  called  into  existence.^  The 
policy  of  reviving  such  an  assembly,  at  this  critical 
time,  was  distrusted  by  the  government  as  uncertain, 
if  not  dangerous.  But  it  was  advocated  by  powerful 
classes,  who  hoped  to  strengthen  their  own  interests : 
it  was  honestly  desired  by  many,  as  a  national  council 
suited  to  the  emergency :  it  was  prayed  for  by  the  dis- 
tressed peasantry,  as  the  only  hope  of  relief ;  and  it 
was  demanded  by  the  enemies  of  the  court  and  the 
government,  as  a  means  of  embarrassment,  and  possi- 
bly of  disorder.  And,  at  length,  the  king,  distracted 
by  divided  councils,  but  leaning  to  a  liberal  policy, 
Jan  24  resolved  uj)on  this  hazardous  venture,  and 
1789.  convoked  the   states -general.^      Meanwhile 

De  Brienne  retired,  and  Necker  was  restored  to 
power. 

The  approaching  experiment  was  fraught  with  dan- 
ger. Under  an  established  constitution  it  is 
the  esperi-  difficult  to  foi'ecast  the  result  of  an  appeal  to 
the  people :  but  in  France  everything  was  un- 
certain— the  electors,  the  members,  and  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  body  itself,  and  the  relations  of  its  different 
orders.  The  notables  were  again  assembled  to  advise 
upon  these  matters :  but  afforded  little  aid  to  the  gov- 
ernment. The  ministry  settled  that  the  deputies  of  the 
tiers-etat,  elected  by  nearly  universal  suffrage,  should 
be  double  the  number  of  the  other  orders.  Yet  it  was ' 
not  determined  w^hether  the  three  orders  should  sit 
apart,  as  in  former  times,  or  sit  and  vote  together,  in 
a  single  chamber.    The  one  course  assured  the  ancient 

'  Its  last  meeting  was  in  1614.     See  supra,  pp.  95,  96. 
2  For  May  5,  1789. 


THE  STATES-GENEKAL.  139 

ascendency  of  tlie  nobles  and  tlie  clergy :  the  latter 
at  once  transferred  their  power  to  the  lowest  order, 
which  had  hitherto  been  without  political  influence. 
This  critical  question  was  hotly  discussed  by  the  two 
parties :  the  nobles  denouncing  any  infraction  of  their 
rights :  the  popular  party  insisting  upon  a  scheme 
which  promised  them  an  easy  triumph.  And  it  was 
asked  why  was  the  number  of  the  commons  double 
that  of  each  of  the  other  orders,  unless  with  a  view 
to  their  powers  of  voting  ?  Meanwhile  the  elections 
were  held,  with  this  important  question  still  unsettled. 
This  uncertainty  increased  the  excitement,  which 
was  marked  by  some  threatening  riots.  The 
f)opular  cause  was  signally  advanced  by  an- 
other incident  of  the  elections.  In  each  district,  the 
electors  were  invited  to  prepare  a  statement  of  their 
grievances,  for  the  instruction  of  the  deputies,  known 
as  caMers ;  and  thus  were  brought  together,  and  dis- 
cussed, the  most  formidable  indictments  against  the 
entire  polity  of  the  State.^  They  were  generally 
drawn  up  by  the  law;^"ers,  who,  having  been  familiar 
with  the  sufferings  of  their  neighbours,  promptly  as- 
sumed the  position  of  their  ad^dsers  and  leaders  at 
this  crisis.  The  discontents  of  the  people  were  uni- 
versal ;  and  they  received  exjDression  in  such  a  form 
as  to   command   attention.      Reforms  amounting  to 

'  Cliassin  published  a  collection  of  these  caldcrs,  which  De  Tocqne- 
ville  justly  calls 'un  document  unique  dans  I'bistoire.'  Again  ho 
says,  '  Quand  je  viens  a  rc'unir  ensemble  tous  ces  vceux  particu- 
liers  (des  trois  ordres),  je  m'aperfpois  avec  une  sorte  de  terreur,  quo 
ce  qu'on  reclame  est  I'abolition  simultanee  et  systematique  de  toutcs 
Ics  lois,  et  de  tous  les  usages  ayant  cours  dans  le  pays  :  je  vois  sur- 
le-champ  qu'il  va  s'agir  d'une  dcs  plus  vastes  et  des  plus  dangc- 
reuses  n'volutions  qui  aient  jamais  paru  dans  le  monde.'— />'a«cien 
Rrgimo,  211. 


140  FRANCE. 

revolution  were  everywhere  demanded ;  and  a  new 
and  untried  assembly  was  about  to  consider  them. 

At  this  time,  the  king  and  his  ministers  were  at 
state  of  issue  with  the  nobles,  and  in  conflict  with 
parties.  ^j^q  Parliaments:  the  treasury  was  empty: 
the  people  were  famishing :  factions  were  raging  furi- 
ously ;  and  public  opinion  was  disturbed  and  threat- 
ening. Even  the  fidelity  of  the  troops  was  doubtful : 
the  officers  leaning  to  their  noble  order ;  and  the  sol- 
diers sympathising  with  the  wrongs  of  the  peasant 
class,  and  having  discontents  of  their  own.^ 

The  result  of  the  elections  marked  the  dominant 
feelings  of  the  country.  Many  of  the  nobles, 
tioii  uf  the  indoctrinated  with  the  new  philosophy,  were 
reformers  and  philanthropists:  but  the  ma- 
jority sternly  maintained  the  rights  of  their  order. 
The  great  body  of  the  delegates  from  the  clergy  were 
cures^  having  an  earnest  sympathy  with  the  peojile. 
They  had  boldly  demanded  the  redress  of  all  the  pop- 
ular grievances,  and  they  asserted  the  right  of  the  peo- 
ple to  tax  themselves,  through  their  representatives.^ 
Of  the  600  deputies  from  the  iiers-ctat,'^  there  were  no 
less  than  374  lawyers ;  ^ — the  authors  and  instigators 
of  the  cahiers:  there  were  men  of  letters,  artists,  and 
citizens ;  but  few  country  gentlemen.  The  noble,  Mi- 
rabeau,  expelled  from  his  own  order,  and  the  Abbe 

'  Four  months  after  the  opening  of  the  states-general,  there  were 
16,000  deserters  roving  about  Paris. — Taine,  Les  Origines,  615. 

^  Mr.  Carlyle  says  of  them,  '  who,  indeed,  are  properly  little  other 
than  commons  disguised  in  curate-frocks.' — Fr.  Rev.  b.  iv.  ch.  4. 

''  De  Tocqueville,  L'anden  Regime,  168,  169 ;  Louis  Blanc,  Hist. 
de  la  Rev.  Fr.  ii.  221. 

*  The  total  number  of  deputies  to  the  states-general  was  1314, 
one  half  of  whom  were  from  the  ticrs-etat. 

^  Bonill(5,  Mem.  i.  68. 


THE   STATES-GENERAL.  141 

Sieyes,  had  cast  tlieir  lot  with  the  commons.  It  was 
a  body  intent  upon  reforms,  and  a  sturdy  foe  to  privi- 
leges. Its  mission  was  to  satisfy  the  complaints  of 
the  people ;  and  it  was  burning  to  resist  the  preten- 
sions of  the  nobles  and  the  Church.^ 

On  May  5,  the  states-general  were  opened,  by  the 
king  himself,  in  the  Salle  des  Menus,  at  Ver- 
sailles, according  to  the  stately  ceremonial  thretafes- 
of  1614.  The  clergy  assembled  on  his  right,  ^'^""'^ ' 
the  nobles  on  the  left,  and  the  modest  commons  at  the 
lower  end  of  the  chamber.^  The  king  and  his  minis- 
ters were  welcomed  with  hearty  acclamations,  and  his 
majesty's  generous  and  earnest  speech  was  received 
with  applause.  But  here  ended  all  that  was  hopeful, 
on  this  remarkable  day.  Neither  the  king  nor  his 
ministers,  Barentin  and  Necker,  who  afterwards  ad- 
dressed the  states,  proposed  a  certain  policy,  or  spe- 
cific measures  of  relief:  but,  proclaiming  the  urgent 
necessities  of  the  country,  they  appealed  to  the  wis- 
dom and  patriotism  of  the  assembly ;  whom  they  cau- 
tioned against  extreme  measures,  and  invited  to  union. 

The  supreme  question  of  the  separate  or  united 
voting  of  the  orders,  was  left  to  the  deter-  „.,,. 

/  Sittings 

mination  of  those  rival  orders  themselves :  v/  J'l® 

.      .  .  ,  Instates. 

not,  however,  without  intimations  that  the 

'  '  Ce  ne  sont  ni  les  impots,  ni  les  lettres  de  cachet,  ni  tons  les  au- 
tres  abus  de  I'autorite,  ce  ne  sont  point  les  vexations  des  intendants, 
et  les  longueurs  ruineuses  de  la  justice  qui  ont  le  plus  irrite  la  na- 
tion :  c'est  la  prejuge  de  la  noblesse  par  lequel  elle  a  nianifesti'  plus 
de  haine.' — Rivarol,  Mem.  cited  by  Taine,  Les  Origines,  419. 

"  The  ceremony  was  marked  by  a  significant  incident.  Wlicn  the 
king,  being  seated  upon  his  throne,  put  on  his  hat,  the  clergy  and 
nobles  proceeded  to  cover  themselves,  according  to  ancient  custom  ; 
when,  for  the  first  time,  the  commons  asserted  the  like  privilege,  in 
the  presence  of  royalty. 


142i  FRANCE. 

ancient  usage  was  favoured  by  tlie  government.  This 
fatal  hesitation  was  due  to  the  distracted  councils 
of  the  king's  advisers.  The  king  himself  would  have 
shared  his  prerogatives  with  the  people,  for  the  com- 
mon good :  but  neither  the  clergy,  the  nobles,  nor 
the  court  were  prepared  to  sacrifice  their  own  inter- 
ests or  privileges.  They  had  successfully  resisted  the 
king  and  his  reforming  ministers,  Turgot,  Necker  and 
Calonne  ;  and  they  would  not  submit  to  the  despised 
commons.  The  position  was,  indeed,  embarrassing. 
If  the  orders  voted  separately,  there  was  little  hope  of 
satisfaction  to  the  people :  if  they  voted  together,  there 
was  immediate  hazard  of  revolution.  But  to  leave  the 
orders,  who  hated  and  distrusted  one  another,  to  de- 
termine their  own  rights,  was  an  invitation  to  anarchy. 
The  two  higher  orders  now  sat  apart  in  their  re- 
The  com-  spectivc  chambers,  leaving  the  commons,  as 
sumlfo'  the  largest  body,  in  possession  of  the  great 
Natkfnai  ^^^^  '  ^  ^^^  proceeded  to  the  separate  verifi- 
Assembiy.  catiou  of  their  powers.  The  commons,  being 
resolved  that  there  should  be  no  separation  of  orders, 
insisted  that  the  verification  of  the  powers  of  the  three 
Estates  should  be  conducted  by  the  entire  body; 
and  awaited  the  coming  of  the  two  other  orders. 
Their  inaction  assured  their  ultimate  triumph.  They 
were  united  to  a  man ;  while  many  of  the  nobles  were 
on  their  side :  they  commanded  the  sympathies  of  the 
inferior  clergy ;  and  they  were  supported  by  the  peo- 
ple. After  five  weeks  of  fruitless  negotiations,  the 
June  17  commons  took  a  bolder  step;  and  declared 
1789.  themselves  '  the  National  Assembly.'  ^    It  was 

'  La  Salle  des  Mats. 

^  Edgar  Quinet  truly  says,  '  Ce  nom,  qui  evoquait  la  nation,  ctait 
dC'ja  la  victoire.' — La  Revolution,  i.  76. 


THE   STATES-GENERAL.  143 

an  act  of  usurpation  which  marked  the  commencement 
of  the  revolution.  Nor  was  it  a  mere  declaration  of 
right :  it  was  followed  by  decrees  designed  to  ensure 
their  own  authority.  Taxes  imposed  by  the  Crown 
were  declared  illegal :  but  their  collection  was  pro- 
visionally allowed,  during  the  sitting  of  the  National 
Assembly.  The  public  debts  were  consolidated,  to 
the  great  satisfaction  of  the  public  creditors ;  and  a 
committee  of  subsistence  was  appointed  to  provide 
for  the  wants  of  the  people.  As  they  were  thus  as- 
suming superior  legislative  power,  it  was  clear  that 
they  must  be  put  down,  or  that  the  Crown,  and  the 
tv.'o  other  orders,  must  associate  themselves  with  their 
labours.  The  court  persuaded  the  king  to  adopt  the 
former  course :  and,  on  the  plea  of  an  approaching 
royal  seance,  the  doors  of  the  hall  v/ere  closed  against 
the  Assembly.  The  commons  at  once  adjourned  to 
the  racket  court,  where  they  swore  not  to 
separate  until  they  had  given  a  constitution 
to  France.  The  racket  court  being  soon  closed  against 
them,  they  adiourned  to  the  Church  of  St. 

.    .  June  33. 

Louis ;   and  here  they  were  joined  by  the 
majority  of  the  clergy. 

On  the  following  day  the  king  came,  in  state,  to  the 
hall  of  the  states-general,  rebuked  the  As-  -Peking 
sembly,  and  annulled  its  decrees  as  illegal,  ^""e^j/,%0 
He  directed  that  the  separate  orders  should  Assemijiy*? 
be  maintained:  announced  certain  reforms,  J""^'^^- 
comprised  in  thirty-five  articles,  which  he  invited  the 
states-general  to  accept ;  and  intimated  that,  unless 
they  were  agreed  to,  he  should  himself  promote  the 
welfare  of  his  people.^    At  the  same  time,  he  threat- 
ened  them   with   a   dissolution.      In   conclusion,   ho 

■  '  Scul  je  forai  Ic  bicn  do  lucs  peuplos.' 


144  FEANCE. 

ordered  the  deputies  to  separate.  The  nobles  and 
the  clergy  at  once  left  the  hall :  but  the  commons 
refused  to  move.  Beminded  of  the  king's  orders  by 
his  usher,  De  Breze,  they  re^Dlied,  by  the  mouth  of 
Mirabeau, '  Go,  Monsieur,  tell  those  -who  sent  you  that 
we  are  here  by  the  will  of  the  people,  and  that  nothing 
but  the  force  of  bayonets  shall  send  us  hence.'  They 
resolved  to  persist  in  their  decrees,  which  the  king 
had  Just  condemned ;  and  voted  the  inviolability  of 
their  members.  This  defiance  of  the  king's  authorit}^, 
instead  of  being  met  by  the  threatened  dissolution, 
was  submitted  to  by  the  court ;  and  from  that  day, 
power  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Assembly. 

Another  victory  was  soon  gained  by  the  popular 
Union  of  party.  The  Assembly,  resuming  its  sittings 
theuniers.  j^  ^j^q  church  of  St.  Louis,  was  at  once 
Joined  by  the  clergy,  who  had  sat  there  before,  and  in 
a  few  days  by  forty-seven  nobles,  including 
the  Duke  of  Orleans,  and  at  last  by  the  en- 
tire body  of  the  nobles  and  clergy.  The  union  of  the 
orders  was  now  complete,  and  the  ascendency  of  the 
commons  was  assured.^  The  two  foremost  Estates  of 
the  realm  were,  in  truth,  effaced  from  the  constitution 
of  France;  and  the  Crown  itself  had  lost  its  sove- 
reignty.^ 

The  court  had  sustained  a  grave  discomfiture  :  but 
Dismissal  ^^  "^^^  ^^*  eveu  yet  too  late  to  initiate  re- 
of  Necicor.  forms  and  assume  the  direction  of  the  popu- 
lar movement :  but,  unhappily,  the  reactionary  party 
again  prevailed  in  the  king's  councils.     It  was  deter- 

'  'Jusqu'ii  ce  jour,  du  moins,  la  bourgeoisie  fut  la  Revolution: 
elle  futle  peuple.' — Louis  Blanc,  Jlid.  de  la  Eev.  Fr.  ii.  315. 

"^  '  La  royaute  n'ttait  plus  au  palais  de  Louis  xvi. :  elle  etait  a  la 
Sallo  des  Etats.'— Ibid.  313. 


ALAEMING  DISOEDERS.  145 

mined  to  overawe  tlie  Assembly' :  its  hall  was  sur- 
rounded by  a  foreign  soldiery ;  and  large  bodies  of 
troops  were  concentrated  upon  Versailles,  upon  Paris 
and  its  environs.     Wlien  these  military  pre- 
parations were  completed,  Necker  was  dis-  '^"'^^^• 
missed,  and  banished  from  France. 

Hitherto  the  issue  had  been  between  the  court  and 
the  Assembly  :  it  was  now  a  conflict  between  „  , . 
the  government  and  the  people.     The  Pari-  ^''^  Bjistue. 
sians  rushed  to  arms,  and  the  troops  refused  to  fight 
against  them:  the  Bastile  was  stormed ;  and  j„,  ^^ 
the  caj)ital  was  in  the  hands  of  the  populace.^  ^^^'^'^• 
The  king  now  came  to  the  Assembly,  assured  them  of 
his  confidence,  and  promised  the  immediate  withdrawal 
of  the  troops  from  Paris  and  Versailles.     On  the  fol- 
lowing day  he  visited  Paris,  without  guards, 
and  was  received  with  loyal  demonstrations.     ^^ ' ' 
But  he  was  forced  to  humble  himself  before  the  peo- 
ple.   Waving  his  hat,  decked  with  the  insurrectionary 
cockade,  from  the  windows  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  he 
aroused  transports  of  enthusiasm  from  the  crowd  be- 
low.    He  had  made  his  peace,  for  a  time,  with  his 
capital :  but  he  had  worn  the  badge  of  the 
revolution,  and  played  the  part  of  a  citizen  recalled. 
king.^    The   policy  of  the  court  had  been 
foiled ;  and  Necker  was  recalled  from  his  exile. 

Paris,  with  its  popular  magistrates  and  national 
guards,  reconciled  for  a  time  to  the  king,  was,  how- 

'  On  hearing  of  these  events  from  the  Duko  de  Liancourt,  the  king 
said,  '  C'est  una  revolte  I'  '  Non,  sire,'  replied  the  Duke,  '  c'estune 
revolution.' 

^ '  Le  souverain  feodal  venait  de  disparaitre  ;  il  ne  restait  plus  en 
France  qu'un  monarque,  chef  des  bourgeois. ' — Louis  Blanc,  Jlist.  iL. 
422. 

VOL.  II. — 7 


146  FILVNCE. 

ever,  independent.     Otlier   cities  foUoAved  its  exam- 
ple, and  electing  new  magistrates,  and  enrol- 
dislnierf.      Hnsj  national  guards,  sided  with,  tlie  popular 

July,  1790.  ^  T       ii  •  j-i 

cause.  In  tne  provinces  tliere  were  grave 
disorders :  castles  were  burnt  down :  nobles  and  coun- 
try gentlemen  were  murdered;  and  their  title-deeds 
destroyed  by  tlie  peasantry:  monasteries  and  farni- 
liouses  were  plundered:  estates  were  forcibly  occu- 
pied by  squatters:  rents  and  services  were  withheld 
from  the  proprietors :  tax-gatherers  were  hunted  down 
like  wild  beasts :  the  peasantry  roved  over  fields  and 
forests  in  pursuit  of  game,  which  they  cooked  on  the 
spot  with  wood  from  the  plantations  of  their  seigneurs. 
Life  and  property  were  a  prey  to  agrarian  anarchy.^ 
The  three  orders  being  now  united,  the  Assembly, — 

henceforward  called  the  Constituent  Assem- 
tions  of  the    bly, — cousisted  of  more  than  twelve  hundred 

members:  a  number  excessive  for  delibera- 
tion, and  liable  to  sudden  and  uncontrollable  im- 
pulses. Its  members  had  come  recently  from  their 
constituents,  who  were  aroused  to  a  keen  sense  of 
their  wrongs,  and  expected  immediate  relief  from  their 
representatives :  while  the  prevailing  excitement  in 
Paris,  and  in  the  provinces,  could  not  fail  to  influence 
tlieir  deliberations.  As  public  life  in  France  had  long 
been  suppressed,  by  centralised  administration,  there 
were  no  men,  in  all  this  vast  body,  trained  to  states- 

-  So  early  as  July  1790,  the  Constituent  Assembly  received  a  re- 
port that  '  property  was  everywhere  the  prey  to  brigandage  :  that 
on  all  sides  castles  were  burned,  convents  wrecked,  and  farms  given 
up  to  pillage  :  that  all  sejgnorial  rights  were  at  an  end  :  that  the 
laws  were  without  force,  the  magistrates  without  authority,  and 
justice  but  a  phantom  which  was  sought  in  vain  in  the  tribunals.' — 
Nettement,  Vie  de  M.  la  Marquluc  de  la  Roclotja'iaelein,  71. 


DELIBERATIONS   OF  THE  ASSEMBLY.  147 

mansliip,  or  qualified  by  experience,  or  political  repu- 
tation, to  direct  its  counsels,  and  guide  it  tlirougb. 
the  fearful  dangers  by  wliicli  it  was  surrounded.  The 
nobles  were  unaccustomed  to  deliberative  bodies :  they 
had  never  practised  public  speaking,  or  the  politic  man- 
agement of  men  of  different  classes.^  No  ministers  of 
the  Crown  were  there  to  concert  a  policy,  upon  which 
the  executive  and  legislative  authorities  might  agree : 
but  jealousy  and  suspicion  were  rife  between  them. 
There  were  parties  indeed,  —  the  right,  or  royalist; 
the  centre,  or  constitutional ;  and  the  left,  or  demo- 
cratic:— but  there  was  little  party  organisation,  or 
concerted  action,  which  might  have  given  consistency 
to  the  policy  of  the  Assembly.  It  was  without  any 
rules  or  traditions  of  order.  A  hundred  deputies 
would  rise  together,  and  insist  upon  being  heard. 
They  even  read  their  speeches.^  Motions  were  made, 
and  decrees  passed,  Avithout  notice,  and  upon  the  sud- 
den impulse  of  the  moment.^  Its  galleries  were  filled 
with  strangers,  who  cheered  and  hissed,  without  a 
check,  and  interrupted  the  debates  with  threatening 
clamours.  Its  foremost  member  was  Mirabeau, — a 
man  distinguished,  above  all  his  rivals,  by  genius, 
eloquence,  and  statesmanship ;  and,  in  the  early  stages 
of  the  revolution,  all  his  influence  was  used  to  forward 
the  popular  cause.     The  Abbe  Sieycs,  great  in  con- 

'  'Jamais  conducteurs  d'hommes  n'ont  tellement  dOsappris  I'art 
do  conduire  les  honimes,  art  qui  consiste  a  marclier  sur  la  nieme 
route,  mais  en  tete,  et  a  guider  leur  travail  en  y  preuaut  part.' — 
Taine,  Les  Origiiies,  64. 

'  Arthur  Young's  Travels,  i.  Ill  ct  scq. 

'  This  practice  was  continued  throughout  the  revolutionary  pe- 
riod, and  has  not  boon  corrected  in  recent  times.  Under  the  i)resi- 
dency  of  M.  Thiers,  critical  votes  were  taken  witliout  notice,  c.^.  on 
the  vote  of  confidence,  N(jv.  30,  1873. 


148  FEANCE. 

stitution-makiug,  found  ample  scope  for  his  iuventive 
talents,  in  this  political  chaos;  and  Talleyrand,  the 
bishop  of  Autun,  was  preparing  to  sacrifice  his  Church 
to  the  revolutionary  cause,  and  his  own  ambition. 
General  Lafayette,  overflowing  with  vanity,  moved  by 
a  restless  ambition,  and  fresh  from  American  politics, 
was  ready  to  proclaim  the  rights  of  man,  while  he  se- 
cured his  own  ascendency.  D'Orleans,  a  prince  of  the 
blood,  sat  dark  and  silent,  on  the  left,  as  an  enemy  of 
the  court.  Eobespierre  was  there,  not  yet  a  consj)icu- 
ous  figure,  but  brooding  over  the  future. 

The  people  were  clamouring  for  reforms,  and  the 
Assembly  promptly  ministered  to  their  im- 

Renuncia-  , .  rm  i  •    • 

tioiiof  patience.  There  was  a  general  uprising 
Au.j;ust4,'     against  feudal  ricirhts  :  and  in  a  sudden  out- 

1789.  o  ' 

burst  of  enthusiasm,  the  orders  agreed  to 
the  renunciation  of  class  privileges,  and  a  wholesale 
redress  of  grievances.  Feudal  rights  were  redeemed, 
and  personal  servitude  abolished  :  tithes  were  discon- 
tinued :  exemptions  from  taxes  renounced  :  plurality  of 
offices  surrendered  :  the  exclusive  rights  in  game,  and 
various  other  feudal  privileges  and  jurisdictions,  con- 
demned. In  a  single  night,  nearly  all  the  grievances 
of  the  people  were  redressed.^  The  nobles  and  the 
Church  renounced  the  privileges  which  it  had  taken 
them  centuries  of  struggle  and  usurpation  to  acquire. 
Just  and  necessary  as  were  these  concessions,  they  were 
made,  not  with  the  judgment  of  lawgivers,  but  with 
the  rashness  and  impulsiveness  of  revolutionists  ;  and 
so  sudden  an  interference  with  existing  rights,  with- 
out securities  for  the  maintenance  of  order,  gave  a 
fresh  impulse  to  anarchy. 

1  Thiers,  Hist.  i.  123  ctscq.;   Mignet,  Hist.  i.  100;  Von  Sybel,  Hist. 
i.  84 ;  Louis  Blanc,  Hist.  ii.  484. 


PARTIES  IN  THE  ASSEJJBLY.  149 

The  revolution  had  now  Vy^rcsted  power  from  the 
hands  of  the  king,  and  privileges  fi'om  the  ^^^^^  ^^  ^ 
Church  and  the  nobles :  but  it  had  not  yet  ^"'^^••"e 

«/  COUStilU- 

overthrown  the  framework  of  the  govern-  ''°'^- 
ment.  The  king  still  reigned,  but  with  a  limited 
authority :  an  Assembly  representing  all  classes  of  the 
people,  and  generally  animated  with  sentiments  of 
patriotism  and  moderation,  was  preparing  to  secure 
the  fruits  of  the  great  national  movement  to  which  it 
owed  its  birth.  At  this  j)eriod,  indeed,  it  seemed 
jDOssible  that  the  revolution  would  assume  a  constitu- 
tional form.  But  the  Assembly  was  divided 
into  three  principal  parties,  whose  principles  in  the 
and  aims,  and  whose  relations  to  the  govern- 
ment, prevented  the  solution  of  constitutional  diffi- 
culties. The  right,  consisting  chiefly  of  nobles  and 
ecclesiastics,  clung  obstinately  to  the  old  regime :  the 
centre  desired  moderate  reforms,  and  constitutional 
liberty  :  the  left  were  the  revolutionary  party, — advo- 
cates of  the  rights  of  man, — enemies  of  the  Church 
and  the  nobles, — and  though  not  yet  republicans,^ 
hostile  to  the  Crown.  The  work  of  reconstruction 
was  discusssed  :  but  in  vain.  An  idle,  vapouring,  and 
mischievous  declaration  of  the  rights  of  man  was,  in- 
deed, adopted  :  ^  but  a  definite  constitution  could  not 
be  agreed  upon.  A  senate,  or  second  chamber,  was 
proposed :  but  the  nobles  naturally  desired  to  make  it 
the  means  of  recovering  their  power  ;  and  who  could 

'  Caniillc  Desmoulins  said,  '  Nous  n'otions  pas  alors  plus  do  dix 
republicains  en  France.' — Louis  Blanc,  Jicv.  Fr.  livr.  ii.  cli.  4. 

*  '  La  France  rompant  avec  lo  passe,  et  voulant  remonter  a.  I'ttat 
de  nature,  dut  aspirer  u  donncr  une  declaration  complete  de  tons  les 
droits  de  I'liomme  et  du  citoyon.' — Thiers,  Hist.  i.  137.  See  also 
Comte,  Phil.  Pos.  vi,  358,  SCO,  3'J8. 


150  FRANCE. 

seriously  hope  that  the  commons,  who  had  so  lately 
triumphed  over  the  two  other  Estates,  would  suddenly 
agree  to  restore  a  separate  chamber,  of  equal  authority 
with  their  own  ?  Again,  it  was  proposed  to  secure  to 
the  king  a  veto  upon  all  legislative  acts  of  the  Assem- 
bly :  but  this  was  considered  by  the  popular  party  too 
great  a  power,  and  the  veto  was  restricted  to  the  dura- 
tion of  two  assemblies.^ 

But,  in  truth,  the  passions  of  the  different  parties 
Condition  concerned  in  the  revolution,  were  too  heated 
of  Paris.  ^Q  allow  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  mo- 
mentous questions  now  at  issue.  Paris  was  excited 
and  turbulent :  the  clubs  were  maintaining  a  danger- 
ous  agitation;    and   multitudes    of  the  people  were 

starving.  At  the  very  time  when  the  central 
ment  of       government  had  been  dangerously  weakened, 

the  power  of  the  municipality  of  Paris  was 
no  less  dangerously  increased.  Its  mayor  was  a  great 
political  personage :  its  national  guard  was  an  army  of 
30,000  men,  ever  on  the  spot ;  while  the  king's  forces 
were  jealously  removed  from  the  capital.  Its  general, 
Lafayette,  at  once  a  soldier  and  politician,  was  mas- 
ter of  the  city  and  of  the  State.  Its  constitution  was 
essentially  democratic.  The  municipal  administra- 
tion was  vested  in  a  large  body  of  representatives, — 
originally  120,  but  soon  increased  to  300  :  while  every 
section  had  its  own  noisy  assembly  to  dictate  to  the 
Hotel  de  Yille. 

Every  great  city  has  its   dangerous  classes :  they 

swarm  in  the  back  streets,  courts  and  alleys : 

Its  people.       ,,  .  .'  ,  IB 

they  are  to  be  seen  amidst  the  crowds  of 
the  greater  thoroughfares.      No  one  can  walk  among 

'  Thiers.  Rist.  i.  141-153. 


STATE  OF  PARIS.  151 

tliom,  watch  their  countenances,  and  overhear  their 
language,  without  wondering  how  the  peace  and  safety 
of  society  can  be  guarded.  But  Paris,  at  this  period, 
surpassed  all  other  cities, — except  perhaj^s  ancient 
Home, — in  the  disproportionate  numbers  of  its  poor, 
wretched,  unemployed,  and  desperate  inhabitants, — 
included  in  the  comprehensive  term  of  proUtaires. 
France  had,  for  generations,  been  infested  wdth 
crowds  of  vagrants  and  beggars.^  Of  these,  multi- 
tudes swarmed  to  the  capital :  the  disorders  of  the 
time  increased  their  number  :  thousands  of  workmen 
were  thrown  out  of  employment  by  the  disorganisa- 
tion of  society:  the  smaller  employers  suffered  as 
much  as  the  workmen ;  and  there  was  a  fearful  scar- 
city of  food.  A  partial  and  inadequate  poor-law  was 
quite  unequal  to  cope  with  such  prodigious  pauper- 
ism ;  and  the  police,  in  Paris,  as  elsewhere,  was  scanty 
and  ill-organised.  Such  were  the  elements  of  disor- 
der and  violence,  at  a  time  of  fevered  political  excite- 
ment. The  people,  suffering  and  excited,  grossly  ig- 
norant and  credulous,  were  exposed  to  the  wildest 
delusions.  Democratic  newspapers  aroused  their  pas- 
sions ;  and  inflammatory  placards  appealed  to  them, 
upon  all  the  walls  of  the  capitaL  Journalism  was  a 
new  force  in  the  Ptevolution.^  The  artful  whispers  of 
revolutionary  agents,  and  the  declamations  of  mob- 
orators,  goaded  them  to  madness.  There  were  turbu- 
lent meetings,  in  the  sections  and  in  the  Palais  Royal : 
there  were  riots  in  the  streets, — sometimes  the  natural 
fruits  of  anarchy, — sometimes  provoked  by  the  secret 

'  In  1789  the  number  was  estimated  at  2,000,000. — Louis  Blanc, 
Hut.  livr.  iv.  cli.  2. 

'^  A  full  account  of  the  journalism  of  this  period  will  be  found 
in  Louis  Blanc,  IIif<t.  de  la  JUv.  Fr.  iii.  121  it  acq. 


152  FKANCE. 

machmations  and  tlie  bribes  of  revolutionary  dema- 
gogues. Society  was  seething  witli  tempestuous  pas- 
sions ;  and  the  gold  of  Orleans,  and  other  dark  con- 
spirators, was  not  wanting  to  inflame  tliem.^ 

Order  was  partially  maintained  by  the  municipal 
authorities  and  the  national  guard  :  seditious  meet- 
ings in  the  Palais  Eoyal  were  prohibited  :  restraints 
were  put  upon  the  press  :  ^  a  police  force  was  organ- 
ised by  General  Lafayette  :  public  workshops  were 
provided  for  the  unemployed  poor :  the  municipal 
funds  were  exhausted  in  furnishing  cheap  bread  to 
the  people  ;  and  at  length,  the  State  was  obliged  to 
save  the  multitude  from  starving. 

Immediate  danger  was  averted  by  these  expe- 
dients :  but  the  general  condition  of  Paris  was  aggra- 
vated. Cheap  bread,  and  public  wages  for  nominal 
work,  attracted  crowds  to  the  capital,  bringing  with 
them  fresh  elements  of  discontent  and  turbulence ; 
and  not  long  afterwards  it  was  found  necessary  to 
close  the  public  workshops.^  It  was  soon  to  be  seen 
how  little  these  masses  could  be  controlled  by  au- 
thority ;  and  how  easily  they  could  be  stirred  to  in- 
surrection. 

'For  evidence  as  to  these  transactions,  see  Mirabeau,  Corr.; 
Bailly,  Mtm.  ii.  293  ;  Croker,  Essays,  pp.  50,  70  ;  Von  Sybel,  Hist.  i. 
76,  114,  119,  124,  133;  Lord  Auckland's  Corr.  ii.  365;  Ducoin, 
Philippe  (V  Orleans,  73.  Spealting  of  the  alleged  bribes  of  the  Duke 
of  Orleans,  M.  Thiers  says  : — '  Du  reste,  cette  influence  n'est  point 
a  compter  parmi  les  causes  de  la  revolution,  car  ce  n'est  pas  avec  un 
peu  d'or,  et  des  manoeuvres  secretes  qu'on  ebranle  une  nation  de 
vingt-cinq  millions  d'hommes.' — Hist,  de  la  Riv.  Fr.\.  80.  This 
portion  of  his  history  is  strongly  criticised  by  Croker. 

■^  No  printed  matter  was  to  be  issued  without  the  name  of  an 
editor. 

3  July  1,  1790. 


THE  CLUBS.  153 

But  tlio  force  of  the  revolution  was  mainly  derived 
from  tlie  clubs  and  political  associations,  rpi^g^i^y^g 
Here  men  were  brought  together  to  discuss 
their  grievances,  and  give  vent  to  their  fierce  pas- 
sions. The  club  orators  were  the  true  apostles  of 
the  revolution.  Speculation  gave  way  to  political 
action ;  and  the  ambition  of  leaders,  and  the  hot 
zeal  of  partisans,  lashed  an  ignorant  and  famishing 
people  to  fury.^  The  most  powerful  and  dangerous 
of  these  clubs  was  that  of  the  Jacobins,  which  was  to 
play  a  decisive  part  in  the  revolution.  For  Danton 
and  other  revolutionists,  however,  even  this  club  v/as 
not  violent  enough  ;  and  they  founded  the  more  hot- 
headed Cordeliers.  Another  club, — the  Feuillants, — 
established  by  Lafayette  and  Bailly,  was  too  mod- 
erate to  excite  the  passions  of  the  crowd.^  These 
clubs  were  formidable  enough  in  themselves :  but 
they  became  more  dangerous  by  the  union  and  corre- 
spondence of  numbers  of  affiliated  societies.^ 

Wliile  the  popular  party  were  busy  in  the  Assem- 
bly, in  the  clubs,  and  among  the  populace  Reaction 
of  Paris,  the  court  were  smarting  under  the  byThi"'^'^ 
indignities  to  which  the  king  had  already     """^ " 

'  '  Jamais  les  livres  ne  produiront  une  rtivolution  durable,  si  Ton 
n'y  ajouto  la  parole  publique.  C'est  elle  seule  qui  porte  et  com- 
munique la  vie.'  'Si  la  seizieme  siicle  n'avait  eu  que  dcs  ccri- 
vains,  jamais  il  n'aurait  enfantii  la  Refoniie.  II  fallut  que  les  the- 
ologieus  devinssent  missionnaires.  Les  livres  de  Luther,  de  Cal- 
vin, de  Zvvingle  firent  des  theolog-iens.  Lour  parole  vivante  re- 
pcti'c,  oommentt'e  par  dcs  oratcurs  emus,  fit  la  revolution  religieuse.' 
— Edgar  Quinet,  La  Rev.  i.  73. 

•^  Thiers,  IUhL  de  la  Rev.  Fr.  i.  213,  ii.  12  et  seq.  ;  Carlylo,  Illd.  of 
the  Fr.  Rev.  b.  ii.  ch.  5. 

'  '  The  Paris  .Jacobins  became  tlio  mother  society,  Societe  M^-ro  ; 
and  had  as  many  as  three  hundred  shrill-tongued  dau^-hters  iu  direct 
correspondence  with  h<r.'— Curlyle,  Hid.  of  the  Fr.  Rev.  b.  ii.  ch.  5. 
7* 


154  FEANCE. 

been  exposed,  and  the  abasement  of  tlie  nobles. 
They  were  powerless  in  the  Assembly ;  and  despaired 
of  recovering  their  position  otherwise  than  by  force. 
The  king  still  had  an  army.  Why  not  leave  Ver- 
sailles, and,  surrounded  by  his  faithful  soldiers,  defy 
his  enemies,  and  tramjjle  down  sedition  ?  Reaction 
was  again  attempted  by  a  display  of  military  force 
at  Paris  and  Versailles  ;  and  sinister  rumours  were 
spread  of  a  sudden  dissolution  of  the  Assembly,  and 
a  couv  cVetat.     They  were  confirmed  by  the 

The  ban-  -^  , 

quetsof        festivities    of  the   king's  bodyguard  at  the 

the  kind's 

body-  "'  castle,  in  which  the  officers,  with  loud  de- 
oct.  1  and  monstrations  of  loyalty,  trampled  upon  the 
'  '  ■  national  cockades,  and  decked  themselves 
with  the  white  cockade  of  the  Bourbons.  These 
threats  of  military  reaction,  while  they  irritated  and 
alarmed  the  revolutionists,  were  not  sufficient  to  over- 
awe them.  They  were  met  by  frantic  excitement  in 
,,    Paris,  by  the  celebrated  march  of  the  women 

Oct.  5  and  6.  '      -^ 

upon  Versailles,  by  the  invasion  of  the  cas- 
tle itself  by  a  riotous  mob,  and  by  the  enforced  re- 
moval of  the  king  and  his  family  to  Paris. 

The  king  was  henceforth  at  the  mercy  of  the  mob. 
The  king  Deprived  of  his  guards,  and  at  a  distance 
at  Pans.  from  his  army,  he  was  in  the  centre  of  the 
revolution ;  and  surrounded  by  an  excited  and  hungry 
populace.  He  was  followed  to  Paris  by  the  Assem- 
bly ;  and,  for  the  present,  was  protected  fi'om  further 
outrages  by  Lafayette  and  the  national  guards.  Mira- 
beau,  who  was  now  in  secret  communication  with  the 
court,  warned  the  king  of  his  danger,  in  the  midst  of 
the  revolutionary  capital.  *The  mob  of  Paris,'  he 
said,  *  will  scourge  the  corpses  of  the  king  and  queen.' 
He  saw  no  hope  of  safety  for  them,  or  for  the  State, 


THE  KING  AT  P.IEIS.  155 

but  in  their  withdrawal  from  this  pressing  danger,  to 
Fontainebleaii  or  Eoiien,  and  in  a  strong  goyernment, 
supported  by  the  Assembly,  pursuing  liberal  mea- 
sures, and  quelling  anarchy.  His  counsels  were  fr-us- 
trated  by  events ;  and  the  revolution  had  advanced 
too  far  to  be  controlled  by  this  secret  and  suspected 
adviser  of  the  king.^ 

Meanwhile,  the  Assembly  was  busy  with   further 
schemes  of  revolution  and  desperate  finance,  other 
France   was   divided  into  departments :  the  JffTh^^^ 
property  of  the  Church  was  appropriated  to      "^^  ^' 
meet  the  urgent  necessities  of  the  State  :  the  disas- 
trous assignais  were  issued :  the  subjection  of  the  cler- 
gy to  the  civil  power  was  decreed  :  the  Parliaments 
were  superseded,  and  the  judicature  of  the  country 
was  reconstituted,   upon   a  popular  basis :  titles   of 
honour,  orders  of  knighthood,  armorial  bear-  ^^^^^  ^^ 
ings — even   liveries  —  were    abolished:    the  ^^^• 
army  was  reorganised,  and  the  privileges  of  birth  were 
made  to  yield  to  service  and  seniority.^     All  French- 
men were  henceforth  equal,  as  'citoyens:'    and  their 
new  privileges  were  wildly  celebrated  by  the  plant- 
ing of  trees  of  liberty.    The  monarchy  was  still  recog- 
nised :  but  it  stood  alone,  in  the  midst  of  revolution. 

This  new  constitution  was  accepted  by  the   king, 

'  The  relations  of  Mirabeau  with  the  court  have  since  been  fully 
revealed  in  the  interesting  Corrcspondance  entre  Ic  Comic  de  Mira- 
beau et  U  Comte  de  la  Ifurck  pendant  Ics  annees  1789,  1790  et  1791. 
Par  M.  de  Bacourt,  1851.  Mr.  Reeve  '  can  discover  no  e\ndcnce  of 
the  common,  but  conjectural  belief,  that  if  the  life  of  Mirabeau  had 
been  prolonged,  it  would  hare  fared  otherwise,  with  the  French 
revolution.' — Royal  and  Jiijyidjlican  France,  i.  230. 

5  Thiers,  Ilist.  i.  2i(i  et  fieq.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  on  Feb.  34,  1790, 
the  Constituent  Assembly  decreed  the  equal  division  of  property, 
among  children,  without  a  single  protest  on  the  part  of  the  nobles. 


156  FRANCE. 

and    consecrated   by    a    pompous    ceremony   in   tlie 
Oliamp  do  Mars :    but  the  revolution,   as  it 

New  con- 

Btitutioii       advanced,  had  raised  hosts  of  enemies  who 

procliiiiiKJcl.  1  •     •  •  T-i 

July  13,  were  combining  to  arrest  it.  Every  power, 
interest  and  privilege  had  been  assailed ;  and 
the  most  powerful  classes  of  society  were  arrayed 
against  it.  The  king  had  sworn  to  observe  the  new 
constitution :  but  he  found  himself  stripped  of  his 
kingly  attributes,  separated  from  his  friends,  a  pris- 
oner in  the  midst  of  a  jealous  and  turbulent  mob,  and 
exposed,  at  any  moment,  to  insult  and  outrage.  The 
nobles  had  lost  their  power,  their  privileges  and  their 
titles :  the  clergy  their  property  and  independence  : 
the  provincial  parliaments,  judges  and  other  function- 
aries, their  time-honoured  jurisdictions  :  officers  in  the 
army  their  birthright  of  promotion.  And  large  bodies 
of  moderate  and  thoughtful  men  were  alarmed  by  the 
rapid  movements  of  the  revolution,  the  collapse  of 
every  recognised  authority,  and  the  absorption  of 
power  by  popular  municipalities,  national  guards, 
revolutionary  clubs,  restless  agitators,  and  a  riotous 
populace.  The  hasty  and  impulsive  legislation  of  the 
Assembly  had  S23read  anarchy  throughout  France. 

In  vain  the  nobles  and  the  clergy  attempted  to  stir 
Forei-n  aid  ^P  ^^^®  people,  in  the  proviuces,  against  the 
invoked.  Assembly.  With  the  country  at  large  the 
new  laws  were  popular  :  they  had  redressed  many 
flagrant  abuses,  and  had  relieved  the  peasantry  from 
oppression  and  wrong.  Nor  had  absentee  nobles 
much  influence  over  neighbours  and  dependents,  |;o 
whom  they  were  only  known  by  their  exactions. 
Failing  to  arouse  a  spirit  of  reaction,  within  the  king- 
dom, the  nobles  began  to  cherish  hopes  of  assistance 
from  abroad.     Twice  the  display  of  an  armed  force 


FOEEIGN  AID  INVOKED.  157 

had  precipitated  the  king  into  deeper  troubles  :  but  if 
his  faithful  troops  could  be  supported  by  friendly 
powers,  and  the  reactionary  party  encouraged  by  for- 
eign sympathies,  the  good  cause  might  yet  prevail. 
With  these  hopes  great  numbers  of  the  nobles  began 
to  emigrate.  Many,  indeed,  had  already  fled  to  save 
their  lives  :  their  homes  had  been  laid  waste  :  their 
families  outraged.^  Surrounded  by  dangers,  they 
were  powerless  to  save  the  king.  If  they  submitted 
without  resistance  to  the  revolution,  they  appeared  to 
acquiesce  in  it :  if  they  attempted  to  resist  it,  they 
were  denounced  as  rebels  to  the  king,  in  whose  name 
it  was  conducted.  They  were  glad  to  quit  a  country 
in  which  their  lives  and  property  were  in  danger, 
and  where  they  had  lost  their  dignity  and  influence. 
They  had  baen  trained  to  arms,  and  hoped  to  return 
at  the  head  of  triumphant  armies.  They  were  invited 
to  serve  the  royal  cause,  by  the  king's  nearest  re- 
latives, and  foremost  adherents,  and  were  swayed 
by  the  example  of  the  flower  of  the  French  nobil- 
ity. And  if  they  were  accused  of  appearing  in  arms 
against  their  country,  they  replied  that  they  were 
supporting  the  king  against  his  rebellious  subjects.^ 
Nor  were  there  wanting  examples  in  the  history  of 
France  in   which   foreign  aid  had  been  invoked  by 

'  Madame  de  Sta6l,  in  her  Considerations  sur  la  Rt'volution  Fran- 
faise,  says  : — '  jusqu'eii  1791,  I'emigration  ne  fut  y)rovoquOe  par 
aucune  sorte  de  dangers,  et  qu'elle  dut  etre  considc'n'e  coinme  une 
ccuvre  depart! ;  tandisqu'enl793, 1'emigration  futrt'ellement  forcee.* 
But  their  dangers  had  commenced  in  July  1790.      See  supra,  p.  145, 

'  Tlie  best  defence  of  the  emigrants  is  to  be  found  in  Nettcment, 
Vie  de  Madame  de  la  Roche jaquekin,  71  et  seq.  He  says  that  even 
Napoleon  acknowledged  that  the  emigrants  '  merely  obeyed  the  sum- 
mons of  their  princes,  whom  they  regarded  as  their  captaius-general.' 
—Ibid.  73. 


158  FRANCE. 

political  parties.^  But,  whatever  their  motives,  tliey 
left  the  king  surrounded-  by  his  dangerous  enemies, 
and  exposed  to  the  charge  of  waging  war  against  his 
country.  The  violence  of  parties  threatened  civil  war 
at  home,  while  the  emigrants  were  planning  invasion 
from  abroad. 

The  political  condition  of  Europe,  indeed,  favoured 
Situation  ^^^  hopes  of  the  emigrants.  Kings  had  been 
of  Europe,  appalled  by  the  revolutionary  movements  of 
a  neighbouring  country.  Their  ambition  and  rivalries 
were  for  a  time  forgotten,  and  the  Emperors  of  Austiia 
and  Eussia,  and  the  Kings  of  Prussia  and  Sweden, 
were  regarding  France  as  the  common  enemy  of  Eu- 
rope.^ In  England,  not  only  the  king,  but  the  great 
majority  of  the  governing  and  educated  classes,  re- 
sponding to  the  impassioned  appeals  of  Edward 
Burke,  dreaded  the  revolution  as  a  pressing  danger. 
To  minds  so  prepared,  the  appeals  of  the  emigrants 
were  not  made  in  vain.  A  formidable  confederacy  of 
European  States^  was  concerted  against  France;  and 
crowds  of  distinguished  emigrants  assembled  under 
the  banners  of  the  Prince  de  Conde  and  the  Count 
d'Artois. 

Meanwhile,  the  king  was  ill  at  ease  in  Paris.  He 
was  little  more  than  a  State  prisoner :  he  was  not  even 

'  '  Pendant  la  Ligue,  les  catlioliques  avaient  pu  s'appuyer  sur  les 
Espagnols  ;  les  Protestants  sur  les  AUemands  et  les  Anglais  ;  pen- 
dant la  Fronde,  Conde  avait  donne  la  main  aux  Espagnols,  et  Mazarin 
avait  pu  revenir  avec  une  annee  d' AUemands,  sans  exciter  I'indig- 
nation  que  de  pare illes  alliances  exciteraientaujourd'liui.' — Ibid.  74. 

^  In  May  1791  a  convention  was  secretly  signed  between  tlie  king 
and  the  German  emperor,  providing  for  the  invasion  of  France  with 
100,000  men  in  the  following  July. 

^  Austria,  Russia,  Prussia,  Spain,  Sardinia,  and  Smtzerland. — 
Mignet,  Hist.  i.  100  ct  scq. 


FLIGnT  OF  THE   KING.  159 

allowed  to  drive  to  liis  palace  at  St.  Cloud :  liis  queen 
was  exposed  to  insults  and  obloquy  :  lie  was 

Til  •     I  1  T       •  IJcstraiiits 

surrounded,  by  a  riotous  populace  ;  and,  since   u■^JOll  the 
tlie   decrees   of    tlie  Assembly   against   the    '"'^' 
Cliurcli,  lie  liad  become  entirely  estranged  from  tlie 
revolution.     His  friends  liad  long  urged  his  flight; 
and  on  one  occasion  had  even  attempted  to  carry  him 
off  fi'om  the  Tuileries.^     The  efforts  of  his  troops,  and 
of  his   partisans   and   allies,  could  avail   him  little 
while   he   continued   in   the  hands  of  his  enemies ; 
and  at  length  he  fled.     It  was  a  bold  scheme.     Had 
he  eluded  the  vigilance  of  his  pursuers,  and  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  armies  of  France  Flight  of 
— supported  by  his  allies — he  might  yet  have  froai  Paris. 
overcome  the  revolution,  and  recovered  his  f,ll^^%f^ 
power.     But  his  flight  was  clumsily  carried  ^""^• 
out.      In  a  light  caleche  he  might  perhaps  have  es- 
caped :  but  he  chose  a  lumbering  berlin,  drawn  by 
eight  horses, — at  once  slow  and  inviting  suspicion. 
His  untoward  arrest  at  Varennes  proved  fatal  to  him- 
self and  to  the  monarchy.     He  was  suspended  from 
his  functions  by  the  Assembly :  a  guard  was  mounted 
over   him ;    and   the    republican   party   now   ojDcnly 
avowed  its  aims. 

The  relations  of  the  king  to  the  revolution,  and  to 
his  own  people,  were  hopelessly  changed.  K^.i^yong 
He  had  fled  to  join  the  enemies  of  his  coun-  "<(  [{Je  J-evo- 
try,  to  crush  the  revolution,  and  to  restore  '"^'oi^- 
the  old  regime.  The  revolutionary  party  were  no 
longer  under  any  restraint,  in  exasperating  popular 
jorejudiccs  against  tlie  king.  Even  calm  and  mode- 
rate citizens,  who  had  not  aided  the  revolution,  were 

'  Miguet,  Hint.  i.  182. 


IGO  FEANCE. 

shocked  that  the  king  should  seek  the  aid  of  foreign- 
ers against  his  own  country :  they  dreaded  the  re- 
newal of  feudalism,  and  the  triumph  of  the  haughty 
nobles.  The  revolution  was  still  popular  with  the 
masses  of  the  people ;  and  all  who  had  profited  by  it, 
viewed  with  dismay  an  attempt  to  wrest  from  them 
their  recent  gains,  by  force  of  arms.  Were  they  to 
pay  tithes  again?  Were  feudal  rents  and  services 
again  to  be  wrung  from  them  ?  Were  the  Church 
lands,  which  they  had  bought  cheap,  to  be  restored  ? 
In  truth,  the  king's  ill-omened  flight  united  all  classes, 
except  the  nobles  and  the  clergy,  against  himself, 
and  in  support  of  the  revolution. 

The  king  had  been  thus  laid  low,  and  the  revolu- 
tionists elated,  when  the  Emperor  of  Austria  and  the 
King  of  Prussia  issued  the  memorable  decla- 
tionof'"       ration  of  Pilnitz,  in  which  they  demanded 

Pilnitz  . 

July  27,  that  the  king  should  be  restored  to  power 
and  freedom,  and  the  Assembly  dissolved, 
under  pain  of  an  immediate  invasion.^  Need  it  be 
said,  that  so  haughty  a  dictation  to  a  great  people 
aroused  indignation  and  a  determined  spirit  of  re- 
sis;tance,  instead  of  submission?  The  king's  cause 
was  gravely  compromised  by  the  indiscretion  of  his 
friends. 

Another  step  in  the  progress  of  the  revolution  was 
about  to  be  made.    The  Constituent  Assem- 
forthenew    bly,  iu  Sb  falsc  Spirit  of  self-denial,  had  de- 
creed   that    no    member  of    the  Assembly 
should  be  capable  of  re-election,  or  of  accepting,  for 
four  years,  any  office  from  the  king.^     Nothing  could 

1  Mignet,  Hist.  i.  204. 

^  Mirabeau  had  insisted,  in  the  Assembly,  that  deputies  should  be 
able  to  hold  offices  in  the  government,  in  order  to  bring  ministers 


ELECTIONS  FOE  THE  NEW  ASSEMBLY.  161 

have  been  more  fatal  to  tlie  stability  of  tlie  laws  and 
policy  of  France.  The  Assembly  had  consummated  a 
great  revolution :  but  it  comprised  many  statesmen 
and  patriots  ;  and  the  majority  were  disposed  to  mode- 
rate councils.  It  had  represented  the  sentiments 
of  the  middle  classes  rather  than  of  the  multitude : 
it  had  aimed  at  the  redress  of  grievances  and  con- 
stitutional reforms,  and  not  at  revolution ;  and  it  had 
striven  to  maintain  order,  and  moderate  the  violence 
of  extreme  parties.  But  now  an  assembly  of  new 
men,  without  experience,  or  the  responsibilities  of  a 
tried  public  life,  was  to  be  summoned,  under  an  ex- 
tended franchise.  No  State  can  break  safely  with  the 
past ;  and  such  was  the  condition  of  France  in  the 
very  throes  of  a  revolution.  Not  less  injurious  was  the 
exclusion  of  ministers  of  the  Crown  from  seats  in  the 
National  Assembly.  No  single  measure  could  have 
contributed  so  much  to  bring  the  executive  govern- 
ment into  harmony  with  the  legislature,  as  the  choice 
of  the  foremost  men  of  the  majority  as  ministers,  and 
the  ascendency  of  their  influence  and  eloquence  in 
the  Assembly.^  At  the  same  time,  Lafayette  resigned 
the  command  of  the  National  Guard  ;  and  Bailly, 
the  mayoralty  of  Paris.  Both  had  lately  striven  to 
maintain  order  in  the  capital;  and  their  retirement 
increased  the  perils  of  the  king.  The  future  was 
dark  :  but  every  circumstance  seemed  to  be  conspiring 
against  him. 

into  hanuony  with  the  legislature  ;  but  the  Assembly,  wishing  to 
weaken  the  government,  and  jealous  of  Mirabeau,  Avho  was  suspected 
of  aspiring  to  power,  determined  otherwise. — Von  Sybel,  llist.  i. 
137, 149. 

'  See  some  excellent  remarks  upon  this  question  in  the  Quarterly 
lieticw,  July  1872,  p.  48. 


162  FEANCE. 

The  new  'National  Legislative  Assembly'  met  on 
October  1,  1791.  Its  constitution  was  natu- 
Lcgisiative  rally  more  democratic  tlian  tbat  of  tlie  late 
Absem  y.  ^gggj^i^jy^  The  nobility  and  the  clergy,  rely- 
ing upon  help  from  abroad,  had  not  cared  to  use  their 
influence  in  the  elections ;  and  accordingly  there  was 
no  party  in  favour  of  the  old  regime.  The  most  con- 
servative party  was  that  of  the  Feuillants,  who  were 
prepared  to  maintain  the  constitution  lately  decreed. 
The  Girondists,  so  called  from  their  eminent  leaders 
Vergniaud,  Guadet,  and  others  who  represented  the 
Gironde,  were  more  advanced :  but,  in  the  main,  were 
adverse  to  extreme  measures.^  There  was  a  third 
party,  far  more  democratic,  sometimes  acting  with  the 
Girondists  in  the  Assembly,  but  closely  allied  with 
Robespierre  and  the  Jacobins,  Danton  and  the  Corde- 
liers, and  the  Parisian  demagogues.  The  two  latter 
parties,  both  favouring  democracy,  together  formed  a 
large  majority  in  the  Assembly.  These  parties  were 
distinguished  as  the  right,  the  centre,  and  the  left ; 
the  extreme  section  of  the  latter  being  afterwards 
known  as  the  Mountain.^ 

The  early  relations  of  the  Assembly  with  the  king 
were  unfriendly.  His  Majesty  received  its 
Mith^the'*'^  formal  communications  coldly  and  haughtily ; 
^^°'  and  the  Assembly  retorted  by  voting  that, 

on  coming  to  the  Chamber,  the  king  should  have  a 
chair,  like  that  of  the  President,  instead  of  the  royal 
tlirone,  and  should  not  be  addressed  as  '  sire '  or  '  his 
majesty.'  This  insulting  vote,  however — agreed  to  in 
a  sudden  fit  of  ill-humour — was  revoked  the  next  day, 

'  Von  Sybel  represents  tliem  as  far  more  democratic  than  they 
would  appear,  from  other  authorities,  to  have  been. — Hist.  i.  814 
et  seq.  *  Out  of  7-15  members  no  less  than  400  vv'ero  lawyers. 


POSITION  OF  THE   KING.  163 

and  the  king  was  received  ■witli  the  accustomed  cere- 
monies. He  was  greeted  with  cordial  acclamations, 
and  his  conciliatory  speech  was  well  calculated  to 
bring  the  throne  and  the  Assembly  into  friendly  ac- 
cord. This  result  was  desired  by  the  king  himself, 
by  his  ministers,  and  by  the  Feuillants,  or  constitu- 
tional party  in  the  Assembly,  to  which  they  belonged. 
But  it  was  rendered  hopeless  by  the  court,  the  emi- 
grants, the  armed  coalition,  and  the  clergy  on  one 
side,  and  the  more  advanced  parties  on  the  other. 

What  was  the  position  of  the  king  himself?  He 
had  sworn  to  observe  the  new  constitution,  position  of 
to  which  he  had  assented :  but  his  family,  and  *'"^  '^'"s- 
most  zealous  personal  friends  had  protested  against  it, 
as  a  surrender  of  the  rights  of  his  crown.  His  nearest 
relatives,  and  the  first  nobles  of  the  land,  were  in  arms 
against  their  country,  in  order  to  recover  his  preroga- 
tives; and  crowds  of  emigrants  were  on  their  way, 
to  serve  under  their  standards.  Upwards  of  fifteen 
thousand  had  assembled,  at  Coblentz:  officers  from 
the  king's  army  had  joined  them:  arms  were  being 
forged  for  them  at  Liege:  horses  were  bought  to 
mount  their  cavalry  in  the  German  fairs  :•  an  army  of 
Frenchmen  was  threatening  the  frontiers  of  France, 
and  its  leaders  were  loud  in  their  cries  for  vengeance. 
His  cause  was  espoused  by  an  armed  coalition  of  pow- 
erful allies,  who  were  preparing  to  invade  his  realm. 
By  his  flight,  he  had  shown  his  repugnance  to  the 
revolution,  if  not  his  sympathy  with  the  enemies  of 
his  country. 

Such  being  his  relations  with  the  party  of  reaction, 
he  was  soon  brought  into   conflict  with  the 
Assembly.     That  body,  in  preparing  for  the  witii  tiie 
defence  of  the  State,  could  not  overlook  the 


164  FRANCE. 

emigrants,  or  tlie  disaffected  nonjuring  priests,  who 
were  fomenting  disorders  in  tlie  provinces.  Three  de- 
crees were  accordingly  passed :  tlie  first  required  the 
king's  eldest  brother,  Monsieur,  to  return  to  France 
on  pain  of  forfeiting  the  regency  :  the  second  was 
directed  against  the  emigrants  assembled  on  the  fron- 
tier ;  and  the  third  against  the  nonjuring  priests.  To 
the  first  of  these  decrees  the  king  assented;  to  the 
second  and  third  he  signified  his  veto.  But,  at  the 
instance  of  the  Assembly,  he  called  upon  the  German 
princes  to  repress  the  hostile  assemblage  of  French 
emigrants  in  their  States,  or  otherwise  threatened 
them  with  war.  He  further  gratified  the  Assembly 
by  choosing  a  new  ministry  from  the  Girondist  party, 
which,  by  the  remarkable  eloquence  of  its  leaders,  and 
by  its  holding  more  advanced  opinions  than  the  con- 
stitutionalists, for  the  time,  commanded  a  majority.^ 
Upon  the  advice  of  his  new  ministers,  he  proposed  to 
War  with  ^^^®  Assembly  to  declare  war  against  Austria. 
Austria.  ijij^g  ^i^g  was  thus  drawu  into  a  war  against 
his  own  friends :  but  it  availed  him  nothing  with  his 
people.  It  was  destined  to  complete  the  triumph  qf 
the  revolution,  and  to  precipitate  his  fall.  War  had 
been  originally  provoked  by  the  king's  friends,  in 
order  to  repress  the  revolution :  ^  but  its  mission  was 
to  propagate  democracy  throughout  Europe. 

'  The  court  sneered  at  it  as  the  sans-culotte  ministry. 

^  Most  historians  concur  in  this  view  :  but  Von  Sybel  says,  '  The 
war  was  begun  by  the  Gironde  to  do  away  with  the  monarchical 
"constitution  of  1789  ; '  and  he  treats  the  combination  of  the  king,  the 
emigres,  and  the  foreign  powers  as  a  mere  pretext  to  secure  the 
support  of  the  people. — Hist,  of  Fr.  Rev.  i.  381.  He  furthers  says, 
'  the  whole  future  policy  of  the  Gironde  was  comprehended  in  this 
debate  (Dec.  17,  1791).  War  in  all  directions,  without  regard  to  the 
law  of  nations  ;  and  by  means  of  war,  the  revolutionary  rule  over 


WAR  WITH  AUSTELi.  165 

The  commencemeut  of  the  war  was  disastrous  to  the 
French  arms  ;  and  the  Jacobins  saw  in  sue-  Disasters 
cessive  defeats  the  treachery  of  reactionists,  °  ^  '^  "'''^' 
and  complicity  with  the  invaders.  The  Assembly 
voted  its  sittings  permanent,  disbanded  the  king's 
guard,  decreed  the  formation  of  an  army  of  20,000 
men  in  Paris,  and  armed  the  people  with  pikes. 
And,  to  discourage  internal  troubles,  it  decreed  the 
banishment  of  the  nonjuring  priests.  The  king  dis- 
missed his  ministers,  and  refused  his  assent  to  the 
decrees  relating  to  the  army  of  Paris,  and  the  priests. 
Again  he  resorted  to  the  constitutional  party,  which 
was  weaker  than  ever.  Its  restoration  to  power  re- 
vived the  hopes  of  the  reactionists  :  while  it  threw 
the  Girondists  more  into  the  hands  of  the  Jacobins. 
Their  intentions  were  not  yet  hostile  to  the  mon- 
archy :  but,  in  order  to  recover  power,  they  allied 
'themselves  with  the  people,  and  adopted  the  tactics 
of  the  Mountain. 

The   population   had  been  incited  to  petition  in 
favour  of  the   late   decrees ;    and   on  June  „.  ^ 

RlOtOU8 

20,  a  tumultuous  assembla2;e  of  petitioners  mob  of 
marched  to  the  Hall  of  the  Assembly.     A  jnneso, 
deputation  was  admitted,  and  after  a  violent 
speech  from  its  spokesman,  the  whole  mob  of  peti- 
tioners, numbering   30,000, — men,  women,   and   chil- 
dren,—  some   carrying   revolutionary  flags   and  em- 
blems, others  armed  with  pikes,  and  shouting  popular 
watchwords,  were  allowed  to  file  through  the  hall. 
Such  a  degradation  of  the  Assembly  showed,  but  too 
clearly,   that   legitimate   authority  was  to  be   over- 
borne by  the  violence  of  the  populace.     The  mob, 

France,  and  the  extension  of  the  revolution  throughout  the  neigh- 
bouring States.' — Ibid.  394. 


166  FRANCE. 

tlius  encouraged,  marclied  on  to  the  king's  palace, 
forced  their  way  into  the  royal  apartments,  and 
passed  noisily  before  his  majesty,  demanding  his 
sanction  to  the  decrees  of  the  Assembly.  With  calm- 
ness and  dignity,  he  declined  to  pledge  himself  to 
grant  the  prayer  of  the  petition :  but  he  appeased 
their  clamours  by  putting  on  a  red  cap  of  liberty, 
which  was  handed  to  him  on  the  top  of  a  pike.^ 

Such  outrages  as  these  caused  an  apparent  reac- 
Partiaire-  tiou  in  favour  of  the  king,  which  Lafayette 
actum.  ^^^  ^1^^  constitutional  party  endeavoured  to 
turn  to  account :  but  they  received  no  encourage- 
ment from  the  court,  which  now  cherished  more  hope 
from  its  allies  abroad,  than  from  any  party  at  home. 
Meanwhile  the  Girondists  were  daily  becoming  more 
hostile  to  the  court :  the  relations  of  the  king  with 
the  .enemies  of  his  country  were  openly  denounced  ; 
and  his  deposition  was  not  obscurely  threatened.* 
The  The  Assembly  declared  the  country  in  dan- 

cimedm'^^  ger,  and  called  the  people  to  arms.  The 
''"^'^'"  revolution  was  now  identified  with  the  de- 
fence of  the  country.  The  king  was  declared  to  be  in 
league  with  the  enemies  of  France  ;  and  both  must 
be  resisted  by  an  uprising  of  the  people. 

At  this  perilous  conjuncture,  the  Duke  of  Bruns- 
The  Duke  wick,  who  Commanded  the  confederate  army, 
«i(?k's"'^"  issued  an  extravagant  manifesto, — more  in- 
juiv'ss*^'"'  jurious  to  the  monarchy  than  any  of  the 
^'''•'~-  machinations  of  its  enemies.     In  the  name 

'  Of  June  20  Edgar  Quinet  says : — '  La  journee  du  20  Juin  avait 
laisse  en  lui  (le  roi)  una  elevation  morale,  qu'il  garda  jusqu'a  la  fin, 
et  qui  le  livra,  les  mains  liees,  a  la  Revolution.  L'homme  gran- 
dit,  le  Chretien  se  montra,  et  le  prince  f  ut  perdu. ' — La  Rivolution, 
i.  386. 


INSUEEECTION  m  PAKIS.  167 

of  tiie  Emperor  of  Austria,  and  the  King  of  Prussia, 
lie  declared  tliat  the  allies  were  marching  to  jniygs, 
put  down  anarchy  in  France,  and  to  restore  ^''^~' 
the  king  to  his  rights  and  liberty.  He  threatened 
vengeance  upon  any  towns  which  should  dare  to  de- 
fend themselves,  and  especially  upon  Paris,  which 
would  be  given  up  to  destruction.  All  the  members 
of  the  Assembly,  and  other  functionaries,  were  to  be 
judged  by  military  law.  To  complete  the  insults  of 
this  missive,  the  people  of  Paris  were  promised  that, 
if  they  obeyed  these  haughty  mandates,  the  great 
potentates  would  intercede  with  the  king  for  the  par- 
don of  their  offences ! 

This    ill-judged    manifesto,   identifying    the   king 
throughout  with  the   invasion,  and  chiding 
and  scolding  a  great   people  like  children,   tuiiiin 
was  the  deathblow  of  the  monarchy.     The   Auf^iikio, 

"^  1792. 

Girondists  were  now  prepared  to  depose  the 
king,  by  a  vote  of  the  Assembly :  but  the  Jacobins 
were  bent  upon  more  violent  measures,  and  organised 
an  insurrection  in  the  capital.  The  faubourgs  were 
armed  :  the  national  guard  was  deprived  of  ammu- 
nition :  impassioned  federes  from  Marseilles,  and  other 
cities,  inflamed  the  popular  excitement;  while  the  as- 
semblies of  the  sections  of  Paris,  sitting  en  j^ermanence, 
voted  the  deposition  of  the  king,  and  sent  commis- 
sioners to  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  to  supersede  the  muni- 
cipality, as  a  new  commune. 

On  August  10,  the  insurgents  marched  against  the 
Tuileries ;  and  the  troops  and  national  guards  showed 
themselves  unwilling  to  defend  the  palace.  In  this 
imminent  danger,  the  king,  accompanied  by  the  queen, 
sought  protection  in  the  hall  of  the  Assembly,  saying 
that  he  came  to  prevent  a  great  crime.    After  the  king 


168  FRANCE. 

had  left  tlie  palace,  it  was  assailed  by  the  insurgents, 
his  Swiss  guards  were  massacred,  and  the  royal  apart- 
ments overrun  by  a  howling  mob.  The  assailants  led 
to  this  decisive  outrage  were  but  a  iev/  thousand :  but 
when  the  deed  was  done,  they  were  joined  by  the  popu- 
lace of  Paris.  A  knot  of  conspirators,  with  their  re- 
solute band  of  ruffians,  were  able  to  overthrow  the 
monarchy  of  France.^  The  revolution,  which  had  com- 
menced in  the  discontents  of  the  country,  was  con- 
summated by  the  violence  of  a  mob,  fi-om  the  streets 
of  Paris.  The  Assembly  was  immediately  besieged 
by  importunate  deputations,  insisting  upon  the  depo- 
sition of  the  king.  These  demands  were  acceded  to 
by  the  suspension  of  the  king,  the  restoration  of  the 
Girondists  to  power,  and  the  convocation  of  a  national 
convention. 

The  unhappy  king,  to  whom  every  stage  of  the 
The  kill-  revolution  brought  yet  darker  troubles,  was 
sejjt  to^fhe  sent  to  the  Temple  as  a  prisoner.  The  20th 
of  June  had  overthrown  the  authority  of  the 
Assembly  :  the  lOtli  August  completed  its  ruin.  The 
king  was  cast  down,  and  the  authority  of  the  Assem- 
bly was  rapidly  passing  into  the  hands  of  the 

The  com-  .. -i-k      ^  "  ^ 

Pads  °^       commune  of  Pans.     Tiiis  revolutionary  body 

usurped  power  in  the  name  of  the  people, 

and,  with  the  aid  of  the  sections  and  the  mob,  dictated 

'  '  Au  moment  du  combat,  il  n'y  avait  guere  parmi  les  assaillants 
que  trois  mille  hommes  ;  apres  le  succes,  ce  fut  un  peuple  immense. 
Des  poignees  d'hommes  decidaient  de  tout.  Plus  tard,  quand  cette 
tete  fut  detruite,  il  resta,  comme  par  le  passe,  une  nation  etonnee  de 
ce  qU'elle  avait  fait,  prSte  a  renier  ses  guides.' 

'  L'ame  vivante  de  la  revolution  etait  dans  un  petit  nombre  :  voilii 
pourquoi  la  nation  s'en  est  si  vite  lassce.  Elle  suivait  les  audaces  de 
quelques-uns,  passive  encore  jusque  dans  ses  plus  fieres  revoltes.'— 
Edgar  Quinet,  La  Revolution,  i.  303. 


THE  SEPTEMBER  MASSACRES.  169 

its  will  to  the  Assembly.  Its  leaders,  the  Jacobins, 
■were  now  masters  of  France.  The  commune  had 
insisted  upon  the  imprisonment  of  the  king  in  the 
Temple ;  and  now  it  decreed  the  removal  of  the 
statues  of  the  kings  and  the  destruction  of  every  em- 
blem of  the  monarchy  ;  and  it  forced  the  Assembly 
to  appoint  an  extraordinary  criminal  tribunal.  Sus- 
pected persons  were  arrested  and  put  upon  their  trial 
by  the  sectional  assemblies.  The  revolutionary  army 
of  Paris  was  increased  to  100,000  men  :  the  democracy 
of  the  capital  was  armed,  and  disciplined  to  do  the 
bidding  of  its  leaders.  The  bourgeoisie  of  the  national 
guard  was  generally  disarmed.  The  property  of  the 
emigrants  was  confiscated.  All  ground  rents  were 
abolished  as  feudal  dues.  The  church  plate  was 
seized  and  melted,  for  the  use  of  the  commune.  Dan- 
ton  was  the  leading  spirit  of  the  commune,  and  with 
him  were  associated  Marat,  Tallien,  and  others  who 
became  memorable  in  the  blood-stained  history  of 
the  revolution.  These  desperate  leaders  knew  that 
the  revolutionary  party  formed  a  minority  of  the 
French  people,  and  were  resolved  to  overcome  the 
majority  by  terror.^ 

At  length  the  Prussians  had  crossed  the  frontier, 
and  were  advancing  towards  Paris.     While 

1  p     T    i>  1      •  T  1-1     IWfigsncres 

schemes  oi  deience  were   being  discussed,  it  ofscpt. 
was  the  terrible  Danton  who  first  proposed 

'  At  this  very  time,  wlien  the  revolution  appeared  victorious,  Dan- 
ton  said,  'Le  10  aout  a  divise  la  Franco  en  deux  partis,  dont  I'uu 
est  attache  a  la  royaute,  et  I'autre  veut  la  republiquo.  Celui-ci, 
dont  vous  ne  pouvez  vous  dissimuler  rextrrmo  minoritc  dans  I'Etat, 
est  le  seul  sur  lequel  vous  puissiez  coriipter  pour  combattro.' — 
Mignet,  i.  801  :  tlms  admitting  that  the  republicans  were  in  a  mino- 
rity. 

vol..  IT.— 8 


170  FEANCE. 

to  subdue  tlie  royalists  by  terror,  and  to  enlist  tlie 
wild  and  maddened  spirit  of  tlie  revolution  in  defence 
of  France.  Tlie  commune,  carried  out  his  scheme  of 
intimidation,  by  domiciliary  visits,  by  constant  arrests, 
and,  lastly,  by  the  wholesale  massacre  of  the  royalists 
confined  in  the  various  prisons.  It  was  the  com- 
mencement of  that  reign  of  terror  to  which  so  many 
Frenchmen  fell  victims,  and  which  ultimately  a,venged 
them  by  the  punishment  of  its  authors.  Terror  was 
not  confined  to  Paris:  but  commissioners  were  des- 
patched into  the  provinces,  with  instructions  '  to  let 
the  blood  of  all  traitors  be  the  first  sacrifice  offered 
up  to  liberty,  so  that  when  we  march  against  our 
enemies,  we  may  leave  none  behind  to  molest  us.'  ^ 
These  atrocious  massacres  were  executed  by  a  mere 
handful  of  wretches,  who  did  the  bidding  of  Danton 
and  Marat ;  and  Paris,  surprised  and  stupefied  with 
terror,  remained  a  passive  witness  of  murders  which 
public  indignation  ought  to  have  arrested.^  The  com- 
mune of  Paris  publicly  avov/ed  these  monstrous 
crimes,  saying  that  ferocious  conspirators,  detained  in 
the  prisons,  had  been  put  to  death  by  the  people,  and 
inviting  the  Vv^hole  nation  to  imitate  their  ex- 

Military  i  m  •  i        • 

spirit  of  the  ample,    io  resist  the  invasion  the  tocsin  was 

nation.  _ 

sounded,  cannon  were  fired,  and  masses  of 
armed  men  were  reviewed  on  the  Champ  de  Mars, 
and  despatched  to  the  frontier.  The  revolution  was 
supreme,  and  the  invasion  was  repelled.^    No  one  will 

'  Circular  of  Danton  :  Blondier-Langlois,  i.  202. 

2  These  horrors  are  fully  described  in  Thiers,  Hist,  de  la  Rev.  F)'. 
ii.  oh.  G. 

^  It  was  about  this  time  that  Danton  said,  '  II  nous  faut  de  I'au- 
dace,  at  encore  de  I'audace,  et  toujours  de  I'audace.' — Monitetir, 
Hist.  Pari.  xvi.  347  ;  Thiers,  Hist,  ii,  316. 


ABOLITION  OF  THE  MOKiKCni.  171 

now  be  persuaded  tliat  this  cruel  and  wicked  system 
of  terror  was  necessary  for  tlie  defence  of  France  from 
lier  foreign  enemies  :  tlie  national  enthusiasm  might 
have  been  aroused  by  worthier  means :  but  its  terrible 
efficacy  cannot  be  questioned.  Internal  resistance  to 
the  prosecution  of  the  war  was  crushed  :  the  royalists 
were  overawed  ;  and  a  wild  and  passionate  enthusiasm 
was  excited  in  the  revolutionary  party.  The  irresistible 
powers  of  the  democracy  were  yet  to  be  developed  :  but 
this  first  essay  revealed  its  capabilities. 

The   revolution  was   now   to   advance    with   giant 
strides.     Violence  and  terror  had  been  used 
throughout  France  to  secure  the  return  of  of  the 
revolutionary    candidates    to    the    National  s.pt. su,  ' 

.    .  .  1792. 

Convention.  The  Parisian  deputies  were  all 
ultra-democratic :  but  in  the  provinces,  candidates  of 
the  moderate  parties,  notwithstanding  every  discour- 
agement, very  generally  prevailed.  The  great  major- 
ity of  the  convention,  however,  were  republicans. 
That  the  extreme  party  were  in  a  minority  was  con- 
fessed. *  All  France  is  against  us,'  cried  the  younger 
Robespierre,  in  the  Jacobin  Club  :  *  our  only  hope  is 
in  the  citizens  of  Paris.'  And  proofs  abound  that,  in 
every  period  of  the  revolution,  the  party  of  order, 
throughout  France,  and  even  in  Paris  itself,  was  sup- 
ported by  a  majorit}^  of  the  people.^  The  first  act  of 
the  National  Convention  was  to  abolish  the  monarchy 
and  proclaim  a  republic.  Its  revolutionary  enthusi- 
asm, and  contempt  for  the  past,  were  further  dis- 
played by  decreeing  that  henceforth  the  revolution 

'  See  supra,  168,  169  ;  infra,  205-211  ;  Mortimer-Ternaux,  Histoire 
de  la  Terreur,  1792-1794  ;  Adolphe  Schmidt,  Tableaux  de  la  R'mlu- 
tion  Franraise  ;  Dauban,  La  Demagogic,  en  1793,  a  Paris ;  et  Paris 
en  1794  et  1795. 


172  FEANCE. 

should  date  from  the  first  year  of  tlie  French  repub- 
lic.^ 

The  Girondists,  advancing  with  the  revolutionary 
rpiig  passion  of  the  times,  had  now  become  repub- 

Giiondists.  licans :  but  the  ideal  of  this  refined  and  in- 
tellectual party  was  a  republic  governed  by  capable 
statesmen,  and  resting  upon  the  intelligence  and  patri- 
otism of  the  most  enlightened  classes.^  They  had  no 
sympathy  with  the  ignorance  and  passions  of  the  pop- 
ulace, and  they  revolted  from  cruelty  and  bloodshed. 
But  the  time  had  passed  for  the  trial  of  a  philoso- 
phical republic.  This  party  had,  indeed,  a  majority 
in  the  convention :  but  there  was  little  earnestness, 
and  neither  party  organisation  nor  discipline.  They 
were  also  too  far  compromised  by  their  share  in  the 
revolution  to  be  able  to  arrest  its  progress.  Their 
sympathy  with  the  revolution  was  colder  than  that  of 
the  Mountain,  and  consequently  less  popular  :  while 
it  went  far  enough  to  precipitate  the  greatest  events 
of  this  momentous  time. 

Their  dangerous  rivals,  the  Mountain,  cared  little 
,p,^g  for  the  votes  of  the  convention.     Their  reli- 

Mountain.  q^^qq  ^g^g  upou  the  commuue  of  Paris,  upon 
the  Jacobins,  and  the    populace    of  the  faubourgs. 

'  Up  till  this  time,  1792  was  the  fourth  year  of  liberty  :  the  year 
of  our  Lord  having  been  discontinued  in  1789. 

^  '  lis  se  proposaient  de  faire  une  constitution  republicaine,  S 
I'image  de  cette  seule  classe  devant  laquelle  venaient  de  s'evanouir 
la  royaute,  I'cglise  et  I'aristocratie.  Sous  le  nom  de  republique,  lis 
sous-entendaient  le  r^-gne  des  lumieres,  des  vertus,  de  la  propriete, 
des  talents,  dont  leur  classe  avait  desormais  le  privilege.' — Lamar- 
tine,  Hist,  des  Oirondins,  iv.  90. 

'  Ce  parti  .  .  .  ne  voulait  pas  la  republique  qui  lui  echut  en  1793  ; 
11  la  revait  avec  tous  ses  prestiges,  avee  ses  vertus,  et  ses  moeurs 
sev^res.' — Thiers,  Hist.  ii.  13. 


GIEONDISTS  AND  JACOBINS.  173 

Tlie  commune  ruled  tlie  capital,  and  the  capital  domi- 
nated over  France.  If  the  Mountain  was  in  a  minority 
in  the  chamber,  it  could  rely  upon  the  acclamations  of 
the  galleries,  upon  savage  threats  to  its  opjjouents ; 
and  upon  the  clubs,  and  armed  mobs  of  Paris.  The 
time  had  passed  when  eloquence,  or  reason,  or  the 
votes  of  the  representatives  of  the  people,  were  to  guide 
the  councils  of  the  State.  The  destinies  of  France 
were  in  the  hands  of  those  who  swayed  the  revolu- 
tionary i:)roUtaires}  The  leaders  of  this  redoubtable 
party  were  the  too  notorious  Danton,  Eobespierre,  and 
Marat.  Of  Robespierre  it  has  been  well  said  by  a 
thoughtful  historian,  that  he  owed  it  to  his  inferior 
abilities  that  he  apjDeared  among  the  last  of  the  revo- 
lutionary leaders — a  great  advantage  in  a  revolution ;  ^ 
for  the  earlier  leaders  are  certain  to  be  swept  away. 

These  two  parties  were  jealous  and  hostile :  their 
principles  and  their  ambition  alike  brought  ,p^g  ^^^.^j 
them  into  conflict.  The  Girondists,  utterly  P^^fties. 
condemning  the  September  massacres,  denounced  the 
blood-stained  democrats  who  had  brought  them  about. 
They  strove  at  once  to  discourage  such  revolutionary 
excesses,  and  to  overthrow  the  rival  party  which  had 
been  guilty  of  them.  They  appealed  to  the  better 
feelings  of  the  country,  in  the  hope  of  conducting  the 
new  republic  upon  principles  of  moderation  and  jus- 
tice. There  was  a  third  and  intermediate  party  in  the 
convention,  called  the  Plain,  which  sided  now  with  the 
right  and  now  with  the  left,  according  to  their  convic- 
tions, or  their  fears.     Such  a  party  has  been  common 

'  *  Les  clubs  acqtiierent  a  cette  tpoqiie  une  plus  prande  importance. 
Agitateurs  sous  la  constituante,  ils  devinrent  dominateurs  sous  la 
legislative.' — Ibid. 

''  Mignet,  Uiat.  dc  la  Rev.  i.  323. 


174  FEANCE. 

to  most  popular  assemblies ;  and  its  action  has  gene- 
rally been  more  mischievous  than  useful. 

Upon  one  point  all  parties  were  agreed.     Whatever 
their  domestic  policy,  they  equally  favoured 

Revolution-      , ,  .  p  .       ,   ,  .  , 

ary  piopa-  the  wagmg  oi  wars  against  kings,  and  a  cru- 
^'^"  ^'  sade  in  support  of  republicanism,  and  the 
rights  of  man,  in  concert  with  the  oppressed  nations 
of  Europe.  This  was  the  popular  cry  of  the  commune 
and  the  faubourgs ;  and  no  party  could  hope  for  tole- 
ration unless  they  joined  in  it.  The  Girondists,  as 
authors  of  the  war,  were  not  less  zealous  than  the 
Mountain,  in  the  revolutionary  war-cry.  The  Jaco- 
bins encouraged  it,  as  strengthening  the  revolution, 
and  uniting  different  parties  in  its  cause,  which  were 
Q^,j  jg  otherwise  moderate  or  reactionary.  This  pas- 
1793.  gJQjj  fQj.  -y^Q^j.  ^g^g  f^-ther  encouraged  by  the 

desperate  state  of  the  finances.  The  property  of  the 
Church,  and  of  the  emigrants,  had  been  sold;  and 
even  their  bankers  were  ordered,  under  pain  of  death, 
to  take  to  the  exchequer  all  their  effects  and  papers. 
Assignats  had  been  recklessly  multiplied:  but  still 
the  exchequer  was  empty.  It  was  now  time  to  levy 
contributions  upon  other  countries ;  and  the  armies  of 
victorious  France  were  to  be  supported  by  the  enfran- 
chised peoples  of  Belgium,  Holland,  and  Germany. 

In  November  the  convention  declared  that  France 
j^„^.  jg  offered  her  help  to  all  nations  who  were 
17U2.  struggling  for  freedom ;  and  that  her  generals 

should  be  ready  to  support  them.  This  decree  was 
ordered  to  be  translated  into  all  languages,  and  distri- 
buted among  the  peoples.^  In  reply  to  deputations 
from  Nice  and  Savoy,  Gregoire,  the  president  of  the 

>  Monitcur  (1792),  1379. 


THE  king's  TIIL\L.  175 

convention,  said:  'All  governments  are  our  enemies: 
aU  peoples  are  our  allies :  we  sliall  fall,  or  all  nations 
will  be  free.' 

But  in  what  sense  this  promising  alliance  was  to  be 
carried  out  was  soon  disclosed  by  another  j^^^  ^j. 
decree  of  the  convention.  It  was  decreed  ^''^^■ 
that  the  conditions  of  French  military  aid  should 
be  the  abolition  of  taxes,  tithes,  feudal  rights,  titles, 
and  all  other  privileges :  the  confiscation  of  the  pro- 
perty of  tlie  State,  of  corporations,  and  of  royalists : 
the  administration  of  the  government  by  French  com- 
missioners ;  and  the  maintenance  of  the  French  armies, 
at  the  cost  of  the  rescued  people.^ 

But  the  Mountain  were  preparing  a  stroke,  which 
should  give  a  decisive  impulse  to  the  revolu-  T,,eMoun- 
tion,  and  frustrate  the  policy  of  their  rivals,  [he'^t^ja^of 
In  the  revolutionary  clubs  and  coteries,  the  ^^^  ^^s- 
fate  of  the  unhappy  king  had  been  discussed  ynth. 
ominous  severity :  petitions  were  presented  to  the  con- 
vention calling  for  vengeance  upon  Loiiis  Capet;  and 
the  Jacobins  were  stirring  up  the  people  to  cry  aloud 
for  his  blood. 

The  popular  anger  against  him  was  further  inflamed 
by  the  discovery  of  papers  at  the  Tuileries,  Di^^covery 
which  betrayed  his  secret  relations  with  the   at  the '"^^ 
emigrants,  the  priests,  and  the  coalition.    He  '^"'''^"^''• 
was  accused,  in  a  report  to  the  convention,  of  having 
plotted  to  betray  the  State,  and  overthrow  the  Bevo- 
lution.     Evidence  was  also  discovered  of  his  previous 
intrigues  with  Mirabeau,  and  other  popular  leaders.'^ 

'  Iliirl.  (1703),  1496. 

"  Thiers,  Hist.  ii.  197.  Von  Sybel  casts  doubts  upon  this  part  of 
the  case  ;  and  gives  it  a  secondary  ini])ortance  (ii.  205).  Daiiton 
had  aroused  suspicions  as  to  the  good  faith  of  these  discoveries  by 


176  FRANCE. 

The  momentous  question  was  now  proposed  to  tlie 
Discussions  Convention — What  should  be  done  with  the 
?narof'"^  illustrious  prisoner  at  the  Temple?  Such 
^  "'"■  was  the  state  of  public  feeling,  and  such  the 
constitution  of  the  convention,  that  none  were  found 
bold  enough  to  defend  the  king,  and  justify  his  con- 
duct. A  committee  reported  that  the  king  ought  to 
be  tried  by  the  convention.  The  Girondists, 
of  the  however,  endeavoured  to  save   him   fi'om  a 

Girondists,      ,    •    -i  i       n      •       i  t        i  i 

trial,  upon  technical  grounds ,  and  pro- 
posed to  consider  whether  he  should  be  continued  in 
captivity,  or  banished  the  realm. 

The  Mountain,  represented  by  St.  Just  and  Eobes- 
and  of  the  pierre,  contended,  with  characteristic  vio- 
lence, that  Louis  was  not  an  accused  person, 
nor  the  convention  his  Judges,  but  that  he  stood 
already  adjudged  and  condemned ;  and  that  nothing 
remained  for  the  convention  but  to  decree  his  death, 
as  a  traitor  to  France,  and  a  criminal  to  humanity. 
So  monstrous  a  proposal  was  naturally  repugnant  to 
the  great  majority  of  the  convention  :  but  it  gratified 
the  revolutionists  of  Paris,  and  increased  the  em- 
barrassment of  those  who  were  attempting  to  save 
the  king.  Ultimately,  the  majority  chose  the  middle 
course,  and  following  the  opinion  of  its  own  commit- 
tee, resolved  that  the  king  should  be  brought  to  trial 
before  the  convention  itseli 

Never   did   the  king  acquit   himself  with  greater 

dignity  and  courage  than  when  his  deepest 

coSfinctof     troubles  were  gathering  round  about  him. 

the  king.  <^  " 

Summoned  to  the  bar  of  the  convention,  he 

going  alone  to  open  the  iron  armoury,  in  which  the  papers   were 
concealed. 

'  The  conduct  of  the  Girondists,  throughout  these  proceedings,  is 
fully  described  by  Lamartine,  Hist,  des  Girondins,  liv.  sxxvii. 


THE  KING  CONDEMNED.  177 

answered  tlie  questions  put  to  him  calmly,  and  with 
singular  readiness  and  judgment.  He  asked  for  coun- 
sel, and  his  demand  was  granted.  To  Malesherbes, 
who  had  offered  to  undertake  this  perilous  office, 
Louis  said  nobly,  in  prison,  '  I  am  certain  they  will 
take  my  life  :  but,  no  matter,  let  us  apply  ourselves 
to  my  cause,  as  if  I  ought  to  gain  it ;  and,  indeed, 
I  shall  gain  it,  since  my  memory  will  be  without  a 
stain. ' 

His  defence  was  delivered  by  Deseze,^  a  distin- 
guished young  advocate ;  and  nothing  was  His 
wanting  to  persuade  a  just  tribunal, — not 
under  the  influence  of  fear,  and  revolutionary  zeal, — 
that  his  reign  had  been  one  of  beneficence  to  his  peo- 
ple, and  that  none  of  his  acts  could  be  adjudged  as 
crimes  against  the  State. 

The  Girondists  could  still  have  saved  him ; — 
but  they  were  irresolute,  temporising,  and  Adjudged 
alarmed.^  The  Mountain  were,  as  usual,  s'"^''^- 
loud  and  threatening  :  the  galleries  were  crowded 
with  armed  Jacobins  ;  and  the  multitude,  thronging 
the  courts  and  corridors  of  the  convention,  clamoured 
for  vengeance.  After  many  days,^  the  Convention 
unanimously  pronounced  him  guilty :  but  some,  in 
the  hope  of  saving  him,  proposed  that  his  punish- 
ment should  be  referred  to  the  primary  electoral  as- 

'  Malesherbes  was  too  old  and  nervous  to  speak  before  the  Convcn- 
.  tion.     Target  declined  the  arduous  task,  on  account  of   ill  health: 
but  published  a  pamphlet  in  support  of  the  king  ;  and  so  the  de- 
fence fell  to  Deseze. 

'^  When  Vergniaud  pronounced  'La  mart,'  Danton  whispered  to 
Brissot,  'Vantez  done  vos  orateurs.  Des  paroles  sublimes,  des  actes 
luches.' — Lamartine,  Hist,  des  Oirondins,  v.  69. 

*  The  proceedings  upon  this  trial  commenced  on  December  26,  and 
were  not  brought  to  a  close  until  January  19. 
8"- 


178  FRANCE. 

semLlies :  some  desired  his  imprisonment  or  banish- 
ment :  others,  chiefly  Girondists,  were  for  passing 
sentence  of  death,  with  a  reprieve.  When  the  votes 
were  taken,  sentence  of  death  was  declared  by  a  ma- 
jority of  twenty-six.  Many  had  voted  in  the  hope  of 
securing  a  reprieve  :  but  this  was  rejected ;  and  the 
dread  sentence  was  at  once  pronounced. 

The  judgment  was  not  that  of  a  court  of  justice,  nor 

the  grave  vote  of  a  popular  assembly  :  but  it 

j.ndintimi-    -^as   sccurcd  bv   clamour  and  intimidation, 

dation.  "^  i  i       i  •  e 

inside  and  outside  the  chamber,^  lasting  tor 
many  days,  and  organised  by  the  Jacobins.  The 
Mountain  exulted,  but  the  great  body  of  the  people 
mourned.  In  vain,  however,  were  all  sympathies  with 
the  fallen  monarch.  The  blow  had  been  dealt  so  sud- 
denly, that  loyal  subjects  and  peaceful  citizens  were 
stunned  by  its  shock.^ 

The  unhappy  Louis  was  doomed  to  die,  not  for 
crimes  which  he  had  committed,  but  to  advance  the 
fierce  designs  of  the  Jacobins.  They  had  resolved  to 
Aims  of  the  crush  their  enemies  by  terror ;  and  the  royal- 
jiicobius.  jg^g  were  stricken  by  the  same  blow  as  the 
king.  They  sought  to  triumph  over  the  Girondists 
and  moderate  republicans,  by  appealing  to  the  wildest 
passions  of  the  revolution ;    and  by  this  audacious 

'  '  Les  tribunes  accueillaient  par  des  murmures  tout  vote  qui 
n'ctait  point  pour  la  mort ;  souvent  elles  adressaient  a  I'assemLlee 
ellcmeme  des  gestes  mena^ants.  Les  deputes  y  repondaient  de" 
rinterieur  de  la  salle,  et  il  en  resultait  un  echange  tumultueux  de 
menaces,  et  de  paroles  injurieuses.' — Tliiers,  Hist.  iii.  253. 

^  '  Dans  Paris  regnait  une  stupeur  profonde  ;  I'audace  dn  nouveau 
gouvernement  avait  produit  I'effet  ordinaire  de  la  force  sur  les 
masses  ;  elle  avait  paralyse,  rt'duit  a  silence  le  jjIus  grand  nombre, 
"et  excite  seulement  I'indignation  de  quelques  ames  plus  fortes.* 
—Ibid.  ui.  260. 


EXECUTION  OF  THE   KING.  179 

deed,  tliey  liurled  defiance  at  tlie  sovereigns  wlio  had 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  fallen  king,  and  committed 
the  French  nation  irrevocably  to  the  war.  It  was  by 
terror  that  they  designed  to  overaAve  hostile  majori- 
ties, to  gratify  the  democracy  of  Paris,  and  to  lay 
France  at  their  feet. 

The  weakness  of  the  Girondists  had  cost  the  king 
his  life ;  and  in  quailing  before  the  lawless 
spirit  of  the  revolution,  they  were  preparing  o{  f'^' 

J,  ,  ,  'J  JTio    Giromlists. 

tor  themselves  the  same  inevitable  doom. 

Louis  met  his  cruel  fate  with  calmness  and  dignity, 
and  with  a  clear  conscience.  To  Malesherbes  Execution 
he  said,  *  I  sv/ear  to  you,  in  all  the  truth  of  jau''|i'^'"s- 
my  heart,  as  a  man  who  is  about  to  appear  ^''^'^-  Xo'-»»* 
before  his  God, — I  have  constantly  desired  the  happi- 
ness of  my  people,  and  never  have  I  formed  a  wish 
which  was  opposed  to  it.' 

Among  the  long  roll  of  kings,  of  modern  Europe, 
few  have  been  distinguished  by  more  virtues,  jjj^ 
or  stained  by  less  vices.  The  revolution  was  character. 
caused  by  no  faults  of  his ;  and  if  moderation  and  self- 
denial  could  have  averted  it,  they  were  found  in  his 
gentle  rule.  In  such  evil  times,  more  force  of  charac- 
ter, and  a  greater  mastery  over  his  friends  and  coun- 
cillors, would  have  served  him  better  than  all  his 
virtues :  but  the  revolution  was  an  irresistible  force, 
which  probably  no  firmness  or  sagacity  could  have 
checked,  or  diverted  from  its  fearful  course. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

FRANCE  (continued). 

TRIUMPH  OF  THE  MOUNTAIN — MEASURES  OF  DEFENCE  AGAINST  THE 
COALITION — OVERTHROW  OP  THE  GIRONDISTS — THE  CONVENTION 
AND  THE  PEOPLE — REVOLUTIONARY  VIGOUR — THE  REIGN  OF 
TERROR — FALL  OF  ROBESPIERRE — REACTION — THE  DIRECTORY — 
NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE  AJSTD  THE  ARMY — FIRST  CONSUL  AND  EM- 
PEROR— HIS   FALL — RESULTS   OF   THE  REVOLUTION. 

The  execution  of  the  king  was  a  national  crime,  and, 
in  the  interests  of  France,  a  political  error : 
of  t™''        but  it  was  a  crowning  triumpli  to  the  revolu- 
tionists.    Their  dread  policy  had  prevailed, 
and  the  ascendency  of  the  Mountain  was   assured. 
France  was  irrevocably  committed  to  the  revolution, 
and  to  the  impassioned  rule  of  its  leaders.     These 
desperate   men,  having  shocked   all  but  their  own 
headstrong  followers,  and  defied  Europe,  were  driven 
to  rely  more  than  ever  upon  violent  courses,  and  upon 
the  passions  of  the  multitude.    In  the  words  of  Marat, 
'They  had  broken  down  the  bridges  behind  them.' 
And  their  hands  were  strengthened  by  the  dangers 
which  threatened  their  country.     The  coali- 
tion against  tion,  which   had   received   a   fresh   impulse 
from  the  defiant  attitude  of  France,  enabled 
them  to  appeal  to  the  frenzy  and  fanaticism  of  the 
populace.     Their  country  must  be  defended  against 


MEASUEES  OF  DEFENCE.  181 

the  invaders :  tlie  aristocrats  wlio  conspired  with  them, 
must  be  put  down  :  the  entire  nation-must  rise  in  the 
names  of  '  Liberty,  Equality,  and  Fraternity  : '  the 
law  must  bow  before  the  will  of  the  people. 

France  was  compassed  round  about  by  foreign  ene- 
mies.    Eno;land   had,  at  length,  ioined  the  ,r 

^  '  o       '    J  Measures  of 

coalition :  ^  Holland,  Spain,  the  Roman  States,  defence. 
and  Naples  had  taken  the  same  side  :  all  Germany 
was  now  united  against  the  republic.  The  convention 
decreed  a  new  lev^^  of  300,000  men ;  and,  under  pre- 
tence of  maintaining  security  at  home  against  the 
enemies  of  the  revolution,  the  Mountain  secured  the 
nomination  of  a  revolutionary  tribunal  of  nine  mem- 
bers, with  undefined  powers, — an  evil  augury  to  the 
future  of  the  revolution.^  The  army  was  revolution- 
ised by  the  fusion  of  the  volunteers  with  the  regular 
army,  and  by  the  election  of  two-thirds  of  the  officers 
by  the  soldiers  themselves.  General  Dumouriez,  at 
first  victorious  in  Belgium,  suffered  signal  reverses  in 
Holland.  The  latter  were  ascribed,  by  the  Jacobins, 
to  the  treachery  and  incompetence  of  the  Girondists 

'  This  war  was  not  sought  by  England.  After  the  king  had  been 
cast  into  prison,  she  had  withdrawn  her  ambassador  from  Paris,  but 
with  assurances  that  she  had  no  desire  to  interfere  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  France  ;  and,  notwithstanding  grave  provocations,  these 
assurances  were  afterwards  repeated.  The  French  ambassador,  M. 
de  Chauvelin,  was  not  ordered  to  quit  London  until  after  the  execu- 
tion of  the  king  and  the  marching  of  a  French  anny  upon  Holland  : 
when,  on  Feb.  1,  1793,  war  was  declared  by  France  herself,  not  by 
England.  Such  was  the  attitude  of  France  towards  other  States, 
that  war  could  not  have  been  long  averted  :  but  the  blame  of  this 
rupture  cannot  justly  be  laid  upon  England.  See  Von  Sybel,  Hid. 
ii.  246  ct  seq.  ;  Thiers,  Ilist.  iii.  283. 

'  Ministers,  generals,  and  members  of  the  convention  were  ex- 
empted from  its  jurisdiction,  unless  impeached  by  that  body  it- 
self. 


182  FEANCE. 

and  their  generals,  wlio  were  lield  up  to  popular  exc- 
March  10,  cratioQ.  TliG  Jacobins  were  so  impatient  to 
1793.  j,^j^  their  rivals  that  thej  even  conspired  to 

take  their  lives  in  the  convention :  but  their  infamous 
consj)iracy  was  frustrated.^  Untaught  by  recent  ex- 
The  perience,  the  Girondists  still  hoped  to  main- 

Girondists.  ^^^^  their  ground  by  noble  sentiments  and 
fine  speeches  :  while  the  Mountain  rested  upon  the 
commune,  the  clubs,  the  sections  of  Paris,  the  tocsin, 
and  an  armed  populace.  It  was  an  unequal  strife  be- 
tween words  and  force  :^  but  throughout  their  perilous 
struggle,  the  Girondists  maintained  a  lofty  courage, 
and  defied  their  truculent  foes,  in  the  heroic  strains 
of  Roman  patriots. 
Every  danger  to  the  State  afforded  a  new  power  to 
the  revolution.     The  insurrection  of  La  Yen- 

Committee       ,  ,  i»   n  i  i  •       , 

of  Public  dee  was  lollowed  by  severe  measures  against 
the  priests  and  emigrants,  who  were  placed 
out  of  the  pale  of  the  law.  The  alarming  defection  of 
Dumouriez  led  to  the  appointment  of  the  Committee 
of  Public  Safety. 

The  battle  of  parties  was  rapidly  aj)proaching  a 
The  strife  of  crisis.  The  Jacobins  accused  the  Girondists 
parties.  ^f  being  in  league  with  the  traitor  Dumou- 
riez. The  convention,  besieged  and  threatened  by  the 
mob,  resolved  to  put  down  the  commune,  by  whom 
these  disorders  had  been  encouraged.     A  committee 

'  In  his  eloquent  denunciation  of  this  conspiracy  Vergniaud  finely 
said,  with  the  spirit  of  a  prophet,  '  Citoyens,  il  est  a.  craindre  que 
la  revolution,  comma  Saturne,  ne  devore  successivement  tous  ses 
enfans,  et  n'enfjendre  enfin  le  despotisme  avec  les  calamites  qui 
raccompagnent.' — Buzot,  Mem.  107  ;  Mignet,  Jlist.  i.  375. 

*  Danton  said  of  them,  '  Ce  sont  de  beaux  diseurs,  et  gens  de  pro- 
cedes.  Mais  ils  n'ont  jamais  portc  que  la  plume,  et  le  biiton  d'huis- 
sier,' — Mem.  dc  Baudot,  quoted  by  Edgar  Quinet,  i.  3C3. 


THE  CONVENTION  INVADED   EY  THE  MOB.  183 

of  twelve  was  appointed  to  inquire  into  tlio  authors 
of  these  conspiracies ;  and  Hebert,  an  active  member 
of  the  commune,  vras  arrested.     This  vigour  r^, 
on  the  part  of  the  convention,  was  resisted  'l^dclfb 
by  insurrection.     The  commune,  attended  by  "^''^  ™"'^- 
deputations  fiom  different  sections  of  Paris,  and  by  a 
revolutionary  mob,  invested  the  convention.     Insist- 
ing upon  the  dissolution  of  the  committee  of  ^j.,^,  27 
twelve,  and  the  release  of  Hebert,  they  took  ^'^''^• 
possession  of  the  benches,  and  voted  with  the  Moun- 
tain, in  favour  of  their  own  importunate  demands.    The 
next  day  these  irregular  and  scandalous  votes  were 
rescinded:  but  the  Jacobins,  resolved  to  tri-  y^,.n^in„of 
umph  over  the  convention,  organised  the  mob  "'^'  '""''• 

.  .  .  .        May  1. 

of  Paris,  put  arms  into  their  hands,  and  paid 
them  forty  sous  a  day.  The  tocsin  was  sounded,  tho 
ragged  rout  was  marshalled  in  the  faubourgs,  and 
marched  upon  the  convention.  A  hundred  thousand 
men  were  under  arms,  that  day,  in  Paris.  There 
were  horse,  foot,  and  artillery, — a  revolutionary  army. 
Again  the  suppression  of  the  committee  of  twelve  was 
demanded  tumultuously,  at  the  bar,  and  was  con- 
ceded to  clamour  and  intimidation.  But  this  was  not 
enough  for  the  Jacobins :  tliey  had  resolved  to  put 
down  the  Girondists,  and  the  agitation  of  Paris  was 
continued.  Tho  dreadful  tocsin  was  sounded  onco 
more,  and  deputations,  petitioners,  and  the 

armed  mob  invaded  the  convention,  and  de-  tiie  Giron- 
dists. 
manded  the  arrest  of  the  members  who  were  junes, 

conspiring  against  their  country.    Marat,  who 
had  contrived  this  outrage,  himself  designated  tlio 
conspirators;  and  the  foremost  members  of  tho  Gi- 
rondist party  were  placed  under  arrest.     Henceforth 
the  convention  was  at  the  feet  of  Marat,  Eobcspierre, 


184  FRANCE. 

and  the  Jacobins.  Moderation  must  ever  be  sacrificed, 
in  revolutionary  times;  and  tlie  Girondists,  witli  all 
their  eloquence  and  x^ublic  virtues,  had  committed 
errors  which  precipitated  their  fall.  They  had  been 
the  only  barrier  against  the  worst  excesses  of  the 
revolution,  and  they  were  now  swept  away.^ 

The  wild  course  of  the  revolution  was  made  more 
Contact  of  furious  and  uncontrollable  by  the  close  con- 
tionwitr"'  tact  of  the  convention  with  the  people. 
the  people,  rjij^^j.^  ^^^^  ^^  |ggg  ^1^^^  tweuty-four  tri- 
bunes for  spectators.  These  were  crowded  by  the 
populace  of  Paris,  of  whom  one  or  two  thousand 
gained  admission.  The  upper  benches  of  the  conven- 
tion reached  up  to  the  tribunes  ;  and  the  deputies 
held  free  converse  with  the  audience.  The  passions 
of  the  multitude  swayed  the  deliberations  of  the  As- 
sembly. Mobs,  not  satisfied  with  the  tribunes,  some- 
times invaded  the  hall  of  the  convention  itself.  Dep- 
utations were  constantly  presenting  themselves  at  the 
bar.  Crowds  of  men  and  women  forced  themselves 
into  the  middle  of  the  hall,  and  fraternised  with  their 
representatives.  Political  cries,  threats,  and  compli- 
ments were  bandied  about  between  the  depu- 
ties and  the  mob.  Deliberation  was  impos- 
sible in  the  midst  of  tumults.^     The  debates  were 

1  '  Ce  parti  tomba  de  faiblesse  et  d'indecision,  comme  le  roi  qu'il 
avait  renverse.' — Lamartine,  Hist,  des  Oirondins,  vi.  151. 

'  La  pensee,  I'unite,  la  politique,  la  resolution,  tout  leur  manquait. 
lis  avaient  fait  la  republique  sans  la  vouloir  :  ils  la  gouveruaient  sans 
la  comprendre.' — Ibid.  153. 

2  '  The  experience  of  France  lias  sliown  other  dangers,  arising  from 
the  number  of  spectators,  equalling  or  exceeding  that  of  the  Assem- 
bly.' .  ,  .  '  There  are  some  men,  who,  surrounded  with  the  popu- 
larity of  the  moment,  would  be  more  engaged  with  the  audience 
than  with  the  Assembly  ;  and  the  discussion  would  take  a  turn  moro 


THE  CONVENTION  AND  THE  PEOPLE.       185 

conductecl  with  frenzied  anger:  insults,  tlireats,  and 
denunciations  were  exchanged  :  violent  gesticulations 
added  force  to  words :  daggers  and  pistols,  grasped 
with  furj,  showed  the  violence  and  lawlessness  of  the 
.en  who  held  the  destinies  of  France  in  their  hands, 
it  was  a  wild  scene  of  revolution  and  anarchy,  such  as 
the  world  had  not  witnessed  since  the  latter  days  of 
the  Koman  rej)ublic.  The  resolutions  of  the  conven- 
tion were  passionate  and  impulsive.  The  hall,  ill- 
lighted  by  day  as  well  as  by  night,  was  a  fit  abode  for 
gloomy  thoughts,  imaginations,  and  passions. 

Yet  this  convention,  urged  on  by  the  force  of  the 
revolution,  achieved  some  c:reat  reforms.     It  .* 

'  o  Its  useful 

abolished  slavery,  and  condemned  the  slave  ni«asuie3. 
trade  :  it  founded  a  system  of  national  education :  it 
made  provision  for  the  sick  and  aged :  it  promulgated 
a  civil  code,  which  was  to  be  the  foundation  of  the 
Code  Napoleon  :  ^  it  inaugurated  the  decimal  system : 
it  established  uniformity  of  weights  and  measures; 
and  it  created  the  Institute  of  France. 

But  the  revolutionists  were  not  allowed  to  enjoy 
their  triumph  without  a  further  struggle. 
The  Girondists  and  the  royalists  raised  for-  tions^iuthe 
midable  insurrections  in  the  provinces ;  and 
La  Vendee  was  more  threatening  than  ever.  Lyons, 
Marseilles  and  Bordeaux  were  in  arms ;  and  no  less 
than  sixty  departments  supported  the  insurrection. 
The  country  was  shocked  at  the  violence  and  usurpa- 
tion of  the  revolutionists  of  the  capital ;  and  resented 

favourable  to  tlie  exciteraents  of  oratory,  than  to  logical  proofs.' — 
Bentham,  '  Political  Tactics  ;'  Bovvring's  Ed.,  Worls,  ii.  320. 

■  This  code  was  the  work  of  Cambacc-res,  Thibaudoau,  and  other 
jurists  of  the  convention,  who  reproduced  their  own  work  in  1803, 
and  allowed  Napoleon  the  credit  of  it. 


186  FRANCE. 

the  outrages  committed  against  its  representatives. 
The  fanatical  vengeance  wreaked  upon  Marat,  by  the 
heroic  Charlotte  Cordaj,  was  but  an  example  of  the 
indignation  which  burned  against  the  blood-stained 
leaders  of  the  Mountain.^ 

While  insurrection  and  civil  war  were  raging  in 

France,  the  country  was  surrounded  by  ene- 

invasioiiof    mies  :  and  the  treachery  of  Dumouriez,  and 

France.  '  ,         .  a  ■,  • 

the  disorganisation  of  his  army,  had  opened 
the  northern  frontiers  to  the  invaders. 

To  repel  such  dangers  demanded  extraordinary 
New  con-  vigour  ou  the  part  of  the  Mountain.  Nor 
stitution.  ^jjg  j^  wanting  either  in  the  men,  or  in  the 
democracy,  which  they  governed.  A  new  constitution 
was  fi-amed,  founded  upon  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people,  with  universal  suffrage,  and  an  assembly  an- 
nually chosen.  This  constitution  did  homage  to  the 
revolution :  but  it  formed  no  government  for  such  a 
crisis  :  nor  did  it  secure  the  absolute  rule  of  its  au- 
thors. This  was  not  a  time  for  trifling  with  political 
theories  and  sentiments  :  but  for  giving  force  and  con- 
centration to  the  national  will  The  constitution  was 
France  in  therefore  suspended  ;  the  committee  of  pub- 
arms.  Hq  safety  was  reconstituted ;  and  a  levy  of 
all  citizens,  between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  twenty- 
five,  was  decreed  by  the  convention.  France  was 
transformed  into  a  huge  camp,  and  military  arsenal: 
fourteen  armies  were  raised :  twelve  hundred  thou- 
sand men  were  under  arms  :  they  were  supported  by 
forced  requisitions :  a  warlike  frenzy  possessed  the 
entire  people.      '  The  young  men  shall  go  to  the  bat- 

'  Of  Marat,  Lamartine  says  :— '  L'Evangile  ttait  toujours  ouvert 
sur  sa  table.  La  revolution,  disait-il  a  ceux  qui  s'en  etonuaient,  est 
tout  eutiere  dans  I'Evangile.' — Hist,  dcs  Girondins,  v.  313. 


FRANCE  IN  ARMS.  187 

tie,'  said  Barrere :  *  it  is  tlieir  task  to  conquer :  tlio 
married  men  shall  forge  arms,  transport  baggage  and 
artillery,  and  provide  subsistence  :  tlie  women  sliall 
work  at  soldiers'  clotlies,  make  tents,  serve  in  tlio 
hospitals  :  the  children  shall  scrape  old  linen  into 
surgeons'  lint :  the  old  men  shall  have  themselves 
carried  into  the  public  places,  and  there,  by  their 
words,  arouse  the  courage  of  the  young,  preach  ha,tred 
to  kings,  and  security  to  the  republic.'^  The  pubKc 
dangers,  and  revolutionary  fanaticism  combined  to 
secure  enthusiastic  support  to  the  prodigious  efforts 
of  the  executive.  The  poorer  citizens  of  Paris,  sub- 
sidised with  forty  sous  a  day,  flocked  to  the  meet- 
ings of  their  sections,  and  applauded  every  revolu- 
tionary measure.  Nor  were  the  amusements  of  the 
people  forgotten.  Even  free  theatres  were  opened, — 
after  the  manner  of  the  Athenians.  The  sovereignty 
of  the  people  in  other  lands,  and  'war  to  the  castle, 
peace  to  the  cottage,'  were  proclaimed,  in  the  conven- 
tion.^ 

But  at  what  a  cost  were  these  warlike  preparations 
made  !     Forced  loans  :  requisitions  for  mili- 
tary   stores   and    equipments :    extravagant  tionaiy 
fines   uj)on  citizens,  for  pretended  offences     " 
against  the  people:   confiscation  of  the  property  of 
aristocrats,  and  emigrants :    spoliation  of  churches : 
wholesale  plunder  and  robbery  : — such  were  the  means 
by  which  the  armies  of  the  republic  were  sent  forth 
to  the  war.     These  lawless  and  tyrannical  measures, 
however  successful,  were  ruinous  to  the  country.    Not 

'  Monitcur :  DChats,  Auf^ust  23,  1793. 

'  February  1, 1793.  C'aubon  concluded  liis  speccli  in  favour  of  tho 
revolutionary  propaganda  abroad  with  these  words — 'Ouorro  aux 
chateaux  :  paix  aux  cliaumiere-s.' — Thiers,  Hist.  iii.  285. 


188  FRANCE. 

only  was  tlie  property  of  citizens  forcibly  and  capri- 
ciously taken,  for  the  service  of  the  State :  but  it  was 
injured,  wasted,  and  stolen.  While  industrious  citi- 
zens were  ruined,  the  public  treasury  was  still  empty ; 
and  regiments  were  marched  to  the  frontier,  half- 
clothed  and  ill  -  provisioned.  In  France  itself,  the 
troops  were  maintained,  as  in  an  enemy's  country. 
Nor  could  regular  taxes  be  levied  upon  those  who 
had  already  been  plundered  and  impoverished. 

NotAvithstanding  these  prodigious  armaments,  the 
armies  of  France  were  ill-disciplined  and  irregular. 
The  revolutionary  sentiments  of  the  time  had  de- 
moralised the  troops.  Hatred  of  aristocrats  bred 
disobedience  to  officers  ;  and  liberty  and  equality 
were  not  congenial  to  discipline.  The  elected  officers 
were  ignorant  and  incapable :  the  soldiers  unruly : 
and  as  most  of  the  recruits  had  been  driven  to  the 
standards  by  force,  the  regiments  were  alarmingly 
thinned  by  desertion.  But  these  evils  were  vigorously 
checked;  and  a  reorganisation  of  the  army  was  ef- 
fected. That  it  was  extravagautly  and  wastefully  man- 
aged, there  can  be  little  doubt  :  that  it  was  led  with- 
out regard  to  the  cost  of  life  and  materials  is  certain  : 
but,  with  all  its  shortcomings,  it  achieved  the  most 
signal  victories  and  conquests. 

These  great  wars  were  conducted  by  civilians  with- 
Men  of  the  ^^*  experience — by  men  whom  the  revolution 
revolution,  jjr^^^  tlirowu  to  the  surface.  Lawyers,  priests, 
men  of  letters,  newspaper  writers,  clerks,  were  the 
great  administrators.  The  lawyer,  Merlin  de  Thion- 
ville,  defended  fortresses  :  the  Protestant  minister,  St. 
Andre,  was  made  an  admiral,  and  reorganised  the 
fleet :  the  student,  St.  Just,  fought  with  the  armies  of 
France,  and  was,  at  once,  a  jDolitical  leader  and  an  in- 


MEN  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.  189 

defatigable  administrator.  The  trained  leaders,  upon 
whom  a  State  is  accustomed  to  rely,  had  emigrated,  or 
were  hostile  to  the  republic ;  and  it  was  necessary  to 
choose  other  men  to  take  their  place.  The  revolution 
had  suddenly  reduced  France  to  the  condition  of  a 
new  country,  and  her  humble  citizens  were  serving 
her  in  the  cabinet,  in  the  office,  or  on  the  battle-field.^ 
As  the  revolution  advanced,  a  lower  class  was  gradu- 
ally rising  to  power.  The  free-thinking  nobles  and 
gentlemen  had  given  the  first  impulse  to  the  Eevolu- 
tion :  the  lavvyers,  men  of  letters,  and  the  middle 
classes  continued  it :  the  fanatics  and  low  adventurers 
completed  it.^  At  no  time  did  a  peasant  or  artisan 
take  the  head  of  the  proletariat.  There  was  no  Masa- 
niello,  or  John  of  Leyden :  but  lawyers  and  men  of 
letters,  like  Marat,  St.  Just,  and  Eobespierre,  and 
others  above  the  working  class,  were  the  leaders  of 
the  populace.  The  only  peasant-leader  was  Catheli- 
neau,  the  royalist  voiturier  of  La  Vendee,  under  whose 
standard  the  highest  nobles — De  Lescure,  de  la  Roche- 
jacquelein,  de  Charette,  and  do  Bonchamps — were 
content  to  serve.^ 

'  The  same  plienomenon  was  witnessed  seventy  years  later,  iu  the 
civil  war  of  America  :  wlien  lawyers,  railway-managers,  and  trades- 
men suddenly  appeared  as  generals,  and  officers  of  cavalry  and 
artillery.  TLe  emergencies  were  alike,  and  produced  the  same  re- 
sults. 

^  Collot  d'Herbois  was  a  half-starved  actor  from  Lyons.  Hebert 
had  been  ticket-collector  at  a  theatre  before  he  became  editor  of 
the  infamous  Plre  Duchesne.  Billaud-Varennes,  son  of  a  poor  advo- 
cate at  La  Rochelle,  married  his  father's  maid-servant,  and  became 
an  actor,  a  pamj)hleteer.  and  a  teaclier.  Ilenriot,  who  ])layed  so  im- 
portant a  part  in  the  Commune,  had  been  a  domestic  servant,  a  petty 
officer  of  customs,  and  a  police  spy. — Von  Sybol,  Hid.  iii.  OS). 

"Nettemeut,  Vic  dc  Madame  dc  la  Itochijacqudciu,  li)0,  I'Jl,  i:c. 


190  FBANCE. 

The  policy  of  tlie  Mountain  would  have  been  im- 
Law  perfectly  carried  out   without  a   scheme  of 

^fspectcd  terror,  and  accordingly  the  law  against  sus- 
peisous.  pected  persons  was  decreed.  Every  one  sus- 
pected of  unfriendliness  to  the  government,  was  at 
the  mercy  of  the  committee  of  public  safety.  The 
nobles  had  fled  :  but  France  abounded  with  royalists 
and  moderate  republicans  of  other  classes,  whom  it 
was  necessary  to  overawe.  Many  worthy  citizens 
were  thrown  into  prison, — there  to  be  detained  until 
the  peace.  Not  in  Paris  only,  but  throughout  France, 
the  new  law  was  put  in  force,  with  no  less  caprice 
than  injustice  and  cruelty. 

These  extraordinary  efl^orts  were  everywhere  crown- 
,    ^  ed  with  success.     Insurrection  was  trampled 

Triumpli  of  .  .  .  ^ 

French         out  lu  the  pro^duces  :  invasion  was  repelled 

arms.  ■•■  _  ■'■ 

from  the  frontiers  of  France.  A  regular 
government,  aided  by  the  patriotism  of  the  people, 
might  have  achieved  these  astonishing  triumphs : 
but  a  revolutionary  executive,  supported  by  a  furious 
popular  enthusiasm,  superior  to  the  usual  restraints  of 
law,  and  subduing  hostile  parties  by  terror,  wielded 
powers  hitherto  unknown  in  the  history  of  the  world : 
they  were  used  with  passionate  resolution,  and  the 
result  was  the  triumj^h  of  France,  and  of  the  revolu- 
,,    ,   .       tion.      No  despot  was  ever  more   absolute 

Absolutism  ■•• 

of  the  than  the  republic,  nor  was  the  will  of  rulers 

repubhc.  ^  / 

ever  enforced  with  more  rigorous  severity. 
A  national  cause  and  a  despotic  executive,  wheth- 
er under  a  king  or  a  republic,  are  the  best  instru- 
ments of  military  prowess.  Under  the  monarchy,  all 
executive  power  had  been  centred  in  the  Crown : 
under  the  republic,  it  was  wielded  by  revolution- 
ary  leaders.     The   prerogatives    of  kings   had  been 


BEIGN  OF  TERROR.  191 

above  tlie  law,  and  were  now  usurped  by  the  revolu- 
tion.^ 

Meanwhile,  we  recoil  with  horror  from  the  cruelty 
and  bloodthirstiness,  with  which  the  reputed  cmeitics 
enemies  of  the  revolution  were  pursued.  Momuain. 
All  men  were  accounted  enemies,  who  did  ^''"^^' 
not  heartily  join  the  revolutionary  party.  The  local 
clubs  and  committees  were  formed  of  needy  mal- 
contents who  hated  the  rich.  In  their  eyes,  every 
rich  man  was  an  aristocrat,  and  an  enemy  of  the  re- 
public. It  was  well  for  him,  if  they  were  satisfied 
with  extortion  and  plunder.  Thousands  of  quiet  mer- 
chants and  traders,  who  had  taken  no  part  in  politics, 
but  had  naturally  held  themselves  aloof  from  the 
Jacobins  and  sans-culottes,  were  cast  into  prison,  and 
dragged  to  the  guillotine.  At  Strasburg,  St.  Just 
boasted  to  Robespierre  that  all  the  aristocrats  of  the 
municipality,  the  courts  of  justice,  and  the  regiments 
had  been  put  to  death.^  Everywhere  the  law  was  set 
at  naught ;  and  society  was  shaken  to  its  very  founda- 
tion.^ 

Such  was  the  revolutionary  rule  throughout  France, 
where  there  had  been  no  risint^of  royalists  or 

/-I-  T  T  en-'  ^  Scvfrities 

Girondists.     Let  us  now  follow  it  into  places  mnmt 
where  resistance  had  been  oiiered  to  the  re- 
public.    The  insurgents  of  Lyons,  Marseilles,  Toulon 
and  Bordeaux,  were  punished  with  pitiless  severity. 
Lyons  had  revolted,  and   the   convention  decreed 

'  De  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  Regime,  277  et  scq. 

^  Robespierre,  in  tlio  Jacobin  Club,  November  21,  1793,  cited  by 
Von  Sybel,  iii.  23"3.  Anf)ther  revolutionist  thus  spoke  of  these  atroci- 
ties : — 'Sainte  Guillotine  est  dans  la  plus  brillaute  activite  !  Quel 
maitre  boucher  (jue  ce  garron  la  ! ' 

*  Do  Toc<iuevillo,  L'aimeu  Rc'jiine,  cli.  7. 


192  FBANCE. 

the  destruction  of  the  city,  the  confiscation  of  the  pro- 
perty of  the  rich,  for  the  benefit  of  the  patri- 
ots, and  the  punishment  of  the  insurgents  by 
martial  law.     Couthon,  a  commissioner  well  tried  in 
cruelty,  hesitated  to  carry  into  execution  this  mon- 
strous decree,  and  was  superseded  by  Collot  d'Her- 
bois  and  Fouche.     Thousands  of  v/orkmen  were  now 
employed  in  the  work  of  destruction  :  whole  streets 
fell  under  their  pickaxes :  the  prisons  were  gorged : 
the   guillotine  was  too   slow   for  revolutionary  ven- 
geance, and  crowds  of  prisoners  were  shot,  in  murder- 
ous mitraillades.      The  victims  were    cast    into    the 
Ehnne,  or  buried  on  the  spot ;  and  when  the  musket 
had  failed  to   do   its  work,  the   spade  was   uplifted 
against  the  dying,  before  they  were  hurled  into  the  pit.^ 
At  Marseilles,  twelve  thousand  of  the  richest  citi- 
zens fled  from  the  venf^eance  of  the  revolu- 
tionists,  and  their  property  was  confiscated, 
and  plundered. 

"When  Toulon  fell  before  the  strategy  of  Bonaparte, 
the    savage   venojeance   and   cruelty   of   the 

Toulon.  o  ^.  -^ 

conquerors  were  indulged  without  restraint. 
All  the  inhabitants  were  compromised  by  the  insur- 
rection, and  Freron,  the  commissioner,  seemed  bent 
upon  their  extermination.  The  dockyard  labourers 
were  put  to  the  sword :  gangs  of  prisoners  were 
brought  out  and  executed  hjficsillades  :  the  guillotine 
also  claimed  its  victims  :  the  sam-culottes  rioted  in 
confiscation  and  plunder. 

At  Bordeaux,  Tallien  threw  fifteen  thousand  citi- 
„    ,  zens  into  prison.     Hundreds  fell  under  the 

Bordeaux.  ■•• 

guillotine ;    and   the    possessions    and  pro- 
'  Carlyle,  Hist.  iii.  185,  who  cites  Deux  Amin,  xii.  251-262. 


REIGN  OF  TERROR.  193 

pert}'  of  tlie  ricli  were  offered  up  to  outrage  and  rob- 
bery. 

But  all  these  atrocities  were  far  surpassed  in  La 
Vendee.  Tliere,  tlie  royalists  liad  made  the 
most  determined  stand  against  the  revolu- 
tion. Nobles,  gentry,  and  peasants,  devoted  to  the 
Catholic  faith,  and  to  the  monarchy,  had  long  main- 
tained an  heroic  struggle  against  the  overwhelming 
forces  of  the  republic.^  When  they  were,  at  length, 
overcome,  no  quarter  was  given  to  the  wounded  or 
prisoners :  unarmed  peasants  were  shot :  old  men 
and  women  were  put  to  the  sword  :  whole  villages 
were  reduced  to  ashes.  The  barbarities  of  warfare 
vfere  yet  surpassed  by  the  vengeance  of  the  conquer- 
ors, when  the  insurrection  was,  at  last,  overcome.  At 
Nantes,  the  monster  Carrier  outstripped  his 
rivals  in  cruelty  and  insatiable  thirst  for 
blood.  Not  contented  with  wholesale  mitraillades,  he 
designed  that  masterpiece  of  cruelty,  the  noyades ; 
and  thousands  of  men,  women,  and  children  who  es- 
caped the  muskets  of  the  rabble  soldiery,  were  de- 
liberately drowned  in  the  waters  of  the  Loire.  In 
four  months,  his  victims  reached  fifteen  thousand. 
At  Angers,  and  other  towns  in  La  Vendue,  these  hid- 
eous noyades  were  added  to  the  terrors  of  the  guillotine 
and  the  fiisiRades.  The  bounds  of  human  wickedness 
were  passed  ;  and  men  had  assumed  the  form  of  devils. 

While  these  horrors  were  covering  the  revolution 
with  infamv,  the  unhappy  Marie  Antoinette,   ^ 

•'  '  .  Exocution 

after  revolting  cruelties  and  insults,  was  sent  ^'',,^J,"j;'^jtg 
to   the   scaffold,    as    a   defiance   to   Europe. 

'  Nettement,  Vie  de  MafJ.  de  la  HocJicjacquckin,  122,  128-133, 
&c.  ;  L'Abbu  Tresvaux,  La  persicution  revolutionnaire  en  Bre- 
tar/ne. 

VOL.  II. — 9 


194  ■  FKANCE. 

Tlie  Girondist  deputies  were  delivered  frora  their 
And  of  the  prison  to  the  executioner.  The  temperate 
Girondists.  ^^^  high-principled  BaiUy,  who  had  pre- 
sided over  the  National  Assembly,  and,  as  mayor  of 
Paris,  had  moderated  the  violence  of  the  revolution, 
■was  sacrificed  for  the  crime  of  halting  behind  the 
rapid  strides  of  the  Jacobins.  Even  Egalite,  Duke 
of  Orleans,  fell  an  unpitied  victim  of  the  jealousies 
of  the  Mountain.  The  fury  which  had  possessed  the 
Jacobin  leaders  was  not  that  of  democracy,  but  of  an 
unprincipled  faction,  bent  upon  the  ruin  of  its  rivals. 
It  was  the  bloodthirstiness  of  Marius,  Sulla,  and  the 
triumvirs,  in  the  anarchical  period  of  the  Boman  re- 
public. It  was  the  murderous  fi-enzy  of  St.  Bartholo- 
mew. The  civil  feuds  of  France  had  ever  been  infa- 
mous for  a  savagery,  which  culminated  in  the  reign  of 
The  cnra-  terror.^  The  committee  of  public  safety,  now 
pubHc  °^  wholly  of  the  Mountain  party,  exercised  ab- 
batety.  solute  power  in  the  name  of  the  convention, 
and  arrested  its  enemies,  at  pleasure  ;  while  the  revo- 
lutionary tribunal  condemned  the  accused,  almost 
without  a  hearing,  in  the  name  of  liberty.' 

One  of  the  redeeming  characteristics  of  the  revolu- 
tion— in  the  midst  of  its  violence,  its  rash- 
therevoiu-    ness,  and  its  crimes — is  the  heroism  of  its 
principal   characters.      The   victims   of    the 
guillotine  displayed  the  noblest  courage  and  endu- 

•  '  Les  Franf;ai3,  qui  sont  le  peuple  le  plus  doux,  et  mgme  le  plus 
bienveillant  de  la  terre,  tant  qu'il  demeure  tranquille  dans  son 
naturel,  en  devient  le  plus  bavbare,  des  que  de  violentes  passions 
Ten  font  sortir.' — De  Tocqueville,  L'ancie7i  Bcrjime,  275  ;  Freeman, 
Eist.  of  Fed.  Govt.  i.  60,  n. 

*  In  the  midst  of  this  reign  of  terror  twenty-three  theatres  were 
open  every  night  in  Paris,  and  sixty  dancing  saloons. — Mercier, 
Mem.  ii.  124. 


EXTEAVAG^VNCES  OF  THE  EEVOLUTION.      195 

ranee.  The  king  and  queen  died  in  the  spirit  of  Chris- 
tian martyrs :  Madame  Eohmd,  Danton,  and  the  Gi- 
rondists met  their  doom  with  the  calm  fortitude  of 
the  ancient  stoics.  Condorcet  hid  himself  in  Paris 
until  he  had  finished  his  Progres  de  Vespirit  humain, 
when  he  came  forth  from  his  hiding-place  to  die. 

In  the  midst  of  events  so  momentous,  we  read  of 
the   childish    reformation   of    the   Calendar 
with  a  sad  smile.     History  and  Christianity  tioirj^Tho 
were  to  be  effaced,  by  dividing  time  upon  a 
new  republican  model.    The  Sabbath  was  ingeniously 
supjDressed,  by  changing  the  familiar  weeks  into  pe- 
riods of  ten  days,  and  by  a  strange  nomenclature. 

An  extravagance,  yet  more  profane,  disgraced  the 
revolutionary  party.     The  commune,  headed 
by  Hebert,  insisted  upon  substituting  for  the  ^iilp  o^ 
Christian  faith  the  worship  of  Reason.     The 
noble  cathedral  of  Notre-Dame  was  consecrated,  in 
the  presence  of  the  convention,  to  the  god-  November 
dess  of  Reason,  personated  by  a  ballet  dancer,   ^*^'  ^''•*^- 
in  the  transparent  costume  of  the  stage.     But  the 
committee  of  public  safety,  under  Robesjoierre,  main- 
tained the  worship  of  the  Supreme  Being,  and  as- 
serted the  principle  of  religious  liberty.     The  great 
mass  of  the  people,  inflamed  by  the   revolutionary 
spirit,  had  been  hostile  to  the  Church,  as  a  privileged 
body  :  but  infidelity  had  not  taken  deep  root  amongst 
them.     The  frantic  leaders  of  the  revolution  were  in- 
fidels of  various  types:   but  their  hatred  of  Chris- 
tianity was  alien  to  the  principles  of  democracy,  and 
to  the  general  sentiments  of  the  French  people.^    The 
Church  of  Rome  survived  their  assaults.     There  was 

'  De  Tocqueville,  L'ancicn  Ecffimc,  275. 


lOG  FRANCE. 

no  new  faith  to  supplant  it:^  but  it  was  opposed  by  a 
negation  of  all  faitli,  or  by  strange  and  idle  fantasies, 
wliicli  appealed  neither  to  the  sentiments  nor  the 
reasonable  judgment  of  the  nation.  The  revolution, 
hostile  to  all  religion,  found  support  from  none;^ 
and  while  it  abased  the  Catholic  clergy,  its  contempt 
for  every  creed  restrained  it  from  religious  perse- 
cution.^ 

The  commune  and  the  committee  of  public  safety 
AscCTi-  shared  in  all  the  iniquities  of  the  reign  of 
^obis^^  terror :  but  the  commune  surpassed  their 
Pierre.  rivals  in  revolutionary  extravagance.  Mean- 
while, in  the  party  of  the  Mountain  itseK  were  men 
who,  having  so  far  advanced  with  the  revolution,  now 
desired  a  pause  in  its  career  of  violence  and  blood- 
shed, and  some  legal  restraints  upon  the  tyranny  of 
the  executive.  Foremost  among  them  were  the  re- 
doubtable Dauton  and  Camille  Desmoulins.  Eobes- 
pierre,  and  the  committee  of  public  safety,  were  as- 
sailed by  both  these  parties  :  by  Hebert  and  the  com- 
mune on  one  side,  and  by  Danton  and  his  friends  on 
the  other.  With  consummate  cunning,  Kobespierre 
effected  the  ruin  of  both.  The  former  were  con- 
demned as  anarchists,  the  latter  as  enemies  of  the 
revolution.*    Eobespierre  was  now  master  of  the  con- 

'  '  Une  religion  ne  peut  Ctre  extirpee  que  par  une  autre  religion.' — 
Edgar  Quiuet,  La  Rev.  ii.  36.  2  jjjj^j   j   1Q4 

^  '  II  y  a  deux  manieres  de  resoudre  les  questions  religieuses  :  ou 
I'interdiction,  ou  la  libert.'.  La  revolution  n'a  employe  ni  I'une  ni 
I'autre  de  ces  moyens.  Les  revolutionnaires  proscrivaient,  en  fait, 
les  cultes,  et  ils  gardaient,  en  theorie,  la  tolerance  ;  ce  qui  I'utait,  a 
la  fois,  I'avantage  que  les  moderne s  tirent  de  la  tolerance,  et  I'avan- 
tage  que  les  anciens  ont  tire  de  la  proscription.' — Ibid.  i.  128. 

*  At  this  time  Robespierre  thus  described  his  policy  : — '  Le  ressort 
du  gouvernement  populairo,  en  revolution,  est  a  la  fois  la  vertu  et 


ASCENDENCY  OF  EOBESPIEERE.  197 

vention,  of  the  commune,  of  the  committee  of  public 
safety,  of  the  revolutionary  tribunal,  and  of  France. 
He  justified  his  uncontrolled  power  as  '  the  despotism 
of  liberty  against  tj-ranny.' 

The  committee  of  public  safety,  known  as  the  De- 
cemvirs, were  insatiate  of  blood, — not  from  Thecom- 
any  natural  cruelty  or  ferocity  of  character,  public  " 
but  from  a  settled  conviction  that  terror  was  ^^  '"^' 
necessary  for  uniting  the  forces  of  the  revolution 
against  foreign  and  domestic  enemies.  There  was 
also  a  cold  calculation  that  death  was  the  only  secu- 
rity against  their  enemies.  In  the  words  of  Barrere, 
'II  n'y  a  que  les  morts  qui  ne  reviennent  pas.'  The 
dread  triumvirate  most  guilty  of  these  monstrous 
outrages  upon  humanity  were  Robespierre,  St.  Just, 
and  Couthon,  who  ruled  the  committee  of  public 
safety.  The  first  is  said  to  have  been  the  least  blood- 
thirsty of  the  three.  Before  his  revolutionary  career, 
he  had  resigned  a  judgeship  at  Arras  rather  than  con- 
demn a  fellow-creature  to  deatli.^  But  he  was  a  fa- 
natic, who  believed  in  terror  as  a  sacred  duty.  St. 
Just  was  a  philosopher,  of  intense  convictions,  rather 
than  a  fanatic — bold,  resolute,  and  without  human 
pity.  '  Dare,'  said  he, — *  there  lies  the  whole  secret 
of  revolutions.'  Couthon  was  another  fanatic,  whose 
countenance  bespoke  gentleness :  but  his  devilish 
creed  of  terror  steeled  him  against  mercy. 

Yet  these  men,  whose  rule   was  the    shedding  of 
blood,  who  were  blind  to  justice  and  insen-   a  roimi)iic 

•        •     1  p    1  -4-  (if  the 

sible  to  the  common  principles  oi  numanity,  virtues  ))ro- 
whose  cold  and  calculated  cruelties  are  with- 

la  torreur  :  la  vcrtu,  Bans  laquelle  la  terrcur  est  funeste  ;  la  tcrreur, 
Bans  laquelle  la  vertu  est  iiiipuisBanto.' 
'  Carlyle,  Hist.  i.  124. 


198  FRANCE. 

out  a  parallel  in  tlie  history  of  nations,  were  plan- 
ning a  model  republic,  representing  all  tlie  virtues. 
Its  watchwords  were  'liberty,  equality,  and  frater- 
nity : '  its  first  principle  was  virtue  :  its  worship  the 
Supreme  Being  :  the  rule  of  its  citizens  probity,  good 
sense,  and  modesty.  This  hideous  mockery  of  prin- 
ciples, which  were  hourly  outraged  in  practice,  was 
gravely  inaugurated  by  its  authors.  Fetes  were  de- 
creed in  honour  of  the  Supreme  Being,  truth,  justice, 
modesty,  fiiendship,  frugality,  and  good  faith ! 

This  new  republican  creed  was  celebrated  through- 
„  ^     .        out  France,  on  the  20th  Prairial,  1794     At 

Robespierre  .  .  ^    .  ' 

its  high        Paris,   Robespierre    ofiiciated    as    its   high 

priest.  '  _    ■■•       ^  o 

2o^Pn.iriai,  priest.  Attired  in  a  sky-blue  coat  and  black 
breeches,  and  holding  a  bouquet  of  flowers 
and  wheat-ears,  he  strutted  fifteen  paces  in  front  of 
the  convention.  This  strange  augury  of  the  new  re- 
public was  not  lost  upon  observers.  In  the  high 
priest  of  liberty  and  equality,  men  perceived  the  com- 
ing usurper. 

Eiobespierre  had  triumphed  over  all  his  enemies, 
and  he  might  now  rest  awhile.     Surely  blood 

Increased  '-^  -^ 

fury  of  the    enouojh  had  been  shed!     Not  so  thouf^ht  the 

tribunal.  ^       '^  ^  _  "^ 

triumvirs.  The  revolutionary  tribunal  was 
too  slow,  and  trammelled  by  too  many  forms.  Tlio 
accused  had  found  defenders  :  none  should  hence- 
forth be  allowed.  They  were  now  tried  singly :  let 
them  hereafter  be  tried  in  battalions  :  They  had 
been  judged  according  to  revolutionary  law  :  let  them 
now  be  judged  by  the  conscience  of  the  jury.  Mem- 
bers of  the  convention  could  not  be  judged  without 
the  consent  of  their  own  body :  this  jDrivilege  they 
were  forced  to  renounce,  and  henceforth  they  were 
the   slaves  of  the  committee  of  public  safety.     The 


DECLINE  OF  EOBESPIEIIEE.  199 

tribunal  could  not  condemn  its  victims  fast  enongli ; 
and  it  was  divided  into  four,  that  its  vengeance  might 
be  fourfold.  Fouquier  Thinville,  and  his  colleagues, 
were"  now  able  to  send  fifty  victims  daily  to  the 
hungry  guillotine.  Pretended  plots  were  discovered 
among  the  helpless  prisoners  :  and  their  overcrowded 
cells  were  cleared  by  the  nightly  tumbril,  which  bore 
them  to  ruthless  trial  and  execution. 

But  the  end  of  this  murderous  tyranny  was  ap- 
proaching. The  terrible  Robespierre  had  ^p^uncof 
struck  down  the  leaders  of  every  party :  he  jfie','r?'g 
was  himself  the  idol  of  the  populace :  the  i'«"'^'"- 
leading  spirit  of  the  Jacobins  :  all  powerful  with  the 
commune  of  Paris :  supreme  in  the  convention :  the 
chief  of  the  revolution.  But  in  his  blood-stained 
career,  he  had  raised  against  himself  implacable  Iia- 
treds,  jealousies,  and  suspicions.  In  his  own  com- 
mittees,^ through  which  he  governed,  and  in  the  con- 
vention, which  he  had  subdued  to  his  will,  he  had 
enemies  and  rivals,  who  distrusted  him  as  an  usurper. 
Thwarted  by  his  colleagues,  he  withdrew  from  the 
committees  and  the  convention,  and  threw  himself 
more  than  ever  upon  the  Jacobins  and  the  demo- 
cracy of  Paris.  With  tliese  he  plotted  the  overthrow 
of  the  committees,  and  of  the  convention.  First  he 
endeavoured  to  arouse  the  convention  against  the 
committees:  but  all  parties  united  to  opjiose  him, 
and  he  was  foiled.  He  had  lost  his  influence  over 
that  body,  which  had  lately  been  terrified  into  sub- 
mission. 

From  the  convention,  ho  appealed   to   the  demo- 

'  There  was  the  committee  de  salut  puhHyne  and  de  sdrete  yCm- 
rale. 


200  FEANCE. 

cracy  :  he  denounced  his  recent  defeat  as  the  proscrip- 
Atta  k  ^^°^^  '^^  ^^^  patriots,  and  conspired  with  the 
upon  the       commune  and  the  Jacobins,  to  overthrow  his 

convention.  _  '  _  _ 

mickf/'  enemies  by  an  armed  coup  d'etat.  Before  it 
was  effected,  the  triumvirs  again  tried  their 
strength  in  the  convention  :  but  their  conspiracy  was 
already  known,  and  they  were  denounced  and  arrested. 
The  commune  released  them  from  their  arrest,  and 
conducted  them  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville  :  the  tocsin  was 
sounded,  and  the  people  were  called  to  arms.  For  a 
time  the  convention  was  in  imminent  danger :  even  its 
own  guns  were  turned  against  it:  but  the  gunners, 
seduced  for  a  moment,  refused  to  fire.  The  conven- 
tion confronted  its  dangers  with  courage  :  it  placed 
the  conspirators  beyond  the  law ;  and  its  commis- 
sioners, hastening  to  the  insurgent  sections,  brought 
them  over  to  the  side  of  the  convention.  While  the 
consj)irators  were  preparing  to  march  against  the 
Fall  of  the  Tuileries,  the  convention  invested  the  Hotel 
triumvirs,  j^  YiHe.  The  triumvirs  and  their  confede- 
rates were  at  bay,  and  there  was  no  escape.  Robes- 
pierre endeavoured  to  elude  his  enemies  by  blowing 
out  his  brains :  but  was  seized,  with  his  jaw  broken. 
Couthon  also  vainly  attempted  suicide  :  St.  Just 
awaited  his  arrest  with  composure.^ 

Eobesj)ierre  was  carried  upon  a  litter,  shattered  and 
bleeding,  to  the  committee  of  general  safety, 
of  Robes-      There  he  was  assailed  with  taunts  and  re- 
proaches, and.  sent  on  to  the  Conciergerie. 
Condemned  by  his  own  revolutionary  tribunal,  with 
upwards  of  twenty  of  his  confederates,  he  was  borne 

'  There  are  different  versions  of  this  arrest,  but  this  is  the  most 
generally  received. 


FALL  OF  ROBESPIERRE.  201 

to  the  scaffold,  amidst  tlie  execrations  and  rejoicings 
of  tlie  multitude.  The  brutal  mob  was  ever  ready  to 
exult  over  the  shedding  of  blood.  It  had  loThermi. 
yelled  at  the  execution  of  royalists  and  Gi-  '^°'''  ^'^^• 
rondists,  of  Danton  and  Hebert ;  and  now  it  revelled 
in  the  death  of  Kobespierre.  The  leader  of  the 
Jacobins  seemed  to  have  no  friends.  He  had  lately 
been  extolled  as  the  incorruptible ;  and  now  he  was 
condemned  and  reviled  as  infamous.  Even  the  Jaco- 
bin clubs  forswore  him.  A  few  months  before,  Danton 
had  said — 'I  carry  Robespierre  with  me:  Robespierre 
follows  me  ;'  and  his  prediction  was  now  fulfilled.  The 
crimes  of  which  he  had  been  guilty  were,  at  length, 
avenged  upon  his  own  head.  The  leaders  of  every  fac- 
tion, which  had  borne  a  part  in  this  bloody  revolution, 
had  now  been  brought  to  the  scaffold,  or  had  died  a 
violent  death — royalists,  constitutional  revolutionists, 
Girondists,  Hebertists,  Danton  and  his  followers,  and 
at  last,  the  arch-revolutionist  and  his  confederates. 

The  fall  of  Robespierre  was  followed  by  the  first 
svmptoms  of  reaction,  in  the  revolutionary  fe- 
ver.     Blood  enough  had  been  shed  to  sicken 
all  but  fanatics  and  savages ;  and  the  majority  of  the 
convention,  differing  in  many  points,  were  agreed  that 
tlie  reign  of  terror  should  be  closed. 

The  revolutionary  tribunal  was  suspended ;  and  its 
hateful  president,  Fouquier  Thinville,  was  „T,,„,ni. 
; tried  and  executed  for  his  crimes.  The  tri-  ''"'■■ 
bunal  was  re-constituted ;  and  the  regular  procedure 
of  a  court  of  justice  restored.  The  suspected,  who 
had  escaped  the  guillotine,  were  treated  with  indul- 
gence, and  gradually  released  from  prison.  The  sec- 
tions of  Paris,  instead  of  meeting  every  day,  were 
restricted  to  a  meeting  once  in  ten  days;  and  the  fee 

0* 


202  FEANCE. 

of  forty  sous  a  day  was  withdrawn  from  the  poorer 
citizens  who  attended. 

So  far  this  was  a  return  to  law  and  order;  and 
A<^entsof  those  who  Were  now  brought  to  judgment, 
terror'pun-^  Were  uot  the  suspected  enemies  of  the  revo- 
ished.  lution,  but  the  most  guilty  agents  of  the  reign 

of  terror,  who  had  cruelly  and  wantonly  shed  the 
blood  of  innocent  men,  women,  and  children. 

The  followers  of  Robespierre,  however,  led  by  Bil- 

laud-Varennes,  Collot  d'Herbois,  and  Carrier, 

ers  of  Ro-     were  not  content  to  submit  to  the  dominant 

espiene.      pj^^^-y  ^^  ^^q  Convention,^  by  whom  they  had 

been  threatened  with  punishment  for  their  past  mis- 
deeds. They  had  lost  their  influence  in  the  convention, 
and  in  the  commune  :  but  they  had  still  the  support  of 
the  Jacobins,  and  were  busy  in  the  faubourgs  of  Paris. 
They  complained  of  their  proscription :  patriots,  they 
said,  were  now  thrown  into  dungeons,  from  which 
aristocrats  had  been  released  :  the  convention  was  de- 
nounced; and  dangerous  appeals  were  addressed  to 
the  populace. 

But  this  was  a  period  of  general  reaction,  and  the 
jennesse  convcntiou  boldly  profited  by  its  support, 
doree.  j|;  -p-^j^   dowu  the   famous   confederation  of 

clubs.^  It  met  the  agitators  upon  their  own  ground, 
in  the  faubourgs,  and  appealed  to  the  sections  for  sup- 
port against  the  disturbers  of  order.  The  most  no- 
ticeable sign  of  reaction,  however,  was  found  in  the 
jeunesse  doree,  a  body  of  young  men  who  marched 
through  the  streets,  as  defenders  of  order.^    Armed 

'  Since  tlie  fall  of  Robespierre,  tliis  party  had  been  called  tlie 
Thermidorien  party.  ^  Supra,  p.  15D. 

^  They  wore  grey  coats  with  black  collars,  and  crape  on  the  arm, 
in  memory  of  the  reign  of  terror  ;  and  wore  long  hair  plaited  at  the 
temples. 


EEACTION.  203 

witli  loaded  canes,  they  boldly  charged  the  revolu- 
tionary mobs,  and  took  the  Jacobin  club  by  storm. 
This  formidable  club  was  now  closed,  by  order  of  the 
convention,  and  the  revolutionists  were  de23rived  of 
their  chief  rallying  point. 

The  conservative  character  of  the  convention  was 
also  strengthened,  by  recalling  sixty-seven  continued 
members  who  had  been  excluded  for  their  reaction. 
moderation ;  and  twenty-two  members  of  the  con- 
ventional and  Girondist  parties  who  had  been  pro- 
scribed.^ The  decree  for  the  exile  of  the  nobles  and 
priests  was  repealed ;  and  public  worship  was  re- 
stored.^ 

Nor  was  the  reaction  confined  to  remedial  laws. 
To  satisfy  justice,  and  to  guard  against  a  re-  p^oceed- 
vival  of  the  revolution,  Billaud-Varennes,  aJfj^jpt  t,,e 
CoUot  d'Herbois,  and  other  prominent  ter-  terroiists. 
rorists,  were  brought  to  trial,  and  numbers  of  public 
functionaries  of  that  party  were  removed.  Again  the 
faubourgs  were  aroused.  Great  numbers  had  been 
implicated  in  the  events  of  the  last  two  years  ;  and 
who  could  say  how  far  the  proscription  of  the  patriots 
would  be  pressed  ?  The  agitation  was  increased  by 
wide-spread  suffering  among  the  people.  There  was 
great  scarcity  of  provisions  :  prices  had  risen,  and  the 
forty  sous  a  day  had  been  withdrawn  fi'om  the  poor. 
Trade  had  been  ruined  by  the  disorders  of  the  time. 
There  was  little  demand  for  manual  labour :  the  rich 
had  been  driven  into  exile,  guillotined,  or  imprisoned : 
employers,  in  terror  of  their  lives,  subject  to  requisi- 
tions, without  security  for  their  capital,  and  embar- 

'  They  had  been  absent  for  eighteen  months. 

''  A  few  months  afterwards,  in  consequence  of  the  activity  of  tho 
royalist  priests,  tliislatt<'r  cnncession  was  withdrawn. 


204  FRANCE. 

rassed  by  "worthless  assignats  and  the  extravagant  law 
of  the  maximum,  were  paralysed  in  their  enterprises. 
Here  were  accumulated  the  most  dangerous  elements 
of  revolution;  and  they  soon  threatened  the  over- 
throw of  the  reactionary  government. 

First,  a  rising  was  attempted  to  save  the  terrorist 
insnrrcc-  chiefs  from  trial.  A  mob  of  petitioners 
tions.  marched    upon    the    convention,   but    were 

routed  by  the  jeunesse  doree.  While  the  trial  was 
proceeding  before  the  convention,  armed  insurgents 
forced  the  guard,  and  made  their  way  into  the  very 
chamber  of  the  convention.  A  second  time  the  con- 
vention was  rescued  by  friendly  citizens  :  the  tocsin^ 
was  sounded,  and  the  neighbouring  sections  flew  to 
arms  and  repelled  the  insurgents. 

A  third  insurrection,  more  deeply  planned,  was  well 
Invasion  ^^S^  successful.  The  deliberations  of  the 
convention,    couveutiou  Were  interrupted  by  the  intrusion 

1  Prairiai,  of  an  armed  mob,  clamouring  for  bread  and 
iiy5. 

the  constitution  of  1793.  The  chamber  be- 
came the  scene  of  a  fearful  fray.  Deputies  drew  their 
swords :  the  guards  rushed  in  to  their  rescue  :  shots 
were  fired  by  the  insurgents  :  one  deputy  was  killed, 
and  another  wounded :  most  of  the  dej^uties  fled ;  and 
the  mob  gained  possession  of  the  chamber.  Boissy- 
d'Aiiglas,  the  temporary  president  of  the  convention, 
behaved  with  noble  firmness.  "With  pikes  at  his 
breast,  the  mob  insisted  upon  his  putting  to  the  vote 
the  demands  of  the  insurgents :  but  he  refused,  and 
rebuked  them  for  their  violence.  But  the  other  depu- 
ties, who  had  kept  their  places,  being  in  league  with 

'  This  formidable  signal  had  been  taken  from  the  commune,  and 
was  now  the  safeoruard  of  the  convention. 


BOYALIST  REACTION.  205 

the  insurgents,  at  once  proceeded  to  decree  their  de- 
mands, which  released  the  'patriots,'  restored  the 
constitution  of  1793,  and  placed  the  government  in 
their  hands. 

Meanwhile,   the    commissaries  of  the   convention, 
who  had  been  despatched  to  the  sections  for 
aid,  returned  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  armed  the  con- 
citizens,  drove  out  the  insurgents  at  the  point 
of  the   bayonet,  and  recalled  the  deputies,  who  had 
fled  for  safety,  to  their  places.     The  decrees  of  the 
false  deputies  and  the  usurping  mob  were  forthwith 
annulled  ;  and  twenty-eight  of  the  conspiring  deputies 
were  arrested  and  sent  out  of  Paris.     The  sections 
were  now   disarmed  :  they  had  already  lost 

.         .  The 

their  leaders   and   their   organisation;    and  sections 
henceforth  the  populace  of  Paris  ceased  to 
rule  the  destinies  of  France.     The  government  was 
restored  to  the  moderate  party  in  the  convention — the 
representatives  of  the  middle  classes. 

The  extreme  party  of  the  revolution  had  fallen : 
but  not  until  by  its  extraordinary  vigour,  it 

.  .  n  1  France  vic- 

had  made  France  victorious  over  all  her  en-  toiious  m 

.  the  wars. 

emies.  Her  troops  had  occuj)ied  the  Neth- 
erlands, and  held  possession  of  the  Ehine.  Prussia 
and  Spain  had  made  peace.  The  country  was  safe 
from  invasion  ;  and  its  very  safety  contributed  to  the 
fall  of  the  extreme  party,  whose  violent  and  arbitrary 
measures  could  no  longer  be  necessary  for  its  de- 
fence. 

But  the  reaction  did  not  rest  here.     The  royalists 
rejoiced  at  the  fall  of  the  terrorists :  but  they  Royaiist , 
spared  the  revolution  :   they  respected  the 
republican  convention  no  more  than  the  committee 
of  public   safety.     Their    single    aim  was    the   res- 


206  FRANCE. 

toration  of  the  monarcliy.^  They  differed  widely,  in- 
deed, among  themselves :  the  priests  and  nobles  would 
have  restored  the  ancien  regime,  with  all  its  privileges : 
the  middle  classes  and  hourgeoisk  desired  a  consti- 
tutional monarchy,  with  free  institutions.  The  old 
jealousies  of  orders  and  classes  were  not  forgotten, 
but  they  all  agreed  in  enmity  to  the  republic.  The 
convention  stood  between  the  royalists  on  one  side, 
and  the  violent  revolutionists,  whom  it  had  lately  re- 
pressed, on  the  other.  The  jeimesse  doree,  lately  the 
champions  of  order,  and  defenders  of  the  convention, 
now  sided  with  the  royalists,  and  threatened  the  re- 
public. 

France  was  just  escaping  from  the  revolutionary 
Eoyaiist  reigu  of  terror;  and  now  the  royalists,  in 
excesses.  |]^q  proviuces.  Were  wreaking  vengeance  upon 
their  late  oppressors.  At  Lyons,  at  Marseilles,  and 
other  towns,  they  nearly  rivalled  the  commissaries 
of  the  committee  of  public  safety.  Eevolutionists 
were  slaughtered  in  their  prisons,  pursued  and  cut 
down  in  the  streets,  or  cast  headlong  into  the  river. 
The  revolution  was  still  demanding  its  victims  ;  and 
it  was  the  turn  of  its  authors  and  agents  to  suffer. 

Meanwhile,  'the  convention,  opposed  to  both  ex- 
New  cousti-  tremes,  and  intent  upon  restoring  peace  and 
tution.  order  to-  France,  was  maturing  a  new  con- 
stitution. The  executive  power  was  invested  in  a 
Directory  of  five  members :  the  legislative  in  two 
councils  or  chambers, — the  council  of  five  hundred, 
and  the  council  of '  ancients,'  consisting  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty.    One-third  of  each  of  these  bodies  was  to  be 

'  The  Dauphin,  only  son  of  Louis  XVI.,  died  in  prison  on  June  8, 
1795  ;  and  his  succession  to  the  throne  had  fallen  upon  Louis  XVIII., 
then  in  command  of  the  emigrant  army. 


ROYALIST  mSUEEECTION.  207 

renewed  every  year,  but,  in  order  to  frustrate  tlie  de- 
signs of  tlie  royalists,  it  was  provided  that,  at  tlie  first 
election,  two-tliirds  of  the  council  of  five  hundred 
should  be  chosen  from  members  of  the  convention. 
The  Directory  was  to  be  nominated  by  the  council  of 
five  hundred,  and  appointed  by  the  council  of  an- 
cients. 

The  royalists  revolted  against  the  new  constitution, 
and  especially  the  re-election  of  members  of 
the   convention,  whom  they  had   hoped   to  iLunec- 
supplant ;  and  raised  a  formidable  insurrec- 
tion in  Paris.     The  convention  entrusted  its  defence 
to  Barras,  and  to  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  who  had  al- 
ready shown  his  generalshij^  at  the  taking  of  Toulon. 
The  appointment  of  this  extraordinary  man  changed 
the  course  of  the  revolution,  and  of  the  history  of 
Europe.^ 

The  convention  was   about  to  be   assailed  by  an 
armed  insurrectionary  force  of  forty  tlfbu-  Defence  of 
sand  men,  and  was  defended  by  five  thou-  tlonby"^*^"^" 
sand.     Bonaparte,  with  the  cool  judgment  of  Bonapane. 
a  consummate  soldier,  drew  up  his  troojis  and  ^i.^T'^'^ 
artillery  so  as  to  place  the  convention  be-  i^"^^^- 
yond  the  reach  of  assault.     He  dealt  with  the  insur- 
gents as  with  an  enemy  on  the  field  of  battle,  and 
routed  them — not  by  street  fighting,  but  by  military 
skill  and  strategy.     His  terrible  artillery,  loaded  with 
grapcshot,  swept  them  from  the  quays  and  streets, 
and  the  insurrection  was  at  an  end.    That  day  proved 
the  mastery  of  an  army  over  a  mob,  and  foresha- 
dowed the  time  when  the  sword  should  overcome  the 
revolution. 

'  M.  Laiifroy  lias  thrown  much  new  light  upon  his  character : 
Ili'it.  de  Niip(jlLon  I" . 


208  FEANCE. 

Wlieu  the  insurrection  had  been  repressed,  the  new 

constitution  was  completed.     The  two  coun- 

counciis       cils,  wheu  constituted,  appointed  the  Direc- 

elected.  '     x  j. 

tory,^  and  the  new  government  was  complete. 
The  convention,  which  had  passed  through  so  many 
vicissitudes,^  was  no  more ;  but  among  its  last  acts  it 
had  decreed  an  amnesty,  and  had  changed  the  Place 
of  the  Revolution  into  the  Place  of  Concord. 
A  more  settled  form  of  government  had  now  been 

established :  each  of  the  extreme  parties 
under  the      had,  in  tum,  been  overcome :  the  moderate 

republicans  were  m  jDower ;  and  the  people, 
exhausted  by  their  struggles  and  sufferings,  were  sigh- 
ing for  repose.  Passionate  faith  in  the  revolution 
had  been  rudely  shaken :  illusions  had  vanished :  but 
a  republic  had  been  secured.  The  Directory  were 
confronted  by  bankru23t  finances,  by  disorganised 
armies,  and  by  famine  :  but  they  met  these  evils  with 
energy  and  '  judgment.  Their  moderation  inspired 
general  confidence.  They  put  down  the  lingering  in- 
surrection in  La  Vendee  :  they  discovered  and  pun- 
ished the  conspiracy  of  the  communists  under  Ba- 
bceuf,^  and  the  plots  of  the  royalists  in  the  army.  The 
first  signs  of  political  calm  were  followed  by  a  marked 
social  revival.  Society  began  to  resume  its  wonted 
habits  and  luxuries :  commerce  improved ;  and  the 
working  classes,  whose  labour  had  been  set  free  from 
all  restraints,  by  the  abolition  of  corporations  and 
privileges,  were  prosperous.     At  length,  the  wounds 

^  La  Reveillere-Lepeaus,  Ec.vbell.Letourneur,  Barras,  andCarnot, 
"  The  convention  had  lasted  from  Sept,  21,  1793,  to  Oct.  20,  1795. 
^  This  seems  ahiiost,  if  not  quite,  the  first  outbreak  of  commu- 
nism.    The  conspirators  proclaimed  the  '  common  good '  and  '  a  di- 
vision of  property.' 


THE   DIRECTORY.  209 

of  tlie  revolution  appeared  to  be  liealing.  Paris  gave 
itseK  up  once  more  to  pleasure  and  gaiety.  Released 
from  terror,  the  Parisians  wantoned  again  in  the  de- 
lights of  their  bright  capital. 

Prosperity  and  confidence  were  reviving  in  France  : 
but  the  war  had  been  lano;uishing,  and  the 
treachery  of  Pichegru  had  exposed  the  re- 
public  to   serious   danger.      Prompt  measures  were 
taken  for  restoring  the  military  power  of  the  country. 
Bonaparte,  Jourdan,  and  Moreau  were  entrusted  with 
the  command  of  three  great  armies ;  and  to  Bona- 
parte was  given  the  army  of  Italy.     By  the  marvel- 
lous victories  of  this  great  general,  Austria  was  forced 
to  submit  to  a  disastrous  peace  :  republican  institu- 
tions were  further  extended  beyond  the  bounds  of 
France ;  and  the  victorious  general  became  master  of 
the  republic.     He  created  the  Cisalpine  re- 
public of  Milan  and  the  Poman  States,^  and 
the  republics  of  Venice  and  Genoa.^     The  arms  of  the 
French  republic  had  overthrown  the  monarchies  of 
Europe  ;  and  the  foundation  of  republics  everywhere 
followed  her  victories.    Emperors  and  kings  had  com- 
bined against  democracy;  and  democracy  had  been 
spreading,  like  a  flood,  over  their  fairest  domains. 

Hitherto  the  Directory  had  been  well  supported  by 
the  councils  :  but   in  the  elections  in  May,  „     ,. , 
1797,  the   rovalists   obtained  a  majority  in  '"  i''«., 

'  •  .  .  councils. 

both  assemblies.     The  traitor  Pichegru  was 

elected  president  of  the  council  of  five  hundred ;  the 

royalist  Barthelemy  was  nominated  to  the  Directory. 

'  The  Roma^a,  Bologna,  and  Ferrara,  were  ceded  by  the  Pope, 
and  united  to  the  Cisalpine  republic  of  the  Milanais. 

'^  By  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio,  Venice  was  afterwards  given  u[) 
to  Austria. 


210  FRANCE. 

The  reaction,  whicli  had  already  been  strong  in  the 
provinces  and  in  the  streets  of  Paris,  was  now  for  a 
time  master  of  the  legishiture,  and  had  gained  a  foot- 
ing in  the  executive.  It  was  supported  and  encour- 
aged by  crowds  of  emigrant  nobles  and  priests,  who 
had  returned  from  their  exile.  The  republic  and  the 
government  were  too  strong  to  be  suddenly  over- 
thrown by  the  royalists  in  the  legislature.  But  what 
if  another  election  should  fill  it  with  royalists  ?  Their 
leaders  counted  upon  this  result,  and  were  plotting 
to  overthrow  the  Directory. 

The  new  constitution   threatened  the  ruin  of  the 
republic;   and  the  Directory  determined  to 

Measures  ■••  •  p      i 

<.f  the  appeal  suddenly  from  the   royalists  of  the 

JJirectory.  ■'•■'■_  •'  .  *' 

legislature,  and  the  provinces,  to  the  repub- 
lican armies  of  France.  Threatening  addresses  were 
presented  to  the  councils.  '  Tremble,  ye  royalists,'  said 
the  army  of  Italy ;  '  from  the  Adige  to  the  Seine  is 
but  a  step.'  Menaces  were  promptly  followed  by 
deeds.  Troops  were  brought  from  the  army  of 
the  Sambre-et-Meuse,  and  quartered  at  Versailles, 
18  Fiucti-  Meudon,  and  Vincennes.  On  the  night  of 
sAligust,'    August  2,  the  troops   entered  Paris  under 

Augereau,  and  early  in  the  morning  oc- 
cupied the  Tuileries,  and  arrested  Pichegru  and 
the  leading  members  of  the  royalist  party.  The 
councils  were  dispersed,  and  ordered  to  meet  at 
the  Odeon  and  the  School  of  Medicine.  The  direc- 
tors Carnot  and  Barthelemy  were  also  placed  under 
arrest. 

Whatever  the  constitution  of  France,  she  was 
France  clearly  to  be  governed  by  the  sword.  Bona- 
tiie  "^  ^ovA      P^^t®  ^^^^  saved  the  republican  convention 

by  his  artillery;  Augereau  had  overthrown 


BONAPAETE  A3ST)   THE  .VEMY.  211 

the  royalist  councils  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 
To  this  had  the  republic  come.  The  monarchy  had 
been  struck  down :  the  king  and  queen  had  died 
upon  the  scaifold  :  thousands  of  royalists  had  sufi'ered 
death,  exile,  or  the  dungeon  :  liberty,  equalit}-,  and 
fi'aternity  had  been  proclaimed  among  men  :  a  subtle 
constitution  had  been  framed  to  ward  off  usurjoers ; 
and  now  a  military  coup  (Tctaf,  after  the  example  of 
Cromwell,  was  necessary  to  save  the  republic  from  a 
ro3^alist  reaction ! 

This  bold  coiqj  cVetat  was  followed  by  a  general  pro- 
scription  of    the   royalist  party.     Hitherto  „ 

IIP  1  "•  -111  Proscnp- 

each  defeated  party  m  succession  had  been  'ion  ofthe 

.,,       .  ,  ,  royalists. 

sent  to  the  guillotine :  but  now  the  pro- 
scribed royalists  were  transported  to  Cayenne  or  the 
island  of  Re — a  hopeful  change  in  the  bloody  annals 
of  the  revolution.  But  the  proscription  was  not  less 
thorough.  Hostile  journalists,  and  active  partisans 
in  the  elections,  were  banished :  the  law  permit- 
ting the  return  of  priests  and  emigrants  was  re- 
pealed :  the  elections  of  many  departments  were 
annulled,  to  make  room  for  republican  candidates. 
Throughout  France  the  royalists  were  again  beaten 
do^^^l  by  force,  and  by  violations  of  the  new  constitu- 
tion. 

Meanwhile,  the  army  had  saved  the   republic   at 
home :  it  had  scattered  the  enemies  of  France 
abroad.     The  armed  coalition  was  at  an  end :  ni)iibiican 

arnii'. 

and  England  was  the  only  power  still  at  war 
with  the  republic.  Bonaparte  was  received  in  Paris 
with  all  the  honours  of  a  Roman  triumph  ;  and  the 
coming  Caesar  was  welcomed  with  enthusiasm.  But 
what  should  now  be  done  with  the  army,  and  with  its 
too  poAvcrful  general  ?     The  Directory  had  won  its 


"AYA  FFvANCE. 

present  power  by  tlie  sword,  and  was  not  yet  pre- 
pared to  submit  to  its  rule.  The  troops  could  nei- 
ther be  kept  at  home,  nor  disbanded  with  safety  ; 
and,  above  all,  Bonaparte  must  be  dispatched  to  a 
Expeditioa  distant  enterprise.  With  these  views,  an  ex- 
to  Egypt.  peclition  to  Egypt  was  projected,  to  wound 
England  through  her  Indian  possessions.  Bonaparte 
readily  accepted  the  command,  which  promised  fresh 
victories  and  glory.  Its  distance,  its  difficulties,  and 
even  the  vagueness  of  its  objects,  appealed  to  the 
imagination  :  it  was  another  chapter  from  the  life  of 
19  May,  CtBsar.  Sailing  from  Toulon  with  a  fleet  of 
^'^'■'^'  four  hundred  sail,  bearing  part  of  the  army 

of  Italy,  he  took  possession  of  Malta,  and  passed  on 
to  the  fabled  land  of  Egypt. 

There  were  other  enterprises  nearer  home,  for  the 
To  switzer-  rcstless  valour  of  the  army.  The  republican 
'^"'^'  constitution  of  Switzerland  was  no  protec- 

tion against  French  democracy  ;  and  the  Directory 
soon  found  occasion  to  establish  the  Helvetic  Repub- 
lic, upon  French  revolutionary  principles,  by  force  of 
arms.^ 

Rome  was  also  changed  by  French  arms  into  a  re- 
Propa-  public.  Naples  was  soon  afterwards  added 
fherevoiu-  to  the  number  of  revolutionised  States,  as 
the  Parthenopean  Republic.  The  victories 
of  French  arms  became  everywhere  the  triumphs  of 
democracy.  Revolutionary  France  was  making  con- 
verts, as  Mohammed  had  made  them,  at  the  point  of 
the  sword :  but  the  flashing  sword  of  France,  however 
terrible,  was  not  destined  to  continue  much  longer 
the  harbinger  of  democracy. 

1  See  su2Jra,  vol.  i.,  394-403. 


TROUBLES  OF  THE  DIEECTOKY.  213 

The  Directory,  which  had  lately  been  seeking  out- 
lets for  its  troops,  was  suddculy  surprised  Renewal 
by  events  which  demanded  all  the  military  coaiifion 
resources  of  France.     Negotiations  with  the  France. 
emperor   at   Hastadt  were  broken   off;   the  ^"^'^• 
French  plenipotentiaries,  on  their  return  home,  were 
murdered  :   the  coalition  was  renewed  :   and  France 
was  again  at  war  with  Europe.     Under  like  circum- 
stances,   the    revolutionary    government    had    relied 
upon  a  levy  en  masse :  but  the  Directory  introduced 
the  more  regular  system  of  a  conscription,  which  at 
once  placed  at   its  disposal  two  hundred  thousand 
men,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  the  miKtary  ascen- 
dency of  France. 

The  first  issues  of  the  war,  however,  were  disas- 
trous to  the  French.     They  were  defeated 

.  .  .       "  ,        Trnnliles 

m  Italy,  on  the  Ehine,  in  Holland,  and  in  "'.t'i« 

■^  .  .  Directory. 

Switzerland ;  and  the  invasion  of  France  was 
threatened  on  every  side.  Military  failures  are  gen- 
erally fatal  to  an  executive  government ;  and  they  were 
not  the  only  troubles  by  which  the  Directory  was  be- 
set. In  the  elections  of  May,  1798,  the  prostration  of 
the  royalists  had  led  to  the  triumph  of  many  of  the 
extreme  revolutionary  or  '  anarchist '  party,  whose 
elections  were  annulled  by  tlie  Directory.  Again,  at 
the  elections  of  May,  1799,  conducted  in  the  midst  of 
military  disasters,  the  extreme  republicans,  and  other 
candidates  hostile  to  the  Directory,  prevailed  over 
the  friends  of  the  government.  Hitherto  the  Direc- 
tory, when  at  variance  with  the  legislature,  had  over- 
come it  by  force  of  arms  and  liigh-handed  isjune, 
violations  of  the  constitution  :  but  weakened  ^'''^''^' 
and  divided,  it  was  now  forced  to  yield  to  the  angry 
majority  in  the  councils,  and  resigned. 


214  FEANCE. 

In  the  new  Directory,  the  moderate  and  extreme 
The  new       republicans   were    both    represented  ;  ^   and 

irectoiy.  garras,  having  belonged  to  each  of  the  revo- 
lutionary parties  in  turn,  now  began  to  intrigue  with 
the  royalists.^  In  the  midst  of  distracted  councils, 
the  parties  into  which  France  had  been  divided,  dur- 
ing the  revolution,  were  seeking  for  mastery.  The 
hopes  of  the  royalists  had  been  revived  by  the  threat- 
ening advances  of  the  coalition,  which,  however,  were 
soon  checked  by  French  victories.  The  revolutionists 
and  the  moderate  republicans  were  watching  each 
other,  in  the  Directory  and  in  the  councils,  and  were 
plotting  the  overthrow  of  their  rivals.  Barras  was  in 
correspondence  with  the  Bourbons ;  Sieyes,  whose 
ideal  had  long  been  a  moderate  republic,  was  prepar- 
ing to  defend  the  constitution  against  the  revolution- 
ists, by  another  military  coup  d'etat. 

In  this  critical  condition  of  parties,  Bonaparte  re- 
Bonapartc  tumed  from  Egypt.  His  exploits  had  been 
from"''        brilliant,  but  unfruitful :  he  saw  no  field,  in 

'^^'^'  that  distant  realm,  for  further  glory ;  and 
political  affairs  at  home  demanded  his  immediate 
presence  in  the  capital.  He  was  the  foremost  citizen  of 
France,  her  greatest  general,  the  idol  of  the  army,  an 
adroit  and  resolute  negotiator,  the  creator  of  foreign 
republics ;  and  his  career  had  kept  him  aloof  from 
domestic  factions.  His  ambition  was  as  vast  as  his 
genius ;  and  he  was  without  scruples.     Force  was  his 

'  The  new  directory  were  Barras,  Sieyes,  Moulins,  Roger-Ducos, 
and  Goliier, 

" '  Ayant  tralii,  tour  a  toiir,  tous  les  partis,  renifi  toutes  les  opinions, 
il  ne  representait  plusqu'une  clio^e,  riramoralite  :  niais  telle  ctait  la 
corruption  publique  et  privt^e,  que  c'utait  encore  la  une  force.' — 
Lanfrey,  Hist,  de  Nap.  I",  i.  424. 


BONAPARTE  AND  THE  ARMY.  215 

ideal  of  government.  Before  Lis  expedition  to  Egypt, 
he  had  conceived  projects  of  usurpation,  which  would 
have  been  carried  into  effect  if  the  Directory  had 
failed  in  its  coup  cVctat  against  the  councils  (3rd  Aug. 
1797),  and  had  the  time  seemed  ripe  for  action. 

In  his  journey  through  France,  and  in  Paris,  he 
was  received  with  ovations.     He  was  courted 
by  all  parties,  but  committed  himself  to  none,   tions  wTm 
Sieyes,  who  was  seeking  a  general  to  over-    '^^*^*' 
throw  the  Jacobins,  penetrated  the  dangerous  ambi- 
tion of  Bonaparte,  and  hesitated  to  confide  to  him  his 
scheme.     But  they  were  brought  together  by  mutual 
friends :  the  suspicions  of  Sieyes  were  allayed ;  and 
Bonaparte  found  in  the  practised  politician  an  ojjpor- 
tune  ally. 

On  November  9  their  arrangements  were  completed. 
The  council  of  ancients,  alarmed  by  tales  of 

•  •  -11  lo-i         Coup 

Jacobin  conspiracies  and  the  renewal  of  the  d'^s^t- 
reign  of  terror,  were  easily  persuaded,  by  ac-  nmh™' 
complices  of  the  crafty  Sieyes,  to  decree  the   ^'''^' 
removal  of  the  legislature  to  St.  Cloud.     Bonaparte 
was  appointed  general  of  the  seventeenth  division, 
and  entrusted  with  the  execution  of  their  decree.     All 
had  been  prepared:    Bonaparte  was  ready  with  his 
troops  and  with  proclamations  to  the  people.     The 
Directory,  taken    by  surprise    and  deprived  of  their 
guard,  oifered  no  resistance.     But  there  were 
grave  dangers  yet  to  be  surmounted.     The  and  iiia 
republicans  of  Paris  were  provoked  to  frenzy 
by  the  daring  plot.     Bonaparte  was  execrated  as  a 
Ca3sar  and  a  Cromwell,  and  however  anxious  for  a 
time  to  wear  a  mask,  his  proclamations  had  betrayed 
his  ambition  and  egotism.    He  reproved  the  Directory 
with  the  airs  of  a  potentate.     *  What  have  you  done,' 


216  FBANCE. 

lie  said,  '  with  this  France  which  I  left  you  so  glori- 
ous ?  I  left  you  peace  :  I  find  war.  I  left  you  victo- 
ries :  I  find  reverses.  I  left  you  the  millions  of  Italy : 
I  find  everywhere  spoliation  and  misery.  What  have 
you  done  with  a  hundred  thousand  Frenchmen  whom 
I  knew — all  my  comrades  in  glory  ?  They  are  dead.' 
In  vain  he  assured  the  people  that  any  attempt  upon 
the  liberties  of  France  would  be  a  sacrilege.  The 
dictator  stood  revealed,  and  the  men  who  had  made 
so  many  sacrifices  for  fi-eedom  gnashed  their  teeth 
with  rage.  Would  Paris  rise,  in  its  might,  against  the 
ambitious  soldier  ?  Would  his  troops  be  true  to  him, 
or  to  the  republic  ?  The  submission  of  the  Directory : 
the  adhesion  of  the  council  of  ancients :  a  vague  dread 
of  the  Jacobins  :  confidence  in  the  constitutional  party, 
and  the  prompt  measures  of  the  conspirators,  com- 
bined to  avert  a  rising  of  the  populace  of  Paris.  But 
there  was  still  the  council  of  five  hundred  to  over- 
come, and  it  proved  the  greatest  peril  of  the  enterprise. 
On  the  following  day,  the  councils  met  at  the  palace 
The  council  of  St.  Cloud,  whicli  was  surrounded  by  troops. 
of  ancients,  gjgy^g^  cunuing  in  the  tactics  of  revolution, 
had  counselled  the  previous  arrest  of  his  most  dan- 
gerous opponents.  Bonaparte  despised  their  impo- 
tence, and  trusted  to  the  bayonets  of  his  soldiers. 
First  presenting  himself  at  the  bar  of  the  council  of 
ancients,  he  complained  of  the  calumnies  against  him- 
self, and  professed  his  devotion  to  liberty  and  equal- 
ity. He  was  desired  to  swear  obedience  to  the  con- 
stitution :  but  having  recounted,  with  great  presence 
of  mind,  how  often  the  constitution  had  already  been 
violated,  he  said  that  new  guarantees  were  required. 
The  ancients  were  satisfied,  and  applauded.  As  they 
had  already  made  themselves  parties  to  the  coujd  cVeiat, 


THE  COUP  d'etat.  217 

their  compliance  was  to  be  counted  upon.      But  it 
was  otherwise  with  the  five  hundred. 

Flushed  with  his  recent  success,  Bonaparte  pro- 
ceeded to  the  hall  of  the  five  hundred,  at- 

'  The  Conn- 

tended  by  some  soldiers,  whom  he  left  mside   c''  of  Five 

111-11  1  1  Ilundiid. 

the  door,  while  he  advanced  alone  and  un- 
covered to  the  bar.  But  the  deputies,  on  seeing  the 
soldiers,  shouted  '  Down  with  the  dictator  ! '  and  one 
of  them,  taking  him  by  the  arm,  rebuked  him  so 
sternly  that  he  withdrew,  escorted  by  his  soldiers.^ 
In  the  council  there  was  tumult :  cries  were  raised  to 
place  the  tp-ant  beyond  the  law,  and  his  brother 
Liicien,  the  president,  left  the  chair.  Sieyes  and 
Bonaparte,  informed  of  the  tumult,  sent  troops  into 
the  council,  who  returned  with  Lucien  Bonaparte. 
The  latter  assured  the  troops  that  daggers  had  been 
raised  against  their  general  in  the  council :  that  the 
majority  of  the  deputies  were  held  in  terror  by  their 
colleagues.  Bonaparte  gave  orders  to  clear  the  coun- 
cil, and  a  body  of  grenadiers  marched  into  the  hall 
and  turned  out  the  indignant  deputies  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet.  The  plot  was  ill  designed  and  clum- 
sily executed,  but  it  was  successful.  Like  Cromwell, 
Bonaparte  was  too  strong  to  be  resisted :  but  to  assem- 
ble the  councils  merely  to  disperse  them,  by  a  coarse 
display  of  military  force,  was  a  wanton  and  perilous 
outrage,  which,  for  a  time,  was  on  the  point  of  failure.'^ 
f 

'  '  Venu  pour  intimidcr,  le  gi'ncral  pillit,  il  toinbo  en  dt'faillanco 
dans  loH  bras  de  ses  grenadiers,  qui  I'eutrainent  Lors  de  la  salle.' — 
Lanfroy,  JTUt.  de  Nap.  I",  i.  473. 

^  Louis  Napoleon,  half  a  century  later,  perpetrated  his  daring 
and  unscrupulous  coup  d'Hat  with  far  more  judgment,  lie  arrested 
the  leaders  of  the  Assembly  in  the  night  ;  and  did  not  allow  the 
meeting  of  the  body,  which  he  had  resolved  to  overthrow.  Soo 
infra,  chap,  xvii, 

VOL.  II.— 10 


218  FRANCE. 

From  this  time  forth,  it  was  idle  to  speak  of  any 
government  hut  that  of  the  sword.  Through- 
forii&rty  out  the  revolution,  indeed,  there  had  never 
tiierevoiu-  been  any  semblance  of  liberty.  How  had 
each  party,  in  succession,  gained  the  ascen- 
dent? By  tumults,  by  violence,  by  mobs,  by  terror, 
by  the  guillotine,  by  armed  insurrections,  and  by  mili- 
tary force.  The  Directory  had  violated  the  constitu- 
tion again  and  again,  against  royalists  and  Jacobins. 
No  party  had  scrupled  to  use  force,  to  acquire  or  to 
retain  power.  Bonaparte  was  preparing  to  trample 
upon  all  parties  alike.  He  acknowledged  no  party: 
he  recognised  no  principles :  but,  filled  with  a  selfish 
ambition,  he  was  resolved  to  rule  by  the  sword.  Sieyes 
and  his  party,  and  probably  the  republican  soldiers 
who  had  obeyed  the  orders  of  their  general,  believed 
that  he  was  merely  repressing  anarchy:  but  he  had 
made  himself  master  of  the  republic. 

The  republican  leaders  knew  that  the  republic  was 
no  more :  but  the  people,  after  years  of  revo- 
Ffretc'ou'^-  lution  and  popular  misrule,  were  slow  to 
realise  the  danger  of  a  military  despot.  The 
royalists  flattered  themselves  that  the  Bourbons  would 
be  restored :  while  the  moderation  of  the  new  rulers 
went  far  to  allay  suspicions  of  the  dictator.  A  pro- 
visional government  was  announced,  consisting  of  three 
consuls, — Bonaparte,  Sieyes,  and  Eoger-Ducos;  and 
of  two  commissions  for  the  preparation  of  another 
constitution. 

Sieyes  was  once  more  in  his  element,  framing  an  in- 
genious and  impracticable  constitution.  Af- 
tionyf  ter  all  his  experience  of  the  revolution,  he 
^'^^^^'  was  still  contriving  to  shackle  ambition,  and 
enchain   factions,   with   constitutional   cobwebs.     He 


BONiiPAETE  FIEST  CONSUL.  219 

oflfered  tlie  ambitions  soldier,  who  had  the  republic 
at  his  feet,  the  high-sounding  office  of  pi^oclamatcur- 
electeur,  with  great  dignity,  and  revenues,  but  with 
power  little  more  than  nominal.  Bonaparte  contemp- 
tuously asked  how  any  man  of  talent  could  be  ex- 
pected to  play  the  part  of  a  hog  fattening  upon  some 
millions;^  and  the  scheme  was  at  once  put  aside. 
The  constitution  of  Sieyes,  amended  by  Bonaparte, 
laid  the  foundations  of  an  imperial  throne.  The  ex- 
ecutive power  was  entrusted  to  the  first  consul,  with 
whom  two  consuls  were  associated  for  consultation. 
The  senate,  nominated  by  the  consuls,  the  legislature 
elected  by  the  senate,  the  tribunate  and  the  conseU 
d'etat,  were  the  institutions  of  an  autocracy.  The 
first  consul  was  everything :  the  people  were  ignored. 
This  narrow  constitution  was,  nevertheless,  approved 
by  more  than  three  million  citizens.^ 

The  reaction  against  revolution,  and  in  favour  of 
order,  and  a  settled  government,  was  general,  q^^^^^^^ 
A  series  of  revolutions  without  liberty:  a  action. 
succession  of  rulers,  arbitrary,  violent,  and  oppres- 
sive :  disorders,  anarchy,  mob-rule,  and  the  reign  of 
terror,  had  wearied  the  people  of  revolutionary  ex- 
periments. Among  this  party  of  reaction  were  to  be 
reckoned  the  new  owners  of  the  soil,  who  had  bought 
church  lands  and  confiscated  estates.  These  men 
dreaded,  above  all  things,  any  disturbance  of  their 
rights :  they  were  in  fear  of  the  return  of  the  royalists, 
on  one  side,  and  of  renewed  revolutions,  on  the  other. 

'  'Voulut  se  rcsigner  au  role  d'un  cochon  a  I'engrai.s  do  quelques 
millions.' 

"  The  plebiscite  was  not  now  introduced  for  the  first  time.  The 
constitution  of  179:*  had  been  ap])roved  by  less  than  two  millions; 
and  that  of  the  year  III.  ])y  little  more  than  one  million  votes. 


220  FRANCE. 

Hence  they  welcomed  a  government  founded  upon  tlioi 
principles  of  tlio  revolution,  and  supported  by  the  army. 

Bonaparte  was  now  chief  of  the  State :  but  in  wield- 
Thoruieof  iug  the  sccptre,  he  did  not  lay  aside  the 
MayTnd'^  sword.  He  recouquercd  Italy  at  Marengo, 
June,  1800.  g^jjjj  returned,  after  a  brief  absence,  with  new 
glories,  and  increased  ]3opularity.  In  civil  affairs, 
his  first  efforts  were  directed  to  the  conciliation  of 
parties.  Superior  to  all,  and  connected  with  none, 
he  desired  to  bring  the  best  men,  of  every  party,  into 
the  service  of  the  State.  This  policy,  however,  was 
rudely  interrupted.  His  assassination  was  attempted, 
by  an  infernal  machine,  planned  in  England,  by  royal- 
ists {cJiouans).  Attributing  the  plot  to  the  republicans, 
lie  arbitrarily  transported  one  hundred  and  thirty 
members  of  that  party ;  and  created  special  military 
tribunals  for  the  trial  of  offences.  These  arbitrary 
acts  at  once  alienated  the  republicans,  and  the  consti- 
tutional party,  who  protested  against  violations  of  the 
law.  They  served  also  to  betray  the  despotic  spirit 
of  the  chief  of  the  republic. 

The  peace,  at  length  concluded  with  the  European 
Peace  of  powers,  left  the  first  consul  free  to  apply 
March  25  himself  to  the  internal  condition  of  France. 
1803.  J3y  g^jj  amnesty,   and  by  indulgence  to  the 

emigrant  nobles  and  refractory  priests,  he  endeavoured 
to  restore  society  to  its  accustomed  relations.  He  en- 
couraged industry  and  commerce.  By  his  celebrated 
codes,  he  designed  a  new  body  of  law  for  a  country 
which,  having  cast  off  its  ancient  traditions,  and 
passed  through  a  period  of  convulsion,  specially 
needed  a  new  system  of  jurisprudence.  France  was 
without  liberty,  but  she  prospered  under  the  enlight- 
ened despotism  of  the  first  consul 


bonapaete's  ambition.  221 

T\Tiile  restoring  peace,  order,  respect  for  law,  and 
the  material  welfare  of  liis  country,  he  was 
at   the  same    time   filled    with  schemes   of  pane's 
ambition.     He  was  abeady  maintaining  the 
state  and   ceremonies  of  a  court,  at  the  Tuileries  ; 
and  he  cherished  visions  of  the  imperial  purple.     He 
was  preparing  society,  and  the  institutions  of  France, 
for  its  acceptance.     By  re-establishing  the  Catholic 
Church,^  he  calculated  ujion  the  supjiort  of  the  Poj3e, 
and  of  a  grateful  clergy,  to  his  future  throne.    Sunday, 
and  the  Catholic    fete  days  were  restored,  and  the 
revolutionary  calendar  was  discontinued. 

This  ecclesiastical  revival — utterly  repugnant  to 
the  spirit  of  the  revolution,^ — was  celebrated   ^ 

■*■  Ceremony 

by  a  grand  ceremony  at  Notre-Dame.     The  ?t  Notre- 

''  '^  'J  Dame. 

first  consul  drove  to  the  cathedral  in  the 
state  carriages  of  the  Bourbon  court.  The  senate, 
the  legislative  body,  and  all  the  high  officers  of  state 
attended  high  mass,  and  large  bodies  of  troops  added 
brilliancy  to  the  festival.  A  proclamation  announced 
to  the  people  the  reconciliation  of  France  with  the 
sovereign  pontiff ;  and  the  streets  were  illuminated  in 
honour  of  the  great  event. 

Having  thus  allied  himself  with  the  clergy  and  the 
Catholic   laity,  it   was    time    to   gratify   the 
army.     This  he  attempted  by  the  creation  of  of  n<mour. 
the  Legion  of  Honour,  which  he  designed 
for  the  double  purpose  of  rewarding  military  services, 
and  of  reviving   honorary   titles   in  French  society. 

'  By  a  concordat  with  the  Pope,  ratified  August  15,  1801. 

*  It  was  happily  said  by  General  Delmas  to  Bonaparte  : — '  C'etait 
une  hdle  capucinade  :  il  n'y  manquait  qu'uu  million  d'hommes  qui 
ont  etc  tues  pour  detruire  ce  que  vous  retablissez.' — Mignet,  Iliat.  ii. 
300. 


222  FRANCE. 

This  reactionary  policy  was  received  with  great  re- 
pugnance :  but  it  formed  part  of  his  scheme  for  over- 
throwing the   republic ;   and  his  will   could   not  be 
resisted. 
,     These  measures  were  but  preparatory  to  the  further 

aggrandisement  of  his  own  power  and  dig- 
Bonaparte         o&  •         1    1  o       J       /-r 
first  consul    jxHy,     He  was  appointed,  by  a  benatus-Cou- 

for  life.  J  ■'■•'•  '      ./  Ill 

May  6, 1802.  siiltum,  first  cousul  tor  ten  years ;  and  three 
Angu8t2,  months  later,  first  consul  for  life.  A  new 
^^"'  constitution  followed,  under  which  the  senate 

was  empowered  to  change  constitutions :  to  suspend 
trial  by  jury  :  to  annul  the  judgments  of  tribunals  :  to 
place  departments  beyond  the   constitution;  and  to 
dissolve  the  legislative  body  and  the  tribunate.     The 
first  consul  had  with  him  the  army  and  the  clergy. 
The  new  political  bodies, — the  conscil  d'etat,  the  senate, 
the  tribunate,  and  the  legislature, — were  his  creatures. 
No  more  power  was  possible  to  the  chief  of  a  re- 
public :  but  higher  flights  of  ambition  were 
emperor.       before  him.     The  renewal  of  the  war  with 
June  1803.     England,  in  1803,  raised  fresh  visions  of  glory 
and  conquest ;  and  some  months  later  the  obsequious 
senate  invited  him,  in  the  interests  of  his 
May  18, '       couutry,  to  assume  the  hereditary  dignity  of 
emperor.     This  imperial  crown  he  accepted, 
as  he  affirmed,  'in  order  to  secure  irrevocably  the 
triumph  of  equality  and  public  liberty.'     A  military 
empire  was  established  upon  the  foundations  of  de- 
mocracy.^   A  modern  Csesarism  was  created,  after  the 

'  The  Napoleonic  scheme  of  exercising  absolute  power  in  the  name 
of  the  people  had  already  been  conceived  by  Frederick  the  Great, 
and  forms  part  of  his  code. — De  Tocqueville,  L'ancien  Bigime,  note, 
p.  336. 

'  Desceudez  au  fond  de  ya  pensuc,  vous  verrez  qu'il  avr.it  pour 


NAPOLEON  EMPEROR.  223 

models  of  Rome  and  Byzantium.  The  grateful  clergy 
perceived,  in  the  French  empire,  the  linger  of  God, 
and  the  order  of  providence  !  The  people  submitted, 
without  a  murmur,  to  a  despotism  far  heavier  than 
that  of  the  Bourbons,  as  it  still  proclaimed  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  revolution. 

It  was  fit  that  the  emperor  should  have  his  satel- 
lites ;  and  he  surrounded  himself  with  princes  rpj,^,  j  . 
and  marshals  of  the  empire.  His  court  glit-  ""^  ^°^^^' 
tered  with  chamberlains,  pages,  and  a  prajtorian  guard. 
That  his  rule  would  be  absolute  was  soon  shown.  The 
press  had  already  little  liberty  enough :  but  it  was 
withdraAvn :  the  tribunate  was  docile  :  but  its  sittings 
were  henceforth  secret.  No  voice  was  to  be  heard  in 
the  preparation  of  laws :  but  the  will  of  the  emperor 
would  be  made  known  in  decrees  and  proclamations. 

The  last  act  of  this  reactionary  drama  was  the  coro- 
nation. This  was  celebrated  at  Notre-Dame,  The  coio- 
by  Pope  Pius  VII.  in  person,  with  all  possible  Napoleon. 
pomp  and  splendour.  Napoleon  was  there  Dec.2,i804. 
enthroned,  wearing  the  imperial  purple,  and  crown, 
and  holding  the  coveted  sceptre  in  his  hand :  the 
crown  and  sword  of  Charlemagne  were  borne  before 
him.  The  usurping  consul  was  made  '  God's  anointed' 
by  the  hands  of  the  Pope  :  heralds  proclaimed  him 
'Emperor  of  the  French:'  thanksgivings  were  ad- 
dressed to  heaven,  in  the  solemn  strains  of  the  Te 
iJeum ;  and  cannon  aimounccd  the  joyful  tidings  to 
mankind. 

The  French  had  renounced  their  revolution !     They 

idL'al  I'cmpire  de  Constantin,  et  de  Tlu'odore  ;  et  cette  tradition,  11 
la  tenait  de  ces  ancP.tres,  comine  tous  Ics  Qliibelins  Italiens.' — Edgar 
Quinet,  Ln  IIH.  ii.  308. 

'  i^'c:  pill  Latin  de  Uoiiic  vlciUic  so  ri;tnjiivc  fii  tuut.'—  ibid. 


224  FKANCE. 

had  overthrown  their  ancient  monarchy :  they  had  cast 
down  their  Church  :   they  had  abiured  the 

The  revo-  .  "^  '' 

lution  Christian  faith  :  and  now  they  had   chosen 

renounced.  _  i  i  i 

a  military  autocrat  to  rule  over  tliem  :  they 
saw  him  crowned  and  anointed,  in  the  metropol- 
itan cathedral,  by  the  head  of  the  Church  which 
they  had  humbled  ;  and  they  heard  praises  offered 
to  God,  according  to  the  rites  of  a  religion  at  which 
they  had  lately  scoffed !  They  had  abolished  titles, 
and  confiscated  the  estates  of  the  nobles  :  but  rank 
and  dignities  were  revived,  and  the  nobles  were  soon 
to  recover  the  greater  part  of  their  property.^  No- 
thing remained  of  a  revolution  which  had  cost  such 
sacrifices.  Not  a  hero  of  the  republic  was  held  in 
popular  veneration  :  not  a  single  fete  was  continued, 
to  commemorate  its  glories.^ 

Napoleon  had  no   faith  in  the   principles   of  the 

revolution.     He  had  known  how   to  flatter 

Napoleon 

and  the        republicans,  and  found   republics  :   he   had 

revoUition.  ■•■  '  ,   .  -^ 

learned  the  familiar  language  of  his  coun- 
trymen :  but  he  believed  that  Frenchmen  had  no  real 
affection  for  liberty,  equality,  and  fraternity ;  and 
were  moved  by  one  sentiment  only — that  of  honour.^ 
Upon  this  belief  he  acted.  He  did  not  scruple  to 
sacrifice  liberties  which  he  deemed  to  be  so  little 
prized.;  and  he  appealed,  with  confidence,  to  that 
sentiment  of  honour,  which  ministered  to  his  own 
ambition. 
The  principles  of  the  revolution,  which  the  arms  of 

'  Niebuhr,  History  of  Rome,  iii.  374.     See  infra,  p.  246. 

^  '  Le  peuple  n'a  pas  garde  una  seule  des  fetes  de  1789  a  1800  :  cet 
immense  bouleversement  n'a  pu  deplacer  un  seul  saint  de  village.' 
■ — Edgar  Quinet,  La  Rev.  ii.  131. 

3  Mem.  incdits  de  Thihaudcau,  cited  by  Miguet,  ii.  301. 


REPUDIATION  OP  EEPUBLICS.  225 

the  republic  liad  forced  upon  foreigD  States,  were  now 
to  be  renounced.    Democratic  propaorandism  „ 
at  once  became  a  mockery,  under  tlie  empire,   tion  oi; 

''  '  -••  republics. 

The    military    ascendency    of  France    con- 
tinued :   but  kingdoms  took  the  place  of  republics. 
The  cisali^ine  republic  which  Napoleon  had  created, 
became   a  kingdom ;  and  he   was   crowned  king  of 
Italy  at  Milan,  with  the  ancient  iron  crown  May  21, 
of  Lombardy.     Genoa,  which  he  had  formed 
into  the  Ligurian  republic,  was  united  to  the  empire. 
He  endowed  his  sister  and  her  husband,  the  Prince 
of  Piombino,  with  the  little  republic  of  Lucca. 

The  towering  ambition  of  Napoleon  was  now  more 
dreaded  by  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  than  ^^  oieon's 
the  propagandism  of  the  republic.    It  threat-  ™'/,-j-Jjj 
ened  universal  domination  ;  and  Europe  was 
again  in  arms  against  him.     But  his  own  genius,  and 
the  valour  and  devotion  of  his  soldiers,  routed  his 
enemies,  and   increased  the   ascendency   of  France. 
The  zeal  of  his  armies  was  influenced  by  victories 
and  honours  :  the  enthusiasm  of  his  people,  under  all 
their   sacrifices,  was  sustained  by  the  sentiment  of 
national  glory. 

After  Austerlitz,  and  the   peace   of  Presburg,  he 
received,   from   his    admiring    subjects,   the  Napoleon 
title  of  Napoleon  the  Great.     It  was  their    -'^ 
homage  to  the  greatness  of  France,  which  he  repre- 
sented.   At  home  he  recast  the  institutions  of  France, 
upon  the  model  of  a  military  empire.     An  ^^^ 
hereditary  nobility  was  restored  ;  and  it  was 
liis  aim  to  reconstitute  the  ancicnne  noblesse  of  France : 
military  schools,  or  lycces,  replaced  the  central  schools 
of  tlie  republic  ;  and  the  civil  administration  of  the 
State  was  organised  so  as  to  execute,  with  mechanical 
10* 


220  FRANCE. 

obedience,  the  dictates  of  a  single  wilL  Tlie  central- 
isation of  tlie  monarchy,  and  the  arbitrary  powers  of 
the  republic,  had  prepared  the  way  for  his  imperial 
rule. 

Abroad  the  domination  of  Napoleon  was  continu- 
Dominuion  ^^^J  extended  by  his  marvellous  triumphs. 
over'^^''''^'*'^  His  own  kingdom  of  Italy  was  enlarged  by 
Europe.  conquests  from  Austria,  and  the  Pope  :  Wur- 
temburg  and  Bavaria,  raised  into  kingdoms  by  his 
arms,  owed  fealty  to  his  crown :  he  deposed  Ferdinand, 
king  of  Naples,  and  placed  his  brother,  Joseph  Bona- 
parte, on  the  throne,  as  king  of  the  Two  Sicilies :  he 
converted  the  republic  of  Holland  into  a  kingdom, 
and  sent  his  brother  Louis  to  reign  over  it :  fiefs  of 
the  empire  were  multiplied  in  Germany  and  Italy  :  he 
constituted  himself  mediator  of  the  Swiss  republic ; 
and  protector  of  the  German  princes  who  formed  the 
confederation  of  the  Rhine.  Such  was  his  influence 
in  Germany,  that  Francis  II.  renounced  his  proud  title 
of  emperor.  Having  humbled  and  despoiled  Austria, 
he  partitioned  Prussia.  He  erected  the  kingdoms  of 
Saxony  and  Westphalia,  and  conferred  the 

1806-7  . 

latter  upon  his  brother  Jerome.     He  placed 
his  brother  Joseph  on  the  throne  of  Spain,  and  trans- 
ferred the  crown  of  Naples  to  his  brother-in- 
•    law  Murat.  He  wielded  the  sceptre  of  Charle- 
magne ;  and  his  vassal^  did  liomage  from  the  north, 
and  from  the  south.     He  dethroned  the  Pope,  and 
seized  his  remaining  territories  :  he  deposed 

''80')  • 

his  brother  Louis,  and  added  Holland  to  the 
empire.  Bernadotte,  one  of  his  own  generals,  was 
elected  to  the  throne  of  Sweden.^ 

'  He  was  elected  hereditary  prince,  and  adopted  by  tlie  king, 
Charles  XIII. 


napoleon's  divorce.  227 

Great  was  the  empire  of  Napoleon.  It  threatened 
to  be  universal ;  and  it  was  hereditary  :  but 
he  had  no  son.  Hence  the  flagitious  di-  dhwce°and 
vorce  of  the  Empress  Josephine,  and  his  ill-  ™'*''"''^'^- 
judged  alliance  with  Marie  Louise  of  Austria.^  The 
last  link  which  connected  him  with  the  revolution  was 
broken.  He  had  been  raised  to  power  by  the  repub- 
lican armies  of  France  :  he  had  established  a  military 
empire,  and  supported  it  by  victories  and  glory :  ho 
had  proved  himself  a  greater  enemy  to  crowned  heads 
than  the  republic  itself;  and  the  popular  ardour, 
which  had  sustained  the  republican  arms,  followed 
the  victorious  emperor  through  his  wonderful  career 
of  conquest  and  dominion.  Though  absolute  master 
of  France,  he  was  still  a  son  of  the  revolution.  But 
his  second  marriage  connected  him  with  the  old  regime. 
He  was  admitted  to  the  great  family  of  European 
kings,  and  severed  from  the  people.  Legitimacy  was 
beyond  his  reach  :  it  was  the  heritage  of  another  race : 
but,  to  the  revolutionary  origin  of  the  usurper,  he 
now  added  the  pretensions  of  a  legitimate  sovereign. 
Hitherto  his  nobility  had  been  formed  of  his  mar- 
shals, generals,  and  high  officers  of  state — the  new 
men  of  the  revolution — now  he  sought  to  surround 
himself  with  the  ancient  nobles  of  France,  and  to 
blend  the  old  regime  v/ith  the  emj)ire.  The  Birth  of  the 
first  object  of  the  marriage  was,  however,  Komc" 
attained.  An  heir  was  born  to  the  imperial  ^''"'^''  ^^^^• 
crown,  and  from  his  cradle,  bore  the  title  of  King  of 
Rome. 

But  this  dazzling  career  of  power  and  aggrandise- 

'  '  Que  do  vies  gc'nereuses  n'avait-il  pas  fallu  iiniuoler,  do  part  et 
d'autre,  pour  qu'uno  KemblabU;  alliance  fut  i)Ossihlo  ontro  rancien 
et  le  nouveau  Cesar.' — Lanfrcy,  Hid.  de  Nap.  I" ,  v.  177. 


228  FRANCE. 

ment  was  about  to  be  cliecked.     Napoleon's  scheme 

of  a  continental  blockade,  to  ruin  the  com- 

Napoieoii'8    merce  of  Enerland,  liad  pressed  severely  upon 

fortunes.  "  ^  „    .-,         Tk-r       n  ^ 

tlie  maritime  States  of  the  North,  and  upon 
the  general  commerce  of  Europe.  The  haughty  do- 
mination of  Napoleon  had  aroused  the  hatred  of  every 
independent  State  ;  and  now  he  provoked  the  hostility 
of  the  commercial  interests  of  his  own,  and  other 
countries.  In  Spain  his  armies  were  defeated  by  the 
valour  of  the  English  troops,  and  the  genius  of  Wel- 
lington. His  rash  march  upon  Moscow,  and  his  dis- 
astrous retreat,  brought  ruin  upon  his  arms,  and 
upon  his  empire.  A  great  army  was  destroyed  :  his 
own  prestige  of  victory  was  lost ;  and  combinations 
against  a  falling  power  were  encouraged.  His  domi- 
nation over  Europe  was  everywhere  endured  with  re- 
pugnance. The  States  he  had  created  turned  against 
him,  and  made  common  cause  with  the  kings  whom  he 
had  conquered  and  despoiled.  His  military  genius 
shone  more  brilliantly  than  ever:  but  the  battle  of 
Leipsic  nearly  completed  the  ruin  which  the  retreat 
from  Moscow  had  commenced. 

Pressed  by  defeats,  disasters,  and  defections  abroad, 
Discontents  his  positiou  at  home  was  no  less  threaten- 
in  France,  j^^^  Constant  victories  had  long  sustained 
the  national  ardour  :  an  exhausting  conscription  and 
burthensome  taxes  had  been  borne  for  the  sake  of 
glory :  but  defeats  quickly  awakened  the  people  to  a 
sense  of  their  sacrifices  and  sufferings.  They  had 
surrendered  their  liberties  for  honour  :  their  sons  had 
bled  on  every  battlefield  in  Europe :  their  industry 
and  thrift  had  been  burthened  with  the  cost  of  pro- 
digious armaments:  their  commerce  had  been  crip- 
pled by  rigorous  blockades;  and  yet  their  beloved 


DECLINE  OF  NAPOLEON's  FORTUNES.       229 

country,  stripped  of  her  conquests,  was  again  tlireat- 
ened  with  invasion.  They  were  weary  of  wars,  and 
they  had  lost  faith  in  their  restless  and  exacting  em- 
peror. Formidable  parties  in  the  State  were  again 
scheming  against  his  power.  The  priesthood,  who 
had  been  gained  over  by  the  re-establishment  of  their 
Church,  had  since  been  alienated  by  the  dethrone- 
ment of  the  PojDe,  and  the  spoliation  of  the  Holy 
See.  Their  natural  sentiments  were  in  favour  of  the 
Bourbons  and  the  old  regime ;  and  their  rupture  with 
Napoleon,  and  his  impending  ruin,  quickened  their 
loyalty  to  the  fallen  House.  The  royalists,  who  had 
never  despaired  of  their  cause,  foresaw  in  the  re- 
verses of  the  emperor,  and  the  successes  of  the  con- 
federate sovereigns,  an  early  realisation  of  their  long 
deferred  hopes,  and  j^lotted  actively  against  the  gov- 
ernment. The  party  of  the  revolution,  who  had  been 
their  most  formidable  opponents,  were  now  inert  and 
indifferent.  Napoleon  had  outraged  them ;  and  tliey 
cared  not  for  his  fall. 

The  feelings  of  the  country  found  expression  in  the 
legislative  body.     Until  Napoleon's   retreat  t,„.  l^^js. 
from  Leipsic,  they  had  ever  been  obsequi-  ^^1,^,^1^]^ 
ous  to  his  will :  but  now,  instead  of  offering 
aid,  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  they  demanded  a 
surrender   of  his   conquests,  and  the  restoration  of 
liberty. 

The  enemies  of  Napoleon  were  closing  in  upon  him 
on  every  side.     In  vain  were  fresh  victories,  Napoicon-s 
and   the   most    brilliant   campaigns   of    his 
wonderful  career.     He  was  overpowered  by  numbers, 
and  weakened  by  defections  :    the  allies  entered  his 
capital,   and  the  senate  deposed  him  from  April  n, 
his   tlirono.      His   abdication,  on    behalf  of 


230  FRANCE. 

liimjelf  and  his  son,  was  soon  forced  uponliim  at 
FonLainebleau ;  and  he  exchanged  for  his  vast  Euro- 
pean empire,  the  sovereignty  of  the  petty  island  of 
Elba. 

France  had  now  struggled,  suffered,  and  bled  for 

uits        five-and-twenty  years,  through  a  fearful  rev- 

therevo-       olutiou  and  ruinous  wars  :   and  what  were 

lutiou. 

the  results  ?  Her  enemies  were  m  posses- 
sion of  her  capital :  all  ^er  conquests  were  surren- 
dered ;  and  the  Bourbons  were  restored  to  the  throne 
of  their  ancestors. 

But  these  were  not  the  only  consequences  of  the 
late  convulsions,  to  France  or  to  Europe.  France, 
indeed,  was  governed  by  another  Bourbon  king  :  but 
the  anden  regime  was  no  more  :  the  oppressive  privi- 
leges of  feudalism  had  been  abolished ;  and  a  consti- 
tutional charter  was  granted  by  Louis  XYIII.  But 
all  these  benefits  had  been  secured  in  the  first  two 
years  of  the  revolution,  before  the  monarchy  had 
been  destroyed,  without  a  reign  of  terror,  and  with- 
out desolating  wars.  She  had  gained  nothing  by  her 
crimes,  her  madness,  her  sacrifices,  and  her  suffer- 
ings, since  the  constitution  of  the  14th  September, 
1791. 

Upon  Europe,  the  effects  of  the  revolution  were  con- 
Eiiecta  of  spicuous.  The  old  regime  of  France  was  sub- 
uoVupon"  verted ;  and  in  most  European  States,  where 
Europe.  ^  similar  system  had  been  maintained,  since 
the  middle  ages,  its  foundations  were  shaken.  The 
princij)les  of  the  revolution  awakened  the  minds  of 
men  to  political  thought ;  and  the  power  of  absolute 
governments  was  controlled  by  the  force  of  public 
opinion.  The  earlier  campaigns  of  revolutionary 
France  also  spread   democracy  abroad,  and   created 


EESULTS  OP  THE  EEVOLUTION.         231 

a  democratic  party,  in  many  States,  wliere  such  a 
party  liad  been  hitherto  unknown.  The  French  rev- 
olution, in  its  expansive  force,  resembled  the  reli- 
gious reformation  of  the  sixteenth  century,  which 
stirred  the  whole  of  Christendom.*  The  sympathies 
of  every  people  in  Europe  were  aroused :  the  princi- 
ples proclaimed  in  France  were  common  to  all  nations 
alike :  they  were  preached  with  the  ardour  of  a  new 
faith :  liberty,  equality,  and  fraternity  were  not  only 
the  rights  of  Frenchmen,  but  the  universal  *  rights  of 
man : '  they  were  to  politics,  what  the  right  of  private 
judgment  was  to  religion.^  The  principles  and  cha- 
racter of  democracy  were  changed,  as  well  as  the  rela- 
tions of  rulers  to  their  subjects. 

The  passionate,  sentiments  which  the  revolution  had 
at  first  aroused,  in  other  States,  were  natu- 
rally repressed  by  the  rough  domination  of  position  of 
the  French  republic,  and  the  haughty  ascen- 
dency of  Napoleon.  The  principles  of  the  revolution 
were  also  discredited  by  the  reign  of  terror,^  and  the 
military  empire.  But  a  change  had  come  over  the  po- 
litical life  of  Europe.     Subjects  had  sometimes  been 

'  'La  revolution  fran^aise  est  done  une  revolution  politique  qui  a 
operc  il  la  maniere,  et  qui  a  pris,  en  quelque  chose,  I'aspect  d'une 
revolution  reli^euse.' — De  Tocqueville,  L'ancicn  Jii'r/wic,  IG, 

*  '  Comme  elle  avait  Fair  de  tendre  a  la  regeneration  du  genre  liu- 
main  plus  encore  qu'a.  la  reforme  de  la  France,  elle  a  allume  uno 
passion  que,  jusque-la,  les  revolutions  politiques  les  plus  violentes 
n'avaient  jamais  pu  produire.' — Ibid.  19.  See  also  Lecky,  Rational- 
ism in  Europe,  ii.  240. 

'  '  La  terreur  est  ce  qui  a  fait  perdre,  on  partio,  au  monde  le  sens 
de  la  revolution.  La  liberte  parut  un  mensonge,  le  jour  ou  on  I'in- 
voqua,  une  liaclie  a  la  main.  L'egalite  donna  lo  frisson,  memo  a 
ses  amants,  quand  elle  fut  I'egalite  dovant  rc'cliafaud.  La  frater- 
nite?  Qucllo  eiiigme,  quand  on  vit  les  lionimes  s'eutr'egorger  en 
son  noni.' — L<juis  Blanc,  Uint.  de  la  Itiv.  xii.  5'J8. 


232  FEANCE. 

provoked  to  rebellion  by  oppression,  and  wrongs :  but 
loyalty,  and  reverence  for  tlie  divine  riglit  of  kings, 
had  become  a  tradition,  and  almost  a  faith.  This 
sentiment  was  severely  tried  by  the  French  revolu- 
tion, and  the  empire.  Kings  were  dethroned,  and  re- 
publics created,  to  give  place  to  new  kings  with  no 
other  title  than  the  will  of  a  foreign  despot.  The  al- 
legiance of  subjects  was  transferred  from  one  ruler 
to  another,  by  the  sword  of  the  conqueror.  Crowns 
seemed  but  baubles,  to  be  worn  for  a  day,  and  put 
aside,  or  snatched  by  some  other  hand.  The  tradi- 
tional reverence  for  thrones^  could  not  withstand  the 
teaching  of  such  examples.  With  reverence  less  un- 
doubting,  there  arose  an  assertion  of  popular  rights, 
and  a  questioning  of  the  laws  by  which  States  were 
governed.  A  marked  change  came  over  the  relations 
of  rulers  and  subjects,  which  was  hereafter  to  show 
itself  in  revolutions,  and  constitutional  charters; 
and  everywhere,  in  the  abatement  of  prerogatives 
and  privileges,  and  the  extension  of  popular  influ- 
ences. 

But  while   the    principles  of   the    revolution  were 

silently  working  political  changes  in  Europe, 
reaction  in     they  wcro   uaturally    abhorrent    to    rulers. 

The  dangers  of  democracy  had  been  pain- 
fully revealed  :  its  excesses  had  aroused  the  horror 
and  indignation  of  the  civilised  world :  all  that  was 
noble  in  the  revolution  had  been  overshadowed  by  its 
crimes.  Hence  a  reaction,  dangerous  to  liberty  itself, 
succeeded  the  first  outburst  of  sympathy  with  the  re- 

'  '  There's  such  divinity  doth  hedge  a  king. 
That  treason  can  but  peep  at  what  it  would, 
Acts  little  of  his  will.' — Hamlet,  act  iv.  sc.  5. 


RESULTS  OF  THE  KEVOLUTION.         233 

generation  of  a  great  people,  Monarclis  dreaded  de- 
mocracy, as  dangerous  to  their  thrones :  the  governing 
classes  feared  it,  as  subversive  of  order,  and  the  rights 
of  property  ;  and  liberty  was  everywhere  confounded 
with  democracy.  For  several  years  after  the  revolu- 
tionary period,  political  reaction  was  general  through- 
out Europe. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

FBANCE  {continiied). 

THE  nESTORATION— LOUIS  XVIII. — WEAKNESS  OP  THE  MONARCHY — 
STATE  OF  PARTIES — THE  ROYALISTS— CHARLES  X. — THE  PRIEST 
PARTY — THE  POLIGNAC  MINISTRY — THE  THREE  DAYS  OP  JULY — 
LOUIS  PHILIPPE  RAISED  TO  THE  THRONE— EFFECTS  OF  THE 
REVOLUTION  OF   1830   UPON   EUROPE. 

Louis  XVIII.  was  recalled  to  the  throne  of  his  ances- 
tors by  the  senate  of  his  own  country :  but, 
onheje"^  in  truth,  he  was  imposed  upon  France  by  the 
Btoration.  ^jj-g^j  sovereigus,  whose  victorious  armies 
occupied  the  capital.^  Such  a  title,  accepted  by  royal- 
ists who  had  supported  the  prerogatives  of  Louis 
XVI.  by  force  of  arms,  was  humiliating  to  France, 
which  had  passionately  resented  foreign  intervention. 
It  was  repugnant  alike  to  the  revolutionary  party, 
whose  schemes  were  frustrated,  and  to  the  adherents 
of  Napoleon,  who  had  derived  his  power  from  the 
Revolution,  and  had  assumed  to  represent  its  senti- 

'  In  the  narrative  of  the  period  of  the  restoration  (including  the 
rdgns  of  Louis  XVIII.  and  Charles  X.)  the  following  works  have 
been  mainly  relied  on,  viz.  :  Lamartine,  Histoirc  dc  In  Restauration; 
Capefigue,  Hist,  de  la  Ecstaumtion, par  un  hommed'itat ;  Lacretelle, 
Hist,  de  la  Restauration ;  Lubis,  Hid.  de  la  Restaur ation  ;  Chateau- 
briand, Memoires  d' outre  tombe;  Louis  XVIII.,  Lettres  et  Instructions 
au  Comte  de  St.  Priest,  precedees  d'une  notice,  par  M.  de  Barante ; 
Politique  de  la  Restauration  d  1823  et  1833,  par  le  Comte  de  Mar- 
cell  us. 


THE   CHAETER  OF   1814.  235 

ments.  The  revolution  had  been  in  vain:  the  con- 
quests of  France  had  been  wrested  from  her :  her  vic- 
tories had  been  followed  by  crushing  defeat.  The 
restoration  of  the  monarchy,  under  such  conditions, 
was  unj^ropitious.  Nor  were  the  acts  of  the  king  such 
as  to  win  popularity. 

Even    in    granting    a    constitutional    charter,   the 
Bourbon  stood  confessed.     He  declared  him-  .„    ,     , 

Charter  of 

self  to  be  in  full  possession  of  his  hereditary  ^^rln 
rights,  while  he  desired  so  to  exercise  the  Mays?. 

1S14 

authority  which  he  had  received  fi-om  God 
and  his  fathers,  as  to  place  '  limits '  to  his  own  power.^ 
France  was  to  receive  her  liberties  as  the  free  and  gra- 
cious gift  of  the  king,  who  ruled  over  her  by  divine 
right  and  hereditary  title.  And,  still  further  to  ignore 
the  revolution,  the  charter  was  dated  'in  the  nine- 
teenth year  of  our  reign.'  The  revolution  was  further 
spurned  by  the  abolition  of  the  national  tricolor, 
under  which  the  greatest  glories  of  the  French  armies 
had  been  achieved,  and  the  restoration  of  the  white 
flag  of  the  Bourbons,  which  had  almost  come  to  be 
regarded  as  the  standard  of  an  enemy.  Well  might 
Napoleon  say  of  the  Bourbons,  '  lis  n'ont  rien  appris : 
ils  n'ont  rien  oublies.' 

The  insecurity  of  the  Bourbon  crown,  notwithstand- 
ing its  divine  and  hereditary  title,  was  soon  ^  , 

_"  ;  Return  of 

disastrously  proved  by  the  triumphant  return  /^!;',\"'j^,'JJ^ 
of  Napoleon  from  Elba,  and  the  flight  of 
Louis  from  the  realm,  which  he  had  so  lately  recov- 
ered.    After  an  exile  of  a  hundred  days,  he  was  again 
restored  by  his  victorious  allies,  who  had  triumphed 
over  the  French  armies  at  Waterloo ;  and  he  returned 

'  Speech  of  the  Chancellor  M.  d'Ambray. 


236  FRANCE. 

under  tlie  very  sliadow  of  the  British  and  Prussian 
standards.^ 

France  was  doubly  humbled  by  this  second  resto- 
second  ration.  Again  her  capital  was  occupied  by 
restoration.  fQpgjgj^  armies :  her  destinies  were  at  the 
mercy  of  her  enemies:  the  Louvre  was  stripped  of 
the  treasures  of  art  which  she  had  taken  from  foreign 
galleries :  her  frontiers  were  contracted  :  an  indem- 
nity of  upwards  of  60,000,000L  was  exacted  by  her 
conquerors  :  prodigious  armies  were  for  a  long  time 
quartered  upon  the  country ;  ^  and  when  they  were  at 
length  withdrawn,  a  hostile  army  of  occupation,^  to  be 
supported  by  herself,  was  left  in  her  fortresses.  The 
monarchy  was  restored :  but,  in  its  cause,  the  patriot- 
ism and  honour  of  France  were  deeply  wounded. 

And  what  support  had  the  king  upon  his  throne  ? 
„,  ,  France,  which  he  was  now   called  upon  to 

Weakness  i       -n  o     ^  ■,       • 

of  the  govern,  was  the  France  of  the  revolution  and 

monarchy.       "  . 

the  empire.  The  principles,  the  passions, 
the  parties,  and  the  interests  of  a  transformed  society, 
stood  between  him  and  the  monarchy  of  his  forefa- 
thers. There  was  a  royalist  party,  indeed :  but  the  old 
tmhlesse  had  been  crushed  by  the  revolution :  their  es- 
tates had  been  confiscated,  and  a  great  part  of  their 
domains  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  new  proprie- 
tors— the  creatures  of  the  revolution.  They  were 
eclipsed  by  the  new  nobility  of  the  empire,  whose 
names  were  associated  with  the  military  glories  of 
their  country.     The  Church,  once  a  great  territorial 

'  The  provisional  government,  in  a  message  to  the  Chambers,  on 
the  7th  July,  1815,  stated  that '  Tous  les  souverains  s'etaient  enga- 
ges a  replacer  Louis  XVIII.  sur  la  trone,  et  qu'il  doit  faire  ce  soir, 
ou  demain  son  entree  dans  lacapitale.' — Lamartine,  Hist,  de  la  Rest. 
V.  117.  '  No  less  than  1,140,003  men.  »  150.000  men. 


WEAKNESS  OF  THE  MONAECHY.         237 

power,  liad  lost  her  possessions,  and  was  a  humble 
pensioner  of  the  State.  Nor  could  her  influence  be 
soon  recovered.  The  wild  irreligion  of  revolutionary 
times  was  not  to  be  suddenly  checked  by  a  weakened 
and  impoverished  clergy.  All  the  sympathies  of  the 
army,  it  was  but  too  well  knowTi,  were  with  Napoleon 
at  St.  Helena.  Could  Louis  rely  upon  the  tradition- 
ary devotion  of  the  people  to  his  royal  house  ?  Un- 
der the  old  monarchy,  loyalty  was  a  tender  Decay  of 
sentiment  of  affection  and  duty,  akin  to  reli-  ^°^'*'^y- 
gion.  It  passed  away  with  the  revolution,  and  could 
not  be  revived.  Napoleon  had  awakened  it  for  a  time, 
as  the  representative  of  national  glory  :  but  the  ancient 
sentiment  had  not  survived  the  revolutions,  factions, 
and  political  changes  of  the  past  generation.  Nor 
had  Louis  any  personal  claims  to  the  attachment  of 
his  people.  After  his  long  exile,  he  was  as  much  a 
stranger  to  them,  as  if  he  had  dropped  from  the 
clouds.  Meanwhile,  France  herself  had  been  trans- 
formed by  time  and  the  revolution.  Her  manners,  in- 
stitutions, sentiments, — all  were  changed.  France  was 
as  strange  to  Louis,  as  he  to  France.^  Loj-alt}' — the 
great  strength  of  monarchies — was  shaken,  and  respect 
for  the  law  had  been  lost,  amid  the  convulsions  and 
anarchy  of  the  revolutionary  period.  Authority  had 
been  too  long  known  as  an  arbitrary  and  capricious 
force :  it  had  sho-s\Ti  itself  in  executions,  pillage,  ter- 
ror, prisons,  and  the  guillotine;  and,  without  confidence 
in  a  government,  there  can  be  no  respect  for  the  law. 

'  '  Tout  etait  chang*'  dans  la  patrie — mocurR,  institutions,  esprit 
religieux.  Une  generation  nouvelle  itait  m'e  ct  croissait  si  I'ombre 
des  opinions  et  des  idr-cs  de  la  revolution  fran^aise.  .  .  .  Uno  cour 
vieillie  et  France  jeune,  I'l'mlgration  ct  la  revolution  allaieut  etroea 
presence.' — Capefigue,  lUat.  dc  lit  licst.  i.  404. 


238  FRANCE. 

The  revolution  and  tlie  empire  still  lived  in  the 
Political  hearts  of  Frenchmen.  Many  clung  to  the 
parties.  «  rights  of  man,'  and  '  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people :'  many  had  profited  by  the  ruin  of  the  Church 
f  and  the  noblesse:  all  were  proud  of  the  glories  of 
French  valour,  under  the  republic  and  the  empire. 
Formidable  parties  were  opposed  to  the  Bourbon 
dynasty,^ — the  republicans,  a  section  of  the  liberal  or 
constitutional  party ,^  and,  above  all,  the  imperialists. 
The  latter  commanded  great  power  and  influence, 
notwithstanding  a  reaction  against  Napoleon,  after  his 
recent  disasters.  It  comprised  the  foremost  men  in 
the  army,  and  in  the  State ;  and  was  strengthened 
by  the  glorious  memories  of  the  greatest  soldier  of 
France.  There  was  scarcely  yet  an  Orleans  party : 
but  an  influential  coterie,  attached  to  the  interests  of 
the  Duke,  formed  a  section  of  the  liberal  party.  But 
none  of  these  parties  were  so  embarrassing  to  the 
king,  or  so  dangerous  to  his  throne,  as  his  too  zealous 
friends,  the  royalists.^  They  formed  the  party  of  re- 
action :  they  saw  in  the  restoration  a  revival  of  the 
ancien  regime:  they  abhorred  all  the  principles  of  the 
revolution ;  and  they  were  burning  for  vengeance  upon 
their  enemies.  They  had  suffered  exile  and  confisca- 
tions :  they  had  witnessed  the  ruin  of  every  institu- 

'  '  Toutefois,  les  parties  politiques  etaient  testes  debout.  Jamais 
les  passions  baineuses,  les  exigences  des  factions,  n'avaient  ete  plus 
grandes  ;  et  le  spectacle  des  mallieurs  de  la  patrie,  qui  devait  etre  si 
puissant  sur  des  coeurs  fran^ais,  n'arretait  pas  ce  debordement  des 
opinions.' — Capefigue,  Hist,  de  la  Rest.  iii.  2. 

^  One  section  of  this  party  was  really  constitutional :  another  was 
estranged  from  the  Bourbons,  and  opposed  to  the  dynasty. — Cape- 
figue, Hist,  de  la  Best.  iv.  83. 

"  '  Les  royautes  neuves  perissent  par  leurs  ennemis,  les  restaura- 
tions  par  leurs  amis.' — Lamar  tine,  Hist,  de  la  Rest.  viii.  413. 


THE  EOYALISTS.  239 

tion,  and  the  violation  of  every  principle,  which  they 
had  learned  to  cherish ;  and,  at  length,  the  good  time 
had  come  when  their  wrongs  were  to  be  redressed 
and  avenged. 

The  monarchy  was  now  constitutional :  but  prero- 
gative was  still  to  be  paramount,  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  State.     One  of  the  king's  first  prTroga- 
acts  was  to  issue  a  royal  ordinance  altering 
the  electoral  law,  and  summoning  a  new  legislative 
body,  with  an  extended  sufirage.     By  another  ordi- 
nance he  reconstructed  the  chamber  of  peers,  and  made 
it  hereditary.     The  king  further  relieved  all  publica- 
tions, except  journals,  from  the  censorship.     Some  of 
these  measures  were  liberal :  but  they  were  the  acts 
of  prerogative,  not  of  the  legislature. 

Before  the  elections,  the  temper  of  the  royalists  had 
been  displayed  in  many  parts  of  France,  and 
especially  in  the  south.     At  Marseilles,  at  of  th'^*^° 
Nismes,  and  at  Toulouse,  the  violence  of  roy-  '"^'^'^ 
alist  mobs  recalled  the  atrocities  of  the  Jacobins  in 
1793.     An  overwhelming  majority  of  royalists  found  a 
place  in  the  legislature,  bent  upon  vengeance  against 
the  imperialist  party,  and  upon  a  reactionary  policy 
in  the  State.     Their  first  measures  provided  for  the 
punishment  of  seditious  cries,  for  indefinite   arrest, 
and  for    the   trial  of  political   offenders  by  courts- 
martial.     They  insisted  upon  the  trial  and  execution 
of  Marshal  Ney,  and  his  brethren  in  arms,  who  had 
returned   to  the   standards   of  Napoleon.^    When  a 

'  Of  this  act  Lamartine  says  : — 'Un  sentiment  plus  dangoroux  que 
la  colere,  jjarce  qu'il  est  ])lu8  durable,  couva  dans  los  cciuirs  do  la 
jeunesse  inipartialo,  de  Tarnu'e  oiitrap'e,  du  peuplo  recounaissant. 
Co  f ut  le  deffout  jiour  la  pusillaniiniti'  de  cette  cour  qui  n'avait  j)as 
combattu,  et  qui  laissait  rCpaudie  pour  sa  cause  un  sang  populaire 


249  FEANCE. 

general  amnesty  was  proclaimed,  they  opposed  tlie 
king's  act  of  clemency.  This  party  was  far  more  roy- 
alist tlian  tlie  king  himself;  and  was  soon  in  open 
opj)osition  to  his  government.  They  defeated  a  new 
electoral  law,  which  threatened  their  own  influence : 
they  resisted  the  budget,  and  were  opposed  to  the 
moderation,  and  remedial  measures  of  the  ministers. 
Royalism  was  becoming  one  of  the  chief  dangers  of 
the  State  ;  and  while  the  government  was  embarrassed 
by  royalist  zeal  on  one  side,  it  was  threatened,  on  the 
other,  by  dangerous  republican  conspiracies  at  Paris, 
Grenoble,  and  L^^ons. 

To  meet  these  difficulties  the  king  resorted  to  the 
oonp  characteristic  expedient  of  French  policy,  a 

sqits,  coup  d'etat.  He  suddenly  dissolved  the  legis- 
^^^'^-  lative   body,   and  by  a    royal    decree    pro- 

claimed a  new  electoral  law,  with  a  suffrage  restricted 
to  persons  paying  three  hundred  francs  direct  taxa- 
tion to  the  State,  and  generally  resembling  that  pro- 
vided by  the  charter  of  1814.  It  was  considered  as  a 
middle-class  franchise,  comprising  the  small  proprie- 
tors and  tradesmen,  and  it  was  founded  upon  the  prin- 
ciple of  direct  representation.  This  stretch  of  pre- 
rogative provoked  the  bitterest  denunciations  of  the 
royalists :  ^  but  it  was  condoned  by  the  republican 
and  imperialist  parties,  as  promising  increased  influ- 
ence to  themselves.  It  was  clear  that  constitutional 
government  had  not  yet  taken  root  in  France;  and 

et  glorieux,  en  libation  a.  I'etranger  sur  un  sol  foulc  encore  par  nos 
ennemis.' — Lamartine,  Hist,  de  la  Rest.  iv.  59. 

'  '  Dissoudre  la  seule  assembli'e,'  said  Chateaubriand,  '  qui  depuis 
1789  ait  manifesto  des  sentiniens  purement  royalistes,  c'est,  a  mon 
avis,  une  etrangc  raaniere  de  sauver  la  monarcliie.' — La  MonarchlQ 
selon  la  Charte.     (Euvrcs,  xviii.  431. 


LIBERAL  MEASURES.  241 

that  neither  the  excesses  of  the  old  monarchy,  nor  of 
the  revolution  had  been  forgotten. 

At  the  elections,  the  relations  of  parties  were  sin- 
gular.    The  moderate  party  and  the  repub- 

Defeat 

licaus  supported  the  crovernment :  the  roy-  of  the 

1  -,  .  rni         loyalists. 

alists  were  everywhere  opposed  to  it.     The 
new  electoral  act,  however,  had  been  so  dexterously 
contrived  that  the  ministerial  party  secured  a  majority. 
The  new  chamber  immediately  jiassed  another  electo- 
ral law,  founded  upon  the  same  principles  as  the  last  or- 
dinance, which  was  constitutionally  agreed  to 
by  the  chamber  of  peers  and  the  king.     The  law  of 
restrictions  upon  the  liberty  of  the  press,  and 
the  liberty  of  the  person,  were  also  continued  for  a  year. 
The  royalist  ministers  were  removed,  and  the  govern- 
ment was  formed  entirely  from  the  moderate  j^^^^^^ 
liberal  party,  which  commanded  a  majority  "^'iisurei?. 
in  the  chamber.     By  the  late  electoral  law  one-fifth 
of  the  chamber  was  to  be  renewed  annuall}^,  and  the 
successive  elections  of  1817  and  1818  increased  the 
strength   of  the  liberal,  and  even  of  the  democratic 
party ;  and  was  gradually  excluding  the  royalists  from 
the  chamber.     The  firmest  friends  of  the  monarchy 
were  losing  ground ;  and  were  supplanted  by  the  revo- 
lutionary and  imperialist  parties.     The  moderate  min- 
istry of  the  Duke  de  Riclielieu  was  broken  up,  and 
succeeded  by  a  ministry  of  more  advanced  opinions, 
under  General  Dessoles.    Oblivion  of  past  offences  was 
the  main  policy  of  this  ministry.    The  officers  of  Napo- 
leon were  restored  to  commands  in  the  army ;  and  the 
magistracy  and  civil  service  were  filled  with  adherents 
of  the  revolution  and  the  empire.     The  censorship  of 
the  press  was  removed;  and  the  trial  of  offences  of 
the  press  entrusted  to  juries. 

VUJ..  II.  -11 


242  FEANCE. 

The  royalisis,  powerless  in  the  representative  cham- 
The  kill"  ^^^'  ^^^^^  Commanded  a  majority  in  the  cham- 
"he  "'^'^'^  '**  ber  of  peers.  There  they  insisted  upon  a 
royalists.  change  in  the  electoral  law,  which  had  been 
the  ruin  of  their  party.  They  were  answered  by  the 
Mirch 8  creation  of  sixty-three  new  peers,  all  of  the 
1819.  liberal  party,  among  whom  were  six  of  Napo- 

leon's marshals.  By  one  couj)  cVttat  the  king  had  over- 
come the  royalists  in  the  legislative  body :  by  another 
he  overthrew  them  in  the  hereditary  chamber.  The 
reliance  of  the  crown  was  now  placed  upon  the  very 
parties  which  had  opposed  the  restoration  of  the 
monarchy.  The  king  was  pressed  by  a  hard  alterna- 
tive. If  he  cast  in  his  fortunes  with  the  royalists,  he 
hazarded  revolution :  if  he  severed  himself  from  them, 
he  was  drifting  into  the  arms  of  his  enemies. 

The  latter  danger  was  aggravated  by  the  elections 
,  of  1819,  which  resulted  in  the  return  of  a 

thc^dfffo"^  large  majority  of  the  democratic  party.  The 
cratic party.  \\ug,  alarmed  by  the  rapid  advances  of  de- 
mocracy, was  persuaded  that  another  revision  of  the 
electoral  law  was  necessary  for  the  security  of  his 
throne.  As  his  liberal  ministers  did  not  concur  in 
this  view,  a  new  ministry  was  formed  under  M.  De- 
cazes,  to  carry  it  into  effect.  This  rupture  with  the 
liberal  party  provoked  the  most  violent  attacks  of 
tlie  enfranchised  press,  and  fresh  conspiracies  against 
the  monarchy.  When  the  excitement  caused  by  this 
change  of  policy  was  at  its  height,  the  assassination 
Royalist  re-  °^  ^^^  Duke  de  Berri,  produced  a  sudden  re- 
action, action  in  favour  of  the  royalists;  and  the 
Duke  de  Richelieu  was  restored  to  office,  with  the 
support  of  that  party.  Its  policy  was  the  revival  of 
the  censorship  of  the  press,  a  continuance  of  discre- 


^1 


I 


LOYALIST   REACTION.  243 

tionary  arrest  (in  the  nature  of  a  suspension  of  the 
Habeas  Corpus  Act),  and  a  new  electoral  law.  Not- 
withstanding a  violent  opposition  in  the  chambers 
and  in  the  press,  and  serious  disturbances  in  the 
streets  of  Paris,  and  elsewhere,  these  three  measures 
were  passed.  By  the  electoral  law,  a  new  constitu- 
ency was  created,  favourable  to  rank  and  property; 
and  the  king  supported  the  royalist  party  with  all  the 
influence  of  the  crown.  Before  the  elections,  he  ad- 
dressed a  lithographed  autograph  circular  to  every 
elector  in  his  realm,  advising  him  to  vote  for  candi- 
dates devoted  to  his  throne,  and  to  the  charter.  The 
result  of  the  elections  could  not  be  doubtful.  The 
new  fi'anchise,  and  a  strong  reaction  in  favour  of  the 
king,  secured  the  royalists  and  their  allies,  the  priest 
party,  a  large  majority.  The  moderate,  or  constitu- 
tional, party  was  unable  to  hold  its  ground;  and  a 
royalist  ministry  was  soon  appointed,  under  M.  de 
Villele.  The  State  was  ever  destined  to  be  impelled 
fi'om  one  extreme  to  another. 

The  first  measure  of  the  new  ministry  was  a  law 
imposing  fi'esh  restrictions  upon  the  press.  Royalist 
and  withdrawing  the  trial  of  press  offences  jg!,"'""^^' 
from  juries.     It  was  passed :   but  the  exas- 
peration of  tlie  liberal  party  was  extreme.      Power 
had  been  wrested  from  their  hands ;  and  the  policy 
of  royalist  reaction  had  been  avowed.     There  were 
I)opular  commotions,  and  some  insurrectionary  move- 
ments in  the   provinces,  which   were   promptly  sup- 
pressed.    But  the  worst  symptom  of  the  time  was  the 
formation  of  secret  societies,  in  correspondence  with 
the  Italian  Carbonari.^     Lafayette,  who,  thirty  years 

'  '  La  carlionaiisinc,  dont  r(jrigine  se  pen!  dans  la  iiuit  du  moyeu- 
dge,  coinme  la  riauc-n)ai;ouaerie,  dont  il  lut,  tour  A.  lour,  rallle  et 


2M  FRANCE. 

before,  Lad  played  so  active  a  part  in  the  great  revo- 
lution, was  not  yet  weary  of  revolutionary  intrigues : 
but  was  the  chief  promoter  of  these  dangerous  demo- 
cratic conspiracies.^  The  extreme  parties  of  the  rev- 
olution were  again  in  full  activity,  and  moderate 
constitutional  councils,  which  had  been  the  con- 
stant aim  of  the  king,  were  exposed  to  the  obloquy 
of  royalists  on  one  side,  and  of  republicans  on  the 
other. 

Successive  elections  continued  to  increase  the 
spani.^h  strength  of  the  royalist  party.  Meanwhile, 
^''*''  the  death  of  Napoleon  had   depressed  the 

hopes  of  the  imperialists ;  and  a  diversion  had  been 
caused,  from  the  fierce  confiict  of  parties,  by  the  bril- 
liant success  of  the  brief  war  in  Spain.  That  war 
was,  indeed,  a  royalist  war.  It  was  concerted  with 
the  despotic  powers  at  the  congress  of  Verona,^  and 
French  armies  were  marched  to  support  the  King  of 
Spain  against  a  popular  revolution.  Such  a  policy 
was  repugnant  to  tlie  liberal  party  in  France,  and 
throughout  Euroi^e  :  but  militarj^  glory  has  ever  ral- 
lied the  French  people  round  their  rulers,  whether 
royal  or  republican.  For  a  time,  the  monarchy  was 
strengthened  by  this  siiccess :  but  the  pretensions  of 
the  royalists  were  dangerously  encouraged.^  France 
had  accepted  the  repressive  policy  of  the  Holy  Alli- 
ance ;  and  her  rulers  were  to  become  yet  more  defi- 
ant of  the  principles  of  the  revolution. 

rennemi,  ctait  une  sorte  de  Jacobinisme  Italien.' — Lamartine,  Ilist. 
de  la  Best.  vi.  312. 

'  Lamartine,  Hist,  de  la  Rest.  vii.  26  et  seq.  ;  Capefigue,  Hist.Ae  la 
B.St.  vii.  308. 

-  Capefigue.  Hist,  de  la  Best.  vii.  345  et  seq. 

2  Lamartine,  Hist,  de  la  Best.  vii.  323. 


CHAELES  X.  215 

The  policy  of  Louis  XVIII.  liimself  liad  been  one 
of  moderation,   clemency,   and  justice  ;   and  Death  of 
at   liis  death,  in   September,    1823,  he   left  xviTi. 
France  apparently  more  safe  from  the  war  of  ^cpt.  le, 
factions,  than  at  any  period  of  his  troubled 
reign.^ 

It  was  a  fortunate  moment  for  the  commencement 
of  a  new  reign ;  and  the  king's  brother,  the 
Comte    d'Artois,    who    succeeded    him,    as  of 
Charles  X.,  had  many  showy  and  popular 
qualities   to   recommend  him  to   the   favour   of  the 
French  people.     His  first  act  was  to  conciliate  the 
press,  by  the  abolition  of  the   censorship ;  and  the 
journals  proclaimed  the  inauguration  of  freedom,  and 
mutual  confidence  between  the  king  and  his  people. 

But  his  popularity  was  shortlived.     With  generous 
sentiments,  Charles  X.  cherished  a  lofty  ideal  jj,^ 
of  his  own  prerogatives  :   as  leader  of  the  ^''^'-icter. 
royalist  party,  in  the  late  reign,  he  was  identified  with 
their  principles  ;^  and  having  grown  devout,  after  a 

'  '  Si  la  restauration,  le  plus  ditQcile  des  gouvernements,  n'eut  que 
ce  rcgne,  ce  fut  la  faute  de  son  age,  ce  ue  fut  pas  celle  de  ,sa  po- 
litique. II  avait  en  lui  le  genie  flexible,  tempero  et  nC'gociateur  des 
restaurations.' — Lamartine,  Hist,  de  la  Rest.  vii.  340. 

'  Au  conseil  rareraent  il  inclinait  pour  les  partis  violens  :  il  savait 
que  dans  un  pays  agitc  par  les  revolutions,  les  termes  moyens  sont 
encore  ce  qui  vit  le  plus  long  temps.' — Capefigue,  iZt«<.  de  la  Best. 
X.  381. 

*  Louis  XVHI.  said  to  one  of  his  ministers  : — '  Mon  f  rere  est  im- 
patient de  dt'vorer  mon  rr-gne,  mais  qu'il  se  souvienne  que  s'il  no 
change  pas,  le  sol  tremblera  sous  lui.' — Capefigue,  Ilist.  de  In  licst. 
(title-page). 

On  his  deathbed  Louis  XVIII.,  warning  his  brother  against  the 
royalists,  'lui  peignit,  par  des  mots  entrecoupt's  et  faibles,  les  di(R- 
cultes  de  son  regno,  le  moyen  d'cviter  les  ocueils  qu'une  trop  grande 
exaltation  des  opinions  royalistes  pouvait  produire,'  adding, '  Agissez 


246  FEANCE. 

youtli  of  gaiety,  lie  was  surrounded  by  priests  and 
Jesuits.  The  evil  influence  of  tlie  latter  determined 
his  policy,  and  was  fatal  to  liis  crown.  During  the 
late  reign,  the  poverty  of  the  Church  had  been  re- 
lieved by  increased  endowments :  the  religious  feel- 
ings of  the  people  had  shown  signs  of  revival ;  and 
the  Church  promised,  at  no  distant  time,  to  recover 
her  spiritual  influence.  But  there  was  still  a  strong 
jealousy  of  the  priesthood,  and  a  repugnance  to  the 
political  domination  of  the  Church. 

The  king  continued  the  royalist  ministry  in  power ; 
Prio'^tiv  ^^^^  -^^  constituted  a  priestly  camarilla  his 
influence,  secret  couucillors,  and  keepers  of  his  con- 
science. His  palace  was  made  gloomy  with  incessant 
prayers  and  masses :  his  household  was  filled  with 
creatures  of  the  Jesuits ;  and  many  important  offices 
of  state  were  entrusted  to  the  priest  party.  Such 
favour  to  the  ultramontane  faction  was  unpopular  in 
itself ;  and  the  priestly  policy  was  disastrous. 

The  army  was  offended  by  a  large  scheme  of  super- 
unpopuiar  aunuatiou,  designed  to  remove  from  active 
measures,  gervice  the  marshals  and  generals  of  the  em- 
pire. An  indemnity  of  40,000,000?.  was  granted  to 
the  royalist  emigrants,  whose  estates  had  been  con- 
fiscated during  the  revolution.  A  law  of  extreme  se- 
verity was  passed  against  sacrilege.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  restore  the  rights  of  primogeniture,  to  which 
the  people  were  passionately  opposed :  but  it  failed, 
even  in  the  house  of  peers.  A  doleful  religious  jubilee 
was  celebrated  throughout  France,  for  six  tedious 
weeks ;  and  Thanin,  the  narrow  ultramontane  bishop 

comme  je  I'ai  fait,  et  vous  arriverez  a.  cette  fin  de  pais  et  de  trau- 
quillitc.'— Ibid.  s.  377. 


OPPOSITION  TO  THE   COUPvT.  247 

of  Scrasburg,  was  appointed  preceptor  to  the  young 
Due  cle  Bordeaux. 

These  measures  had  provoked  the  vehement  oppo- 
sition of  the  press ;  and  their  secret  authors  pi^con- 
were  scourged  with  merciless  invectives.  It  *^'^'^*- 
was  not  from  priestly  rulers  that  tolerance  of  free  dis- 
cussion could  be  expected ;  and  they  retaliated  by 
proposing  a  severe  law  against  the  press.  Such  was 
its  severity,  that,  resisted  by  intelligent  men  of  all 
parties,  it  was  defeated  in  its  most  stringent  provi- 
sions ;  and  served  but  to  increase  the  enmity  of  the 
journalists,  and  the  intellectual  classes.  The  ill-feel- 
ing caused  by  the  reactionary  policy  of  the  cabinet 
and  the  camarilla  was  yet  rife,  when  the  king  reviewed 
the  national  guard  of  Paris,  and  expression  was  given 
to  the  popular  discontents  by  some  soldiers  of  the 
tenth  legion.  Cries  were  raised  of  'A  has  les  mimstres! 
a  has  les  Jesuites!'  It  was  a  breach  oi  discipline,  de- 
manding prompt  repression  and  punishment :  but  the 
king  was  advised,  by  his  dangerous  councillors,  to  as- 
sert his  dignity  by  a  signal  mark  of  his  displeasure. 
He,  at  once,  disbanded  the  entire  national  guard.  If 
this  severity  was  necessary,  prudence  would  have 
suggested  the  disarming  of  the  force  :  yet  40,000  men, 
offended  and  resentful,  were  left  in  possession  of  their 
arms  and  accoutrements. 

But  the  incapacity  of  the  priestly  statesmen  was 
soon   to  be   shown   upon   more   momentous     .    ,   . 

/     .         .  Dissolution 

occasions.     Their  maiority  m  the  chambers  ''' "'^\ 

''      ,    "^  .  ('tiMiiihcr  of 

had  been  shaken  by  their  recent  policy  ;  and  i>>'pi'tios. 
they  found  themselves  exposed  to  bold  criti- 
cism, and  often  to  serious  resistance.     Tlie  country 
was  far   more  hostile   to   the   government   than   tho 
chambers  :  yet  a  dissolution  was  determined  upon, 


248  FR^mCE.  ' 

at  tills  critical  time.    No  sooner  was  tlie  session  closed 
tliau  the   censorsliip  of  the  press   was   re- 

June  1827.  it  t      t^t  i 

stored  by  a  royal  ordinance,  in  JSovember, 
no  less  than  seventy-six  j)eers  were  created  ;  and  the 
chamber  of  deputies  was  dissolved.  The  impolicy  of 
the  dissolution  was  soon  made  evident.  Even  the 
higher  class  of  electors,  who  had  been  created  to  se- 
cure the  success  of  royalist  candidates,  turned  against 
the  court.  There  were  riots  in  Paris,  where  liberal 
candidates  were  returned,  in  the  midst  of  dangerous 
popular  excitement ;  and  the  temper  of  the  leaders  of 
the  liberal  party  threatened  a  determined  onslaught 
upon  the  government. 

The  ministry  of  de  Villele  yielded  to  the  coming 
Liberal  storm,  aiid  withdrew  before  the  meeting  of 
the  new^  °^  the  chambers :  but  did  not  escape  censure 
chambers.  ^^^^  ^^^  chamber  of  deputies.  The  minis- 
try of  de  Martignac  had  been  constituted  to  appease 
the  anger  of  the  liberal  party  :  but,  being  obnoxious 
to  the  king  and  his  camarilla,  it  was  to  be  dismissed 
when  it  had  served  its  purpose.  The  new  chambers 
showed  a  reforming  spirit,  repugnant  to  the  policy 
of  the  court.  They  restrained  the  army  of  govern- 
ment officers  from  voting  at  elections,  and  they  re- 
stored the  liberty  of  the  press.  And,  in  order  to 
satisfy  the  prevailing  sentiment  against  the  Jesuits, 
the  king  was  prevailed  upon  to  issue  ordinances  sup- 
pressing schools  under  their  management,  and  limit- 
ing the  number  of  students  for  holy  orders.  This 
ministry  having  neither  the  confidence  of  the  king, 
nor  of  the  chambers,  was  dismissed,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  the  famous  royalist  administration  of  the 
Prince  de  Polignac. 

This  ill-omened  minister,  with  many  eminent  quali- 


THE  POLIGNAO  MTNISTEY.  249 

ties,  was  in  statesmansliip  little  better  tlian  a  priest : 
his  policy  was  that  of  a  past  age.     He  re-  ^^^ 
garded  the  iirerogatives  of  the  crown  as  sa-  '"'.'ignac 

o  ±  o  ^         ^  ninusiiy. 

cred,  and  above  all  laws  and  constitutions  ;  August 
and  freedom  of  worship  as '  an  outrage  against 
the  altar  of  the  true  God.'  ^  Such  a  minister  was 
dear  to  the  inmost  hearts  of  the  Jesuits  :  but  to  the 
French  people,  just  recovering  from  the  wild  license 
of  the  revolution,  his  nomination  was  a  defiance. 
The  new  ministers  were  everywhere  denounced.  The 
press  foretold  the  downfall  of  the  monarchy  :  Guizot 
and  Thiers  deplored  the  blindness  and  infatuation 
of  the  king :  Lafayette  organised  the  political  socie- 
ties ;  and  made  a  tour  of  agitation  in  the  south  of 
France.^ 

In  March  1830,  while  this  popular  excitement  con- 
tinued, the  chambers  were  opened  ;  and  the 

•  •  1      •  Ti  IT-  Want  of 

deputies,  m  their  address  to  the  kinp;,  con-  comickuce 

i  .'  *=>'  in  the 

veyed,   in   measured  and  respectful  terms,  P<.>''r''i''c 

''  ^  .     ■'•  .  nnnistry. 

their   want   of   confidence    in   the   Poliguac 
ministry.     The  king  resented  this  address  as  an  as- 
sault  upon  his   prerogative.      Denying  the  March  2, 
right  of  the  chamber  to  advise  him  in  the   '*^'^' 
choice  of  his  own  ministry,  he  would  not  allow  the 
Prince  de  Polignac  to   resign  :   but  prepared  for  a 
contest  with  his  antagonists.     He  replied  to  the  ob- 
noxious address  in  language  which  bespoke  his  de- 
termination ;  and  on  the  following  day  the  chambers 
were  prorogued,  before  any  of  the  business  of  tlie 

'  Lamartine,  Ilist.  de  la  Rest.  viii.  329. 

'  '  La  contre-rcvolution  pleine  et  enti^re  arrive  avec  M.  de  Polig- 
nac :  alors  le  sol  a  trcinbli;  sous  k-s  pas  de  Charles  X.,  pour  nous 
Bcrvir  do  la  prophCtique  cxi)ression  de  son  frcrc.' — Capcfigue,  Hid. 
de  la  Rent.  x.  394. 
11* 


250  FRANCE. 

session  had  been  transacted.  The  breach  between 
the  king  and  his  parliament  was  now  complete. 
That  it  was  full  of  danger  to  the  monarchy,  none 
but  the  blindest  councillors  could  fail  to  see  ;  and 
the  infatuation  of  the  high-prerogative  faction  pre- 
cipitated the  impending  crisis.  Prosecutions  were 
commenced  against  several  newspapers,  which  in- 
creased the  exasperation  of  the  popular  party  :  while 
the  royalist  journals  openly  exhorted  the  king  to  exer- 
cise his  prerogatives  for  the  defeat  of  disloyal  factions. 
Notwithstanding  the  unmistakable  public  sentiment 
Another  agaiust  the  policy  of  the  court,  ministers  re- 
Mr°i'6  ""*  solved  upon  another  appeal  to  the  people ; 
1830.  and  in  May  the  chambers  were  dissolved. 

As  every  one  but  ministers  had  foreseen,  an  over- 
whelming liberal  majority  was  returned.  The  verdict 
of  the  country  was  unequivocally  pronounced  against 
the  reactionary  policy  of  the  king  and  his  advisers : 
Coup  but  they  resolved  to  brave  it.     The  hostile 

jniy  25  chamber  of  deputies  could  not  be  safely  en- 
isw.  countered,  and  it  was  dissolved  before  the 

day  appointed  for  its  meeting.  So  far,  the  king, 
though  taking  a  violent  and  dangerous  course,  was 
acting  within  his  prerogative.  But  how  was  another 
hostile  majority  to  be  averted  ?  By  a  new  electoral 
law,  under  the  sole  authority  of  a  royal  ordinance ! 
This  illegal  ordinance  was  accompanied  by  another, 
prohibiting  the  publication  of  any  newspapers,  with- 
out a  license  from  the  government.  The  misguided 
king  had  been  advised  that  the  fourteenth  article  of 
the  charter  ^  permitted  such  an  exercise  of  prerogative ; 
and  it  was  affirmed  that  Louis  XVIII.  had  issued  simi- 

'  '  Le  roi    .     .     .    fait  les  reglemens  et  les  ordonnances  necea- 
saires  pour  rexccution  des  lois,  et  la  surete  de  I'ctat,' 


THE  THREE  DAYS  OF  JULY,   1830.  251 

lar  ordinances  witliout  objection.  But  it  was  forgotten 
tliat  the  king  was  now  repealing  express  acts  of  the 
legislature,  which  had  been  passed  since  the  ordi- 
nances of  the  late  reign ;  and  that  he  was  unquestion- 
ably exceeding  the  powers  of  a  constitutional  sove- 
reign.^ His  contest  with  the  popular  party  had  already 
been  fraught  with  danger  :  but,  by  this  plain  violation 
of  the  law,  he  gave  his  adversaries  an  overwhelming 
advantage,  by  which  they  were  not  slow  to  profit. 

The  king  had  committed  himself  to  a  violation  of 
the  law  and  the  constitution :  he  had  offended 
the  press,  the  liberal  party,  and  the  people,  piipara- 
His  policy  was  that  of  force.  He  had  taken 
his  stand  upon  his  own  prerogatives,  and  should  have 
been  prepared  to  defend  the  dangerous  position  he 
had  assumed.  Yet  such  was  the  blind  confidence  of 
his  advisers  in  the  royal  authority,  and  such  their  ig- 
norance of  popular  sentiments,  that,  while  provoking 
insurrection,  they  had  taken  no  measures  to  repress 
it.  Paris  was  the  great  centre  of  political  movements, 
the  source  of  all  former  revolutions :  it  had  a  turbu- 
lent populace,  a  discontented  hourgeoisie,  a  disbanded, 
but  not  disarmed,  national  guard,  two  hundred  thou- 
sand men  trained  to  arms,  and  bold  leaders  versed  in 
the  tactics  of  street-fighting.  What  were  the  forces 
prepared  to  resist  these  formidable  elements  of  dis- 
order? In  Paris  tliere  were  about  ten  thousand 
ti-oops,  of  all  arms,  of  whom  4,600  were  of  the  royal 
guard,  and  twelve  guns,^  with  six  rounds  of  grapc- 

'  Even  tlie  Duke  of  Wellington,  one  of  the  best  friends  of  the 
Bourbons,  and  certainly  no  unfriendly  critic  of  prerogative,  ad- 
mitted '  that  the  throne  of  Charles  X.  had  fallen  from  his  own  acts.' 

•  Four  of  these  were  at  the  Invalides,  and  were  not  brought  into 
action. 


.252  FBANCE. 

sliot.  No  attempt  liad  been  made  to  strengthen  tlie 
garrison,  from  other  stations,  and  Marshal  Marmont, 
■who  had  just  been  apjaoiuted  to  the  command,  being 
ignorant  of  the  impending  coup  d'ttat,  had  made  no 
preparations  for  the  defence  of  the  capitaL  His 
scanty  force  was  ill  supplied  with  food  and  ammuni- 
tion, and  without  the  means  of  securing  immediate 
reinforcements,  or  supplies. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  Paris  when  the  ordi- 
nances were  published.     The  leading  oppo- 
tioniu         sition  joumalists,   advised  that    they  were 
July  26,        illegal,  refused  obedience  to  the  law  for  the 

1830.  ,  ^ 

regulation  of  the  press,  and  published  a  pro- 
test, in  which  they  proclaimed  their  determination 
to  resist  it.  This  protest  was  signed  by  forty-four 
journalists,  among  whom  was  Thiers.  Attempts  tq 
seize  the  refi'actorv  iournals,  and  close  their 
offices,  provoked  disorders  in  the  streets. 
TThile  a  meeting  of  thirty  liberal  deputies,  including 
Casimir  Perier,  Dupin,  and  Guizot,  were  deliberating 
upon  the  perilous  situation  of  affairs,  a  general  insur- 
rection had  broken  out  in  Paris  :  barricades  were 
erected :  the  people  were  arming  themselves  with 
pikes  and  seizing  arms :  the  disbanded  national  guards 
were  in  the  midst  of  them,  not  ranged  on  the  side  of 
order,  but  in  arms  against  the  handful  of  troops, 
which  had  been  left  to  defend  the  capital,  and  tlie 
monarchy.  This  small  force,  half-starved,  thirsty,  ill 
provided  with  ammunition,  and  wearied  with  excessive 
duty,  was  wholly  unequal  to  cope  with  the  over- 
whelming masses  by  which  it  was  surrounded  :  but  it 
succeeded  in  carrying  several  of  the  barricades,  and 
other  strong  positions  of  the  insurgents.  At  length, 
however,  the  troops  of  the  line,  who  had  been  left  for 


AEDICATION  OF  CHARLES  X.  253 

hours  in  conversation  with  the  people,  were  seduced 
from  tlieir  allegiance,  and  offered  no  further  resistance 
to  the  insurgents.  The  royal  guard  continued  faith- 
ful to  the  last :  but  the  insurgents  had  gained  posses- 
sion of  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  the  Louvre,  and 
the  Tuileries  :  the  tricolor  flag  was  flying  from 
the  towers  of  Notre-Dame ;  and  the  insurrection  was 
everywhere  triumphant. 

Meanwhile,  the  liberal  leaders,  who  had  been  in  fre- 
quent consultation  during  tliese  events,  were  .p,^g  ,j,^^|.^j 
encouraged,  by  the  progress  of  the  insurrec-  leaders. 
tion,  to  place  themselves  at  the  head  of  the  movement. 
Guizot,  Thiers,  and  Yillemain  shrank  from  taking  jjart 
in  the  insurrection  :  but  Lafitte,  Lafayette,  and  others 
resolved  to  make  common  cause  with  the  insurgents. 
Lafayette  accepted  the  command  of  the  insurrection- 
ary forces,  and  established  himself  at  the  Hotel  de 
Ville,  at  the  head  of  a  provisional  government ;  while 
other  leaders  were  busy  with  j^lans  for  giving  a  safe 
direction  to  the  successful  movement. 

When  the  king  was  fully  informed  of  the  state  of 
the  capital,  he  revoked  the  obnoxious  ordi-  ,p,_g  ^;  % 
nances,  and  dismissed  his  ministers :  but  it  j[,']y  3(f  ■  \ 
was  too  late  ;  and  a  proclamation  was  issued,  ^^^-  i 
from  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  declaring  that  Charles  X. 
had  ceased  to  reign  in  France.  On  the  following  day 
he  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  grandson,  the  Due  de 
Bordeaux.'    His  abdication  was  accepted :  but  the  suc- 

'  '  Telle  f  ut  la  fin  do  la  restauration, — f^ouvcrnemont  lo  plus  difficile 
detous  ceux  que  I'histoire  retrace  en  leQon  aux  liommes,  et  ou  les 
fautea  sont  les  plus  inevitables,  meme  aux  plus  droitcs  intentions, 
parce  que  les  choses  abolies  par  la  revolution,  ct  pcrsonnifu'es^dans 
les  dynasties  proscrites,  s'efforcent,  par  nature,  de  revonir  avec  ces 
dynasties,  et  portent  outrage  aux  clioses  nouvelles.' — Lamartiue,  Hist, 
de  la  Rent.  viii.  441, 


254:  FRANCE. 

cession  was  repudiated  by  all  but  the  defeated  royal- 
Abdica-  ists  ;  aud  tlie  unfortunate  monarch,  anxious 
Charles  X.  to  avcrt  the  shedding  of  more  blood  in  his 
"^"®  ■  cause,  retreated  to  Cherbourg,  where  he  em- 
barked for  Edinburgh.  There  was  no  attemj)t  to 
arrest  his  flight ;  and  the  revolution  was  spared  the 
embarrassment  of  determining  the  fate  of  a  captive 
king.  The  examples  of  English  history  were  followed. 
One  king  had  been  brought  to  the  scaffold  :  another 
was  suffered  to  escape. 

The  throne  was  vacant ;  and  how  should  Franco  be 
governed?  The  republicans  had  been  the  authors  of 
the  revolution,  had  fought  in  the  streets,  and  had  con- 
quered :  Lafayette,  their  leader,  was  in  command  of 
their  armed  multitudes, — a  revolutionist  of  more  than 
forty  years'  experience,  and  ambitious  of  being  the 
founder  and  dictator  of  a  new  republic.  The  empire 
had  multitudes  of  friends :  but  the  death  of  Napoleon, 
and  the  youth  of  the  King  of  Rome,  discouraged  any 
attempts  in  favour  of  that  dynasty.  But  there  were 
wiser  heads  at  work  upon  another  scheme.  They  had 
taken  no  part  in  the  insurrection  :  they  had  incurred 
no  danger  :  all  the  fighting  had  been  done  for  them : 
but  they  now  sat  in  conclave  to  distribute  the  fi'uits 
of  the  victory.  Lafitte,  the  banker,  Guizot,  Thiers, 
and  other  journalists  were  determined,  if  possible,  to 
rescue  France  from  another  period  of  revolution,  and 
mob-rule.  Lafitte  had  long  maintained  the  closest  re- 
lations of  confidence  with  the  Duke  of  Orleans ;  and 
during  the  last  two  reigns  had  assumed  the  lead  of 
the  Orleanist  party,  or  coterie.  The  chief  journalists, 
being  men  of  political  moderation,  were  either  as- 
sociated with  that  party,  or  friendly  to  the  objects 
which  it  had  in  view.    With  rare  address  and  manace- 


LOUIS  PHILIPPE   KING.  255 

ment,  this  little  knot  of  clever  men  issued  a  procla- 
mation recommending  the  Duke  of  Orleans  to  the  va- 
cant throne.  They  overcame  the  irresolution  of  that 
prince  himself:  they  prevailed  upon  the  deputies 
and  peers  then  in  Paris  to  ofter  him  the  crown : 
they  extolled  the  claims  of  their  candidate  in  all 
their  ney/spaj)ers  :  they  outwitted  Lafayette  and  the 
republicans ;  and  obtained  their  reluctant  acquies- 
cence in  'a  throne  surrounded  by  republican  institu- 
tions.' ^ 

In  a  few  days  every  difficulty  was  surmounted :  a 
new  constitution  was  prepared :  Louis  Phi-  Lo„i., 
lippe  accepted  the  crowTi,  as  'Kmg  of  tHe  k?nil'{^'f°he 
~!French,'  and  swore  to  observe  the  constitu-  Aimfs^' 
tion.     The  new  settlement  of  the  crown  re-  '^*°'i^- 
sembled  that  of  England  in  1689.     The  essential  laws 
of  the  State  were  little  changed  :  the  charter  of  Louis 
XVIII.,  with  the  exception  of  the  14th  article,  which 
had  caused  the  fatal  errors  of  the  late  reign,  was  gen- 
erally maintained :  the  tricolor  flag  was  restored  ;  and 
the  trial  of  press  ofiences  was  once  more  remitted  to 
juries. 

The  revolution  of  July  had  changed  the  d^niasty  of 
France,  and  founded  a  constitutional  mon- 
archy.    It   was    th<f  work  of  few  hands :   it  of  the 

, .  ,  I       n       1     •!  revolution 

was  no  national  movement :  but  it  v.-as  ac-  on  foreign 
cepted  by  the  nation,  as  the  overthrow  of 
royalist  principles  repugnant  to  the  constitution.     In 
other  European  States  it  encouraged  a  revolt  against 
the  absolutist  policy  which  had  been  maintained  since 
the  peace  of  1815.      The  vague  declarations  of  the 

'  Of  tlicse  proceedings,  it  is  cleverly  said  by  ^Ir.  Keeve,  '  The 
crown  was  disposed  of  by  a  hand-l)ill,  and  the  dynasty  enthroned  by 
a  placard.' — Royal  and  Jtepitbiican  France,  ii.  52. 


rEANCE. 


Holy  Alliance  ^  acquired  significance  at  Troppau,  at 
Laybacli,  and  at  Verona.  The  great  powers, — dread- 
ing a  revival  of  the  revolutionary  spirit,  v/hich  had 
shaken  thrones,  and  disturbed  the  peace  of  nations, — 
had  combined  to  repress  popular  movements  in  Na- 
ples, in  Piedmont,  and  in  Spain ;  and  they  had  ex- 
ercised their  influence  everywhere  in  discouraging 
democracy.  Greece  alone  had  been  aided  in  her 
struggle  for  freedom  and  independence,  by  the  liberal 
policy  of  England,  and  the  religious  sympathies  of 
Kussia. 

The  revolution  of  July  suddenly  fi-ustrated  the  re- 
pressive policy  of  the  great  powers,  and  was  the  com- 
mencement of  a  new  era  in  the  liberties  of  Europe. 
It  gave  an  impulse  to  the  revolution  in  Belgium :  to 
the  insurrection  in  Poland;  to  the  democratic  con- 
stitutions of  Switzerland  :  to  political  reforms  in  seve- 
ral of  the  States  of  Germany ;  and  to  parliamentary 
reform  in  England.  Its  influence  was  felt  in  Italy,  in 
Spain,  and  Portugal :  in  Hungary,  and  in  the  Sclavonic 
provinces  of  Austria.  And,  even  beyond  the  bounds  of 
Europe,  it  reached  fi^om  Egypt  and  Syria,  in  the  east, 
to  South  America,  in  the  west.  The  period  of  reaction 
was  now  closed,  to  be  succeeded  by  the  progressive 
development  of  constitutional  freedom. 

1  On  September  26,  1815,  the  Emperors  of  Russia  and  Austria  and 
the  King  of  Prussia  had  entered  into  a  convention,  known  as  the 
Holy  Alliance,  to  give  effect  to  the  precepts  of  justice,  Christian 
charity,  and  peace ;  but  its  true  objects  were  subsequently  disclosed. 


CHAPTEE    XYL 

FEANCE  {continued). 

REIGN  OF  LOUIS  PHILITPE — STATE  OP  PARTIES — RELIANCE  UPON 
THE  MIDDLE  CLASSES  —  INSURRECTIONS— LOUIS  NAPOLEON  AT 
STRASBURG  AND  BOULOGNE — REFORM  AGITATION — THE  SPANISH 
MARRIAGES — THE  FALL  OF  LOUIS  PHILIPPE — EFFECTS  OF  THE 
REVOLUTION  OF   1848  UPON  THE  DIFFERENT   STATES  OF  EUROPE. 

Upon  Louis  Pliilippe  Lad  devolved  tlie  difficult  experi- 
ment of  a  constitutional  government, — to  Le  ^j,^  j..  ,g 
maintained  against  royalists  on  one  side,  and  difficulties. 
republicans  and  Bonapartists  on  the  other :  with  rival 
parties  supporting  his  throne,  and  hostile  factions 
plotting  to  subvert  it :  v/ith  all  the  principles  of  the 
revolution  in  full  activity  ;  and  with  few  of  the  safe- 
guards of  an  established  monarchy.^  Journalists  had 
been  the  king-makers  of  this  crisis,  and  were  rewarded 

'  The  followiug  are  the  principal  works  relating  to  the  reign  of 
Louis  Philippe.  They  differ  essentially  in  principles,  aims,  and  party 
views  :  but  they  agree  generally  in  their  narratives  of  the  chief 
events  of  the  period  : — Louis  Blanc,  Hid.  de  Dix  Ans,  1830-1840  ; 
and  Hist,  de  Huit  Ans,  1840-1848  ;  Capefigue,  Dix  Ans  de  Louis 
Philippe  ;  Lamartine,  Hist,  de  la  Rev.  de  1848  ;  Garnier  Pages,  Hist, 
de  la  Rev.  de  1848  ;  Duvcrnier  de  Hauranne,  Hid.  du  Gouv.  Pari. 
1814-1848;  Kegnault,  Hist,  de  Hnit  Ans,  1840-1848,  and  Hist,  du 
Gouvcrncment  ProvisrAre  ;  Qranier  de  Cassagnac,  Hist,  de  la  Chute  de 
Louis  Philippe,  d:c.;  Guizot,  M('m.  pour  servir  a  I'Histoire  demon 
Temps;  D'llaussonville,  Hist,  de  la  Politique  exterieure  du  Gouveme- 
ment  Fi-anrais,  18:50-1848  ;  Beaumont-Vassy,  Hist,  de  mon  Temps; 
ArncdCe  Boudln,  Hint,  de  Louiis  Philippe. 


253  FRANCE. 

by  a  considerable  sliare  of  power  under  the  new  dy- 
nasty. But  Louis  Philippe,  whose  chief  characteristics 
were  prudence  and  caution,  was  constrained  to  form  a 
ministry  of  such  social  pretensions  as  befitted  a  great 
monarchy,  and  commanded  the  confidence  of  the  aris- 
tocracy, as  well  as  of  the  democracy.  Accordingly  his 
first  ministry  was  formed  under  the  Due  de  Broglie  : 
but  Guizot  was  Minister  of  the  Interior  ;  and  Lafitte, 
Dupin,  and  Casimir  Perier  were  not  forgotten,  but  had 
seats  in  the  cabinet,  without  office.  The  democratic 
party,  however,  were  greatly  dissatisfied  with  the 
share  of  power  which  had  fallen  to  their  lot :  the  re- 
publicans were  smarting  under  their  recent  discom- 
fiture ;  and  the  disorganisation  of  French  society  pro- 
mised little  political  repose  to  the  citizen  king.  A 
revolution  had  raised  him  to  the  throne :  revolutionary 
sentiments  had  been  revived  by  the  triumph  of  the 
barricades ;  and  the  problem  to  be  solved  was  how  a 
constitutional  king  should  govern  a  democracy,  which 
he  was  obliged  at  once  to  propitiate  and  to  restrain.^ 

All  the  parties  of  the  late  reigns  were  as  irrecon- 
state  of  cilable  as  ever  :  royalists,  Bonapartists,  doc- 
parties.  triuaires,  liberals,  republicans,  and  the  now 
dominant  party  of  the  Orleanists.  But  the  royalists 
were  no  longer  supporters  of  the  throne.  They  had 
been  devoted  adherents  of  the  restored  monarchy, 
which  represented,  in  tlieir  eyes,  the  sacred  principle 
of  hereditary  right,  as  well  as  a  time-honoured  insti- 

'  '  Rieu  n'etait  vrai  clans  cette  royaute,  qu'un  trone  et  un  peuple 
cgalement  frustres.  Tot  outard,  il  devait  s'antantir,  comme  il  avait 
surgi,  dans  uu  souffle.' — Lamartine,  Hist,  de  la  Rest.  {Preainbide,  9). 

'  Entre  I'lieredits,  qu'il  avait  bannie,  et  Felection  nationale,  qu'il 
avait  eludee,  que  pouvait-il  faire  ?  Manceuvrer,  negocier,  atei-moyer, 
capter,  corrompre  :  gouvernement  a  deux  visages,  dout  aucun  ne 
disait  une  verite.' — Ibid. 


REIGN  OF  LOUIS  rniLITPE.  259 

tution,  to  wliicli  tliey  and  their  ancestors  had  owed 
allegiance.  But  now  they  were  the  bitterest  enemies 
of  the  sovereign,  who  had  usurped  the  throne  of  their 
legitimate  king. 

The  main  reliance    of  Louis  Philippe    was  upon 
the  large  society  of  the  middle  classes  who  Reliance 
dreaded  democracy,  on  one  side,  and  pre-  JJIJ^JJie^® 
rogative,  on  the  other.     And  it  became  the  classes. 
policy  of  his  reign  to  secure  the  adhesion  of  these 
classes,  by   favouring   enterprise    and   industry:   by 
placing  the  chief  power  of  the  State  in  their  hands : 
by  lavishing  upon  them  patronage  and  profits ;  and  by 
an  extended  system  of  political  corruption.     Unable 
to  rely  upon  the  traditions  or  sentiments  of  his  peo- 
ple, he  was  driven  to  appeal  to  their  interests.^    The 
bourgeoisie  were  naturally  attracted  to  the  sober  rule  of 
the  citizen  king ;  and  their  relations  with  their  work- 
men, at  this  time,  further  ensured  their  ad-  socialism. 
hesion.     After  the    revolution  of  1830,  the  ^^^' 

'  Of  these  classes  Louis  Blanc  says  :  '  Comme  classe  mllitante,  la 
bourgeoisie  a  bien  merit«  de  la  civilisation.  EUe  possede  d'ailleurs 
des  qualit''s  :  I'amour  du  travail,  le  respect  de  la  loi,  la  haiue  du 
fanatisme,  et  de  ses  emportements,  des  mocurs  douces,  rcconomie, 
ce  qui  compose  le  fond  des  vertus  doniestiques.  Mais  elle  manque 
en  gineral  de  profondeur  dans  les  idees,  d'ek'vation  dans  les  senti- 
ments; et  elle  n'a  aucune  vaste  crojance.' — Hist,  de  Dix  Ans,  v.  333. 

According  to  Guizot :  '  Et  lorsqu'elles  out  etc  amenees,  en  1830,  Jl 
fonder  une  monarchie  nouvelle,  les  classes  moyennes  ont  portc,  dans 
cette  difficile  entreprise,  un  esprit  de  justice  et  de  sinceritt^  politique 
dont  aucun  evunement  ne  pent  leur  enlcver  I'honncur.  Eu  dcpit  de 
toutes  les  passions,  de  tons  les  perils  qui  les  assaillaient,  en  di'pit 
de  leurs  propres  passions,  elles  ont  sOrieuseraent  voulu  et  pratique 
I'ordre  constitutionnel  ;  elles  ont  effectivement  respcctc'et  maintenu, 
au  deidans  et  pour  tout,  la  libcrtc',  a  la  fois  b'gale  et  vive,  au  dehors 
et  partout,  la  paix,  la  paix  active  et  prospere.' — De  la  Dcinocratie  en 
France,  44. 


260  FBANCE. 

principles  of  socialism,  founded  upon  St.  Simon,  were 
more  widely  adojjted  by  the  working  classes  of  Paris. 
Their  creed  was  shortly  this  :  that  they  should  regu- 
late the  prices  of  their  own  labour,  and  distribute  its 
products  among  themselves :  that  the  inheritance  of 
property  should  be  forbidden :  that  marriage  should 
be  abolished ;  and  that  the  community  should  take 
the  place  of  families.^ 

One  hopeful  contrast  is  to  be  observed  between  the 
Contrast  Spirit  of  the  revolution  of  1789  and  that  of 
i^Qand  1830.  In  the  first,  a  ferocious  thirst  for 
^^^'  blood  disgraced  it  in  the  eyes  of  Europe  and 

of  history  :  in  the  second,  no  blood  was  shed  save  in 
the  streets  of  Paris,  during  the  three  days  of  July. 
Prince  de  Polignac,  and  some  of  his  colleagues,  had 
not  escaped,  like  their  royal  master ;  and  were 
brought  to  trial  for  their  crimes,  against  the  law. 
Their  trial  was  watched  by  the  people,  with  threaten- 
ing demonstrations.  In  1793  their  lives  would  have 
been  sacrificed  to  the  popular  fury  :  but  now  they 
were  calmly  judged  by  the  chamber  of  peers.  They 
had  violated  the  law,  and  were  condemned  :  but  their 
crimes  were  punished  by  transportation  and  impri- 
sonment, not  by  death. 

The  troubled  course  of  Louis  Philippe's  reign  may 
Summary  ^e  briefly  followed.  The  Due  de  Broglie's 
Nin^embcr  ministry  soon  fell,  and  was  succeeded  by 
10, 1830.  ^^^^  q£  L^g^^e^  iije  king-maker.  It  was  their 
policy  to  prevent  the  revolution  from  drifting  into 
anarchy ;  and  they  had  the  courage  to  dismiss  the  re- 
publican chief  Lafayette  from  the  command  of  the  na- 
Marcb  13,  tioual  gtiard.  This  ministry  soon  gave  place 
^^^'  to  another  under  Casimir  Perier.    To  gratify 

'  Seo  Louis  Blanc,  Hist,  de  Dix  Ans,  ii.  268. 


ABOLITION   OF  HEREDIT.VEY  TEERAGE.  261 

tlie  popular  party,  the  elective  franchise  was  now 
extended,  and  the  electors  were  at  once  in-  Elective 
creased  from  99,000  to  108,000,  and  in  the  ^'^^^''''^ 
course  of  the  next  ten  years  to  221,000,^  Ministers 
had  pledged  themselves  to  govern  by  the  chambers 
alone  ;  and  the  first  election  under  the  new  law, 
left  them  in  a  minority  of  one,  in  the  chamber  of 
deputies. 

The  revolution  was  again  asserting  its  influence, 
and  the  first  sacrifice  made  to  it  was  the  Abolition 
hereditary  peerage.  An  overwhelming  ma-  duary"" 
jority  of  the  deputies  were  bent  upon  its  p^'^''^^®- 
abolition,  and  the  luckless  upper  chamber  was  co- 
erced, by  the  creation  of  thirty-six  life  peers,  into 
the  surrender  of  its  privileges.  The  nobles  had  lost 
their  territorial  power  and  social  influence :  the  po- 
litical ascendency  of  the  middle  classes  had  been  se- 
cured by  the  electoral  law  ;  and  the  fall  of  the  here- 
ditary peers  was  demanded  at  once  by  the  bourgeoisie, 
and  by  the  democracy.  Henceforth  the  upper  cham- 
ber consisted  of  life  peers  only,  created  by  the  crown. 
The  general  policy  of  an  hereditary  chamber,  as  part 
of  a  constitutional  monarchy,  was  little  concerned  in 
this  determination.  Such  was  the  political  and  social 
state  of  France,  that  no  upper  chamber,  whether  here- 
ditary or  not,  could  withstand  the  popular  influences ; 
and  the  hereditary  princij^le  excited  too  much  jeal- 
ousy, to  be  maintained  against  the  revolutionary  sen- 
timents which  wore  still  in  the  ascendent.  The  here- 
ditary peers  had  done  nothing  to  save  Napoleon  or 
Charles  X.,  and  they  could  do  no  more  for  Louis 
Pliilippe.     They   had  neither  supported  the   crown 

'  Speech  of  (juizot  on  doctoral  reform,  February  10,  1843. 


262  FRANCE. 

against  the  people,  nor  upheld  liberty  against  pre- 
rogative :  they  had  no  will  or  policy  of  their  own, 
but  had  been  overborne,  again  and  again,  by  large 
creations,  and  made  obedient  to  the  dictates  of  the 
king's  ministers,  and  the  chamber  of  deputies. 

The  king  was  now  left  face  to  face  with  the  revolu- 
,   ,    tiou,  to  guide  it  as  best  he  could  ;   and  he 

Discontents  "  ^  . 

and  insur-     -^as  eucompassed  by  the  gravest  difficulties. 

rectious.  .  ■•■  -^  '-'  i    t 

The  working  classes  were  suffering  and  dis- 
contented :  trade  was  injured  by  the  shock  which  com- 
mercial confidence  had  sustained  from  the  late  revo- 
lution :  there  were  fierce  contests  between  workmen 
and  their  employers,  concerning  the  rate  of  wages  : 
the  disorders  of  society  were  multiplied,  and  the  j^as- 
sions  of  political  parties  were  not  appeased.  The 
dangerous  spirit  of  the  working  classes  was  shown  in 
November  the  insurrection  at  Lyons.  The  troops  were 
20,1831.  d.riven  out,  and  the  city  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  insurgents.  Nor  was  it  reduced  to  submission 
until  the  arrival  of  Marshal  Soult,  a  fortnight  after- 
^     „  wards,  at  the  head  of  forty  thousand  men. 

Dec.  3.  '  -^  _         , 

There  were  plots  and  conspiracies  on  every 
side.  The  republicans  were  plotting,  and  fomenting 
disorders  at  Paris,  Strasburg,  and  Grenoble.  The  ad- 
venturous Duchesse  de  Berri  was  vainly  raising  the 
Bourbon  standard  at  Marseilles  and  in  La  Vendee. 
But  it  was  in  the  streets  of  Paris  that  the  govern- 
ment was  threatened  with  its  greatest  danger. 

Insurrcc*  •    ■ 

tion  in  A  risiug  had  long  been  projected  by  the  rest- 
less democrats  of  that  irrepressible  city ; 
and  at  the  funeral  of  the  popular  general  Lamarque, 
they  assembled  in  vast  crowds,  and  attempted  another 
Junes  revolution.  For  a  time  it  seemed  as  if  the 
1833.  three  days  of  July,  1830,  were  about  to  be 


E^SUKEECTIONS.  263 

repeated ;  and  Lafitte,  Lafayette,  and  other  leaders 
of  that  time  were  watching  the  course  of  events,  and 
preparing  to  take  the  lead  again,  if  the  insurrection 
should  prove  successful.  Three-fourths  of  the  citj^^ 
fell  at  once  into  the  hands  of  the  insurgents,  and  their 
rapid  advance  was  threatening  the  Tuileries  :  but  now 
tlie  government  were  amply  prepared.  Marshal  Soult 
was  in  command,  with  sixty  thousand  regular  troops 
and  twenty  thousand  national  guards,^  and  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  pieces  of  artillery.  With  this  large 
force,  he  stormed  all  the  barricades  and  other  posi- 
tions of  the  insurgents.  The  insurrection  was  crushed ; 
and  the  monarchy  was  saved. 

But  this  formidable  insurrection  was  the  turning- 
point  in  the  reign  of  Louis  Philippe.    It  had  ,j,,,^  y 
been  at  once  his  policy,  and  his  own  earnest  "xl.'^J^'/ifo 
wish,  to  govern  France  according  to  the  con-  '"^^• 
stitution,  which  he  had  sworn  to  observe.     But  the 
people  of  his  capital  had  defied  the  law,  and  appealed 
to  arms.     The  normal  reign  of  law  was  for  a  time 
superseded  by  force  ;  and  for  the  first  time  in  his  reign 
he  was  constrained  to  transgress  the  bounds  of  the 
constitution.     While  Paris  was  still  in  arms  j„j,eg 
against  him,  the  printing  presses  of  the  re-  ^*^^- 
publican  journals  were  seized  and  broken  up,  to  pre- 
vent tliem  from  aiding  the  insurgents ;  and  when  the 
insurrection  was  quelled,  Paris  was  declared  in  a  state 
of  siege.    This  measure  placed  tlie  capital  under  mar- 
tial law ;  and  all  ofi'ences  connected  with  the  late  ris- 
ing,— even  ojBfences   of    the   press, — were   witlidrawn 
from  trial  by  jury,  and  entrusted  to  courts  martial. 
Hundreds   of  persons  were   arrested   without  being 

'  About  30,000  of  this  force  failed  to  appear  to  the  muster. 


264  FEANCE. 

brought  to  trial,  and  tlie  journals  were  pursued  with 
unrelenting  severity.  These  exceptional  measures 
were  a  painful  anomaly  in  the  reign  of  a  constitu- 
tional king ;  and  they  united  against  him  the  repub- 
licans, the  royalists,  and  the  Bonapartists.  He  could 
not  expect  popular  support  in  so  rigorous  a  policy : 
but  one  incident  of  the  insurrection  went  far  to  rally 
around  him  the  middle  classes  of  France.  The  work- 
men had  taken  the  chief  part  in  the  insurrection  :  the 
insurgents  had  fought  under  red  banners,  and  many 
had  worn  the  red  caps  of  the  revolution.  These  dread 
emblems  of  the  '  red  republic '  were  a  terror  to  indus- 
trious and  thriving  citizens :  they  recalled  memories 
of  mob-rule  and  the  guillotine  :  they  threatened  ruin 
to  trade,  and  danger  to  life  and  property.  Louis 
Philippe  had,  at  least,  saved  them  fi-om  these  calami- 
ties; and  a  large,  but  not  demonstrative,  'party  of 
order'  was  forming  itself,  upon  whom  every  succes- 
sive government  has  since  relied,  in  resisting  revo- 
lution. Notwithstanding  the  rancour  of  parties,  so 
complete  a  victory  over  insurrection,  at  Lyons,  in  La 
Vendee,  and  in  Paris,  secured  the  confidence  of  France 
and  of  Europe,  in  the  stability  of  the  government. 
This  confidence  Marshal  Soult's  ministiy  increased  by 
the  success  of  the  armed  intervention  of  France,  in 
concert  with  England,  in  the  affairs  of  Belgium. 

Casimir  Perier  had  died  before  the  late  events ;  and 
in  October  was  succeeded,  as  premier,  by 
so'uu's^  Marshal  Soult,  who  presided  over  a  doctri- 
miuibtry.  y^Q^[j.Q  cabinet,  including  the  now  celebrated 
names  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  That  a  marshal  of  the 
empire  should  be  first  minister  of  the  citizen  king, 
pointed  to  the  unwelcome  truth  that  the  revolution 
was  still  to  be  combated  by  the  sword.     The  first  act 


THE  king's  EEL-VTION  TO  PARTIES.  2G5 

of  tlie  new  minister  was  the  creation  of  sixty-three 
peers,  in  order  to  ensure  the  cordial  support  of  the 
upper  chamber.  Whether  the  peerage  was  heredi- 
tary, or  for  life,  constant  creations  seemed  to  be  the 
law  of  its  existence. 

Louis  Philippe  was  in  open  war  Vi^ith  the  revolu- 
tion ;  he  was  estranged  from  the  legitimists ; 
and  he  relied  upon  the  middle  classes,  who  thc'kirgto 
dreaded  anarchy,  and  upon  the  Bonapartists, 
whose  leaders  he  trusted,  and  whose  sentiments  he 
often  took  occasion  to  flatter.     The  adherence  of  the 
latter  was  further  favoured  by  the  death  of  j,,]^  ^g 
Napoleon's  heir,  the  Due  de  Reichstadt.    His  ^'^~- 
policy  was  therefore  marked  out  for  him.     It  was  that 
of  repressing  the  revolution  on  one  side,  and  of  con- 
ciliating the  electors  and  the  chamber  of  deputies  on 
the  other. 

One  of  the  most  formidable  instruments  of  the  revo- 
lutionary party  was  found  in  the  secret  so- 
cieties;  and  a  law  was  proposed  for  their  measures 

rni  1         •  1  -I    •        resitjtcd. 

repression.     Though  vigorously  opposed  m 
tlio  chamber  of  deputies  by  Odillon  Barrot,  Gamier 
Pages,  and  other  members  of  the  liberal  party,  it  was 
passed  by  large  majorities.     The  revolutionists,  how- 
ever, determined  to  resist  its  execution;  and  they  suc- 
ceeded in  exciting  so  much  popular  feeling  against  it, 
that  insurrections  broke   out  at  Lyons,  St. 
Etienne,  and  Paris :  but  they  were  promptly     ^^" 
suppressed.^     These   strong  measures  increased  the 
resentment  of  the  revolutionists :  but  they  effectually 
discouraged   further  insurrections.     That  they  were 
approved  by  the  electoral  body,  and  the  moderate,  or 

'  Lafayette,  who  bad  been  one  of  tbe  most  active  promoters  of  iu- 
Burrections,  died  on  tbe  20tb  of  May. 
VOL.  II.— 12 


266  "         FRANCE. 

juste  milieu,  party,  was  proved  by  tlie  overwhelming 
majority  with  vvhich  they  supported  the  government, 
at  the  dissolution.^ 

It  was  to  this  class  and  this  party  that  Louis 
Philippe  continued  to  look,  for  confidence 
ormp  1  n.  ^^^  political  support ;  and  upon  a  limited 
constituency  he  was  able  to  bring  to  bear  the  influence 
of  a  vast  government  expenditure  and  patronage.  Ho 
could  not  rule  by  a  military  despotism :  he  could  not 
rely  upon  the  loyalty  of  the  people  ;  and  he  was  driven 
to  the  use  of  corrupt  influences,  over  the  classes  who 
alone  were  disposed  to  support  constitutional  govern- 
ment. The  policy  of  William  III.,  of  England,  was  now 
to  be  repeated  in  France,  and  parliaments  and  electors 
were  to  be  swayed  by  the  influence  of  the  crown.^ 

The  day  of  armed  insurrections  had  passed  for 
Attempts  to  awhile  :  it  was  now  the  turn  of  the  assassin. 
the'khig!'^^  In  July  1835,  the  king  narrowly  escaped 
July  28,        from  the  infernal  machine  of  Fieschi ;  and  on 

1835 

several  other  occasions^  his  life  was  sought 
by  the  hands  of  assassins.  His  personal  danger  was 
great :  but  his  throne  was  strengthened  by  acts  which 
aroused  the  indignation  of  all  good  citizens  of  every 
party.  The  crime  of  Fieschi,  however,  provoked  new 
measures  of  repression,  especially  against  the  press, 

'  There  had  been  ministerial  changes  :  but  the  policy  of  the  govern- 
ment was  unchanged. 

*  There  were  140,000  civil  offices,  besides  commissions  in  the  army. 
For  evidences  of  corruption  during  this  reign,  see  Cassagnac,  i.  97 ; 
Regnault,  iii.  47,  &c. ;  Capefigue,  ix.  335 ;  Louis  Blanc,  Dix  Ans,  v. 
329. 

'Attempt  of  Alibaud,  June  25,  1836  :  plot  of  Hubert,  December, 
1837  :  attempt  of  Darmes,  October  17,  1840  :  attempt  of  Quenisset, 
upon  the  lives  of  the  Due  d'Orleans  and  the  Due  de  Nemours,  Sep- 
tember 13,  1841  :  attempt  of  Lecompte,  April  16,  1846. 


LOUIS  N.VrOLEON  AT  STRASBUEG.  267 

which  further  inflamed  the  hatred  of  the  revolution- 
ary party. 

In  the  conflict  of  great  principles  and  parties,  ordi- 
nary changes  of  ministry  require  no  special  ^^.^^^.., 
notice  :  but  the  formation  of  an  administra-  ™P''«- 

1830. 

tion  under  Thiers,  in  February  1836,  affected 
the  future  policy  of  the  State.  There  had  long  been 
a  divergence  of  opinion  between  that  statesman 
and  his  distinguished  colleague,  Guizot,  increased 
by  their  rivalry,  and  by  the  restless  ambition  of  the 
former.  The  policy  and  instincts  of  Guizot  were  con- 
servative :  the  sympathies  of  Thiers  were  with  the 
revolution,  controlled  by  force,  as  in  the  reign  of 
Napoleon.  Hence  his  ministry  was  of  a  somev^^hat 
democratic  character ;  and  Guizot  found  no  place  in 
it.  In  a  few  months  he  fell,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Count  Mole,  at  the  head  of  a  conservative  and  doc- 
trinaire ministry,  which  included  Guizot. 

At  this  time,  the  country  was  suddenly  startled  by 
Louis  Napoleon's  attempt  to  seduce  the  gar-  l^„;j,jjjj 
rison  at  Strasburof.     Its  failure,  indeed,  was  g"'''","  *** 
as  sudden  as  the  enterprise  :  but  the  defec-  ^gg^"""*^'' ^^• 
tion  of  the  artillery,  and  the  extraordinary 
excitement  caused  by  the  familiar  cry  of  *  Vive  I'Em- 
pereur ! '  betrayed  the  sentiments  which  still  clung  to 
the  memory  of  Napoleon.     Louis  Napoleon  was  ban- 
ished  to  America:  but,  so  strong  was  the   popular 
sympathy  with  his  cause,  that,  in  defiance  of  conclu- 
sive evidence,  his  accomplices  were  all  acquitted.^ 

With   many  changes,  the  ministry  of  Count  Mole 
continued  for  five  years,  sorely  embarrassed  conflict  of 
by  the  strife  of  parties.     In  1838,  a  disso-  '*''•^"^''• 

'  Jerrold,  Life  of  Napoleon  III.  B.  iii.  cli.  7-14. 


268  FRANCE. 

lution  secured  a  small  majority  in  tlie  chamber  of 
deputies ;  and  fifty-tliree  new  peers  were  created,  to 
souit's  ensure  the  support  of  the  upper  house. 
mfnistry.  This  ministry,  however,  could  not  long 
ay  1839.  ]^q]^(J  j^g  ground ;  and  the  insurrection  of 
Barbes  again  brought  Marshal  Soult  to  the  head  of 
affairs. 

It  was  not  until  May,  1839,  that  the  latent  spirit  of 
insurrec-  the  revolutiou  again  broke  out  in  insur- 
Bart)63.  rection.  This  insurrection  had  long  been 
planned  by  Barbes,  Blanqui,  and  several 
other  members  of  a  secret  society,  which  first  called 
itself  La  Societe  des  Families,  and  afterwards  the  So- 
date  des  Saiso7is.  The  insurrection  was  of  so  limited  a 
character,  and  was  so  promptly  rej)ressed,  that  its 
chief  interest  lies  in  the  objects  for  which  it  was 
planned,  and  the  principles  of  its  promoters.  It  was 
intended  as  the  first  step  in  a  social  revolutiou  :  its 
objects  were,  not  so  much  to  resist  the  government,  as 
to  overthrow  the  existing  order  of  society.  The  con- 
spirators, like  their  predecessors  in  the  revolutionary 
struggles  of  France,  maintained  the  popular  doctrines 
of  equality,  and  the  sovereignty  of  the  people.  But 
these  formed  a  small  part  of  their  creed.  Like  all  re- 
publicans, they  denounced  aristocrats  :  but  who  were 
aristocrats  ?  *  All  monied  men,  bankers,  contractors, 
monopolists,  great  proprietors,  stock-jobbers.'  Such 
men  governed  the  people  by  force ;  and  who  were  the 
people  ?  The  people  were  all  citizens  who  worked, — 
the  proletaires.  They  were  treated  by  the  rich  as 
slaves  and  negroes.  Their  tyrants  had  silenced  the 
press,  and  had  repressed  societies.  They  governed 
by  force,  and  by  force  they  must  be  overcome.  The 
social  revolution  would  humble  the  rich,  and  the  State 


P^iELLVMENTAEY  P.VRTIES.  269 

and  society  would  liencefortli  bo  governed  by  work- 
ing men.^ 

Such  were  tlie  socialist  principles  of  tliis  movement. 
They  had  already  taken  deep  root  among  the  revolu- 
tionary members  of  the  working  classes,  and  their 
growth  was  destined  to  bring  serious  calamities  upon 
the  country.  Who  can  wonder  that  the  citizens  of 
France,  against  whom  the  movement  was  directed, 
should  earnestly  support  the  government  in  the  main- 
tenance of  order,  and  in  the  repression  of  the  red  re- 
public ?  The  electoral  body,  and  all  political  parties, 
in  both  chambers,  condemned  these  dangerous  princi- 
ples, however  much  they  differed  upon  other  ques- 
tions afiecting  the  policy  of  the  State. 

While  Soult  was  minister,  Thiers,  now  leader  of  the 
parties  of  the  gauche  and  gauche  centre,  was 
aiming  at  an  early  restoration  to  power,  with  "^^."/fjy 
a  liberal  ministry.      The   contest   of    rival 
statesmen  and  parliamentary  parties  was  like  that  of 
whigs  and  tories  in  England.     They  advocated,  in  dif- 
ferent degrees,  the  liberty  of  the  press  and  of  associa- 
tions, the  extension  of  the  franchise,  and  economy  in 
the  public  establishments  :  but  they  were  all  faithful 
to  the  monarchy,  and  to  the  constitution  of  France. 
They  were  struggling  for  power  among  themselves, 
under  Louis  Philippe  :    but    outside   the    chambers, 
republicans  and  Bonapartists  were  ever  plotting  the 
overthrow  of  the  monarchy,  and  profiting  by  the  strifes 
of  the  parliamentary  parties. 

In  what  manner  momentous  consequences  followed 
the  comparatively  trivial  contentions  of  par-  A'ritation 
liamentary  parties,  may  be  briefly  told.      In 

'  Uistoire  cles  Soci't's  8'crHca,  ii.  10  ;  Louis  Blanc,  Hist,  de  Dix 
Alts,  V.  410  ct  SCI-;  Capefiguc,  Dix,  A)i,h  de  Louis  Philippe,  x.  53. 


270  FEANCE. 

1839,  tlie  opposition,  led  by  Thiers  and  Odillon  Barrot, 
commenced  a  movement  in  favour  of  the  extension  of 
the  suffrage,  or  parliamentary  reform.  At  the  same 
time,  they  urged  the  responsibility  of  ministers  to 
the  representative  chamber.  Both  were  natural  and 
proper  subjects,  to  be  advanced  by  a  parliamentary 
opposition.  But  the  king,  who  was  throughout  his 
reign  the  chief  of  his  own  cabinet,  had  been  growing 
more  and  more  conservative.  His  fierce  conflicts  with 
the  revolutionists,  and  the  frequent  attempts  upon  his 
life,  had  naturally  led  him  to  recoil  from  changes 
which  might  strengthen  the  forces  of  revolution.  The 
middle-class  electors  had  supported  his  throne,  and 
helped  him  to  repress  anarchy.-  His  natural  caution 
and  his  increasing  age,  confirmed  his  unwillingness  to 
entrust  power  to  untried  hands.  Hence,  he  feared  an 
extension  of  the  suffrage  as  the  first  step  in  the  course 
of  revolution  :  while  he  resisted  the  full  responsibility 
of  ministers  to  the  chambers,  as  an  infi-ingement  of 
his  sovereign  rights.  Like  George  III.  of  England, 
he  was  slow  to  admit  limitations  upon  his  prerogative 
of  choosing  ministers,  and  directing  their  policy.  His 
confidence  was  placed  in  Soult,  Guizot,  and  the  con- 
servative party ;  and  their  resistance  to  constitutional 
changes  gravely  affected  the  political  prospects  and 
ultimate  fate  of  the  monarchy. 

Upon  the  fall  of  Soult's  second  ministry,  Thiers,  the 
Ministry  leader  of  the  opposition,  was  once  more 
FeiTniar'  restored  to  power.  He  conciliated  the  revolu- 
23, 1840.  tionary  party  by  a  further  amnesty,  by  con- 
secrating a  sepulchre  for  those  who  fell  in  the  glori- 
ous days  of  July,  and  by  raising  a  monument  to  their 
memory,  in  the  Place  de  la  Bastille.  The  statue  of 
Napoleon  had  already  been  restored  to  its  place  on 


LOUIS  NArOLEON  AT  BOULOGNE.         271 

tlie  column  of  tlie  Place  Yendome  ;  and  now  Le  gratified 
tlie  Bonapartists,  by  the  removal  of  the  remains  of 
their  idol  from  St.  Helena  to  the  Invalides.  In  cele- 
brating these  events,  he  delighted  the  multitude  by 
fetes  and  pageantry.  But  the  popular  excitement 
showed  the  undying  force  of  parties.  The  revolution 
and  the  empire  still  had  their  devoted  adherents,  and 
their  old  sympathies  were  revived. 

Louis  Napoleon,  having  returned  to  Europe  from 
his  banishment  across  the  Atlantic,  had  since 

1  .         .  ••11  i>  1   •  Lonis  Na- 

been  active  m  reviving?  the  hopes  oi  his  party.  p<iit<>n  ■■^t 
His  work,  'Les  Idees  Napok'oniennes,'  pre- 
sented the  policy  of  the  Emperor  in  its  most  attractive 
aspects ;   and   friendly  newspapers   dwelt  upon  the 
glories  of  the  empire,  and  the  freedom  and  happiness 
of  France  under  its  beneficent  influence.     Too  con- 
fident in  the  strength  of  his  party,  and  impelled  by  a 
fatalism,  which  had  taken  possession  of  him,  he  re- 
solved upon  another  desperate  enterprise.     Without 
awaiting  the   arrival  of  the   ashes   of  Napoleon  in 
Fr.ance,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  such  an  occasion,  he 
made  his  memorable  descent  upon  Boulogne.     The 
incidents  of  this  adventure  and  its  failure  August  6, 
were  covered  with  ridicule  :  but  his  procla-  ^^^' 
mation   appealed   to   the   sentiments  of  the   French 
people.      Glory  and  freedom  were  his  watchwords ; 
and  he  trusted  to  a  response  from  republicans   and 
Bonapartists  alike.     Condemned  to  imprisonment  for 
life  in  the  castle  of  Ham,  his  visions  of  empire  were 
as  clear  as  ever ;  and  in  the  solitude  of  his  prison  he 
]  )reparcd  himself,  by  patient  study  and  contomj)lation, 
for  his  great  destiny.     His  prison  doors  had   December 
not  long  closed  u])on  him,  when  the  enthusi-  ^'''  '''^"*' 
a.stic  cries  of  '  Yive  rEmpcrcur ! '  which  hailed  the 


272  FEANCE. 

obsequies  of  Napoleon,  at  tlie  luvalides,  gave  fresh 
encouragement  to  his  aspirations.^ 

The  flattery  which  Thiers  had  offered  to  republi- 
sudcien  fall  caus  ou  oue  side,  and  to  Bonapartists  on  the 
of  ihiers.  Q^j^gj.^  j^^jj  j^q[^  been  without  risk  to  the  throne 
of  Louis  Philippe.  Meanwhile,  the  professions  of 
the  leader  of  the  opposition  were  not  realised  by  the 
resj)onsible  minister,  and  the  liberals  murmured  at 
his  shortcomings.  But  his  fall  came  suddenly,  fi'om 
an  unexpected  quarter.  It  was  not  from  the  king, 
nor  from  the  chambers,  nor  from  the  streets  of  Paris, 
that  a  blow  was  struck  at  his  power  :  but  from  the 
cabinet  in  London.  The  ignominious  failure  of  his 
diplomacy  in  the  affairs  of  Turkey  and  Egypt :  the 
isolation  of  France  from  the  other  powers  of  Europe  : 
the  brilliant  exploits  of  the  English  fleet  on  the  coast 
of  Syria  :  the  evasion  of  the  French  squadron  from  the 
scene  of  those  achievements,  in  which  it  had  no  part 
to  play  ;  and  war  angrily  threatened,  but  not  declared, 
— were  humiliations  which  no  minister  could  survive. 

Power  was  restored  to  the  conservative  party.  The 
veteran  Soult  was,  for  the  third  time,  premier, 
third  and  Guizot  became  minister  for  foreign  af- 

octobLT29,  fairs.  Henceforth,  the  councils  of  the  State 
were  directed  mainly  by  the  latter;^  and 
the  conservative  policy  of  the  king  was  maintained 
throughout  the  remainder  of  his  reign. 

One  measure  demands  special  notice.     Thiers  had 

Fortiflca-      P^oposed  the  fortification  of  Paris ;  and  this 

Paris"'        scheme  was  now  vigorously  carried  out  by 

Soult,     It  had  been  recommended  for  de- 

*  Jerrold,  Life  of  Napoleon  III.  vol.  ii.  B.  iv.  v. 

*  He  did  not.  become  president  of  the  council,  or  premier,  until 
September  1847. 


I 


DISCONTENTS.  273 

fence  against  foreign  invaders  :  but  tlie  detaclied  forts 
were  no  less  designed  to  command  the  streets  of  Paris. 
This  object  was  but  too  manifest  to  the  revolutionists, 
and  they  denounced  the  scheme  as  another  menace  to 
the  liberties  of  the  people. 

At  this  time  France  was  prosperous  :  but  its  expen- 
diture was  excessive  :  and  its  people  were  Discontents 
heavil}^  taxed.  The  multiplication  of  offices  ^'^.o{.kf„c 
and  contracts  continued  to  afford  to  the  '^'='*'^^*- 
government  vast  influence  over  the  chambers  and  the 
electoral  body.  In  the  chamber  of  deputies  there 
were  one  hundred  and  thirty  placemen  :  in  the  coun- 
try there  were  one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  of- 
fices at  the  disposal  of  the  executive.-  The  wealth 
of  the  country  was  constantly  increasing :  the  land 
was  laboriously  cultivated  by  the  peasant  proprie- 
tors :^  commerce  and  manufactures  were  flourishing; 
and  railways  were  opening  up  fresh  fields  of  enter- 
prise and  industr3\  Merchants,  traders,  and  the  mid- 
dle classes  generally,  were  satisfied  with  a  government 
to  which  they  owed  so  much.  But  the  ouvriers  were 
still  discontented  :  they  were  in  perpetual  conflict 
with  their  employers,  and  sometimes  in  open  revolt : 
republican  and  socialist  doctrines  were  gaining  ground 
amongst  them ;  and  they  scowled  with  sullen  aversion 
upon  the  rule  of  the  hourgcoisie.  They  denounced  its 
corruj)tion,  its  selfishness,  its  treachery  to  the  popu- 
lar cause,  and  its  reckless  extravagance.    Above  them 

'  De  Came,  Etudes  mrVhid.  du  Oowo.  rcpr.  1789-1848,  ii.  338,  280, 
321. 

^  At  this  time  there  were  10,860,000  separate  properties  in  land, 
supposed  to  hchmg  to  about  6,000,000  ])ro\mfttorfi.—Stalistiqve.s  de 
la  France,  vii.  90 ;  Regnault,  Uist.  de  Huit  Am  de  Louis  Philippe, 
ii.  276. 

12* 


274:  FRANCE. 

was  a  large  class,  excluded  from  the  narrow  franchise, 
who  demanded  admission  to  the  privileges  of  the  con- 
stitution. Nothing  short  of  universal  suffrage  would 
meet  the  political  aims  of  the  ouvriers :  but  they 
espoused  the  cause  of  parliamentary  reform,  as  an 
assault  upon  the  unpopular  chamber  of  deputies. 
They  aimed  at  social  revolution :  but  they  were  not 
the  less  ready  to  strike  an  immediate  blow  against 
the  dominion  of  their  masters  in  the  chambers,  and 
in  the  government  of  the  State. 

Such  being  the  political  and  social  condition  of 
France,  electoral  reform  became  the  fore- 
lefonu.'^  most  question  of  the  time.  During  the  min- 
istry of  Thiers,  an  active  agitation  had  been 
organised :  reform  banquets  had  been  celebrated  in 
Reform  various  parts  of  the  country :  eloquent  ad- 
june"juiy  dresses  in  support  of  the  cause  were  de- 
Amnist  livered  by  Arago,  Odillon  Barrot,  Garnier 
1840.  Pages,  and  other  popular  leaders :  the  press 

shared  eagerly  in  the  discussions ;  and  the  question 
was  ably  debated  in  the  chamber  of  deputies.  But  it 
found  no  support  from  the  liberal  minister. 

No  interference  had  hitherto  been  afctemj)ted  with 

^j.^j^  the  political  banquets :  but,  soon  after  the 

biinquet        acccssiou   of    the    Soult-Guizot   ministry,   a 

prohibited.  -^  ' 

^y^'isTi^'"^  Polish  banquet,  in  which  the  French  demo- 
cratic leaders  were  to  take  part,  was  pro- 
hibited by  the  prefect  of  police.  Such  an  exercise 
of  power  was  naturally  resented  by  the  democratic 
press :  the  government  retaliated  with  prosecutions, 
and  provoked  the  fierce  hostility  of  the  liberal  party, 
and  of  the  press.  The  indignation  of  the  press  was 
further  aroused  by  a  judgment  of  the  chamber  of 
peers,  which  held  newspapers  guilty  of  moral  com- 


REFOBM  AGITATION.  275 

plicity  in  crimes  committed  by  others,  after  the  pub- 
lication of  inflammatory  articles.^ 

In  1842,  the  question  of  electoral  reform  was  pre- 
sented, in  the  chamber  of  deputies,  in  a  very  Electoral 
modest  form.     It  was  proposed  that  the  fi-an-  j^i^rMVy 
chise  should  simply  be  extended  to  all  per-  ^^'^• 
sons  qualified  to  serve  upon  juries :  but  it  was  resisted, 
and  Guizot  declared  his  opinion  that  the  agitation  for 
reform  was  promoted  by  the  enemies  of  social  order. 
This,  indeed,  was  the  conviction  of  the  king,  and  of 
his  ministers  ;  and  they  dreaded  lest  any  enlargement 
of  the  franchise  should  weaken  the    security  of  law 
and  order,  in  a  country  distracted  by  factions,  and 
still  convulsed  by  the  passions  of  the  revolution. 

Another  proposal,  for  disqualifying  future  deputies 
for  office,  was  also  resisted  by  the  govern- 
ment. Ministers  had  determined  to  take  tiveresis- 
their  stand  upon  a  limited  franchise,  and  po- 
litical corruption.  They  could  not  hope  to  conciliate 
democracy  by  moderate  concessions  :  but  they  might 
have  strengthened  the  monarchy  against  its  enemies, 
by  forming  a  wider  basis  of  representation.  By  re- 
fusing any  change,  they  repelled  numbers  of  good 
citizens,  beyond  the  narrow  circle  of  the  franchise,^ 
who,  in  a  growing  society,  would  have  formed  a  bul- 
wark against  democrac}^  They  took  up  the  same 
position,  in  regard  to  electoral  reform,  as  that  as- 
sumed by  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  in  1831.  The  con- 
stitution was  perfect,  and  there  was  no  reasonable 
ground  for  change.  In  England,  this  question  was 
soon  brought  to  an  issue  by  a  strong  parliamentary 

'  Case  f)f  tli('  Jiiurnul  du  Pevple,  Novonibor  1841. 
*  At  this  time  tbero  were  224,000  electors  only. 


276  FEANCE. 

party :  in  France,  being  left  to  democratic  agitation, 
it  was  preparing  the  way  for  revolution. 

The    melancholy  death    of   the  Due  d'Orleans,  in 

July  1842,  was  a  serious  shock  to  the  present 
the  Due  dynasty.  Under  a  more  settled  monarchy, 
July  13,  '     his  infant  heir,  the  Comte  de  Paris,  would 

have  sufficiently  represented  the  royal  line  : 
biit,  under  a  government  recently  founded  upon  revo- 
lution and  the  choice  of  the  people,  it  could  not  be 
doubted  that  the  sudden  removal  of  a  manly  and 
popular  prince  from  the  succession,  threatened  the 
stability  of  the  throne. 

With  many  causes  of  anxiety,  the  conservative  policy 

was  successfully  maintained  for  some  years, 
opposition     The  parliamentary  opposition  was  becoming 

more  formidable,  in  talent  and  in  numbers : 
but  ministers  commanded  a  steady  majority.  The 
j)ress  continued  hostile :  the  revolutionists  were  disaf- 
fected; and  the  national  guard  were  not  to  be  trusted. 
Neither  the  king  nor  his  ministers  were  popular. 
Even  the  middle  classes  of  Paris  were  alienated  by 
the  narrow  principles  of  the  conservative  party :  but, 
with  the  support  of  a  fidendly  parliament  and  a  faith- 
ful army,  the  steady  course  of  administration  was  pur- 
sued. 
In  May  1846,  Louis  Philippe  was  reminded,  by  the 

escape  of  Louis  Napoleon  from  Ham,  of  the 
Louis  presence  of  a  dangerous  pretender  to  his 

May  33,  '     throue.     The    prince   courted,  at   once,   the 

friends  of  the  revolution  and  of  the  empire : 
he  addressed  himself  to  their  sympathies  :  he  pro- 
mised them  freedom  and  glory :  but  as  yet  his  preten- 
sions were  but  the  dreams  of  a  few  conspirators — not 
the  watchword  of  a  party. 


THE  SPxYNISH  MARIIUGES.  277 

A  dissolution  soon  afterwards  confirmed  tlie  minis- 
terial majority.  Everything  promised  peace  T,,gc;|,^,^i^,j 
and  security  to  the  throne,  when  Louis  Phi-  juiy'ifl^; 
lippe's  unworthy  intrigues  to  bring  about  the  j„,y  ^^  q^_ 
Spanish  marriages^  suddenly  disturbed  his  tob.r,  i84g. 
cordial  relations  with  England,  and  shook  his  credit 
for  good  faith,  in  France  and  throughout  Europe.  In 
addition  to  charges  of  domestic  misgovernment,  his 
enemies  were  now  able  to  accuse  him  of  sacrificing 
the  honour  of  France,  to  his  own  family  ambition. 
The  estrangement  of  England  from  France  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  marked  opposition  in  their  foreign  policy. 
In  Italy  and  Sicily,  in  Spain,  Portugal,  and  Switzer- 
land, England  was  found  in  sympathy  with  the  liberal 
party,  and  favouring  constitutional  freedom :  while 
France,  dreading  revolution  everywhere,  was  concert- 
ing measures  with  the  absolute  powers  of  Europe, 
to  discourage  and  repress  all  popular  movements  in 
those  States.^  In  foreign  and  domestic  policy,  the 
citizen-king  was  now  reverting  to  the  traditions  of 
the  Bourbons.  This  contrast  between  the  policy  of 
England  under  a  liberal  ministrj^  and  that  of  France 
under  a  conservative  king  and  ministers,  could  not 
fail  to  embitter  the  hostility  of  the  democratic  party; 
and  the  'king  of  the  barricades'  was  de-  ^f^^^^^  ' 
nounced  as  the  enemy  of  freedom,  at  home 

'  Mucli  additional  liglit  has  been  thrown  upon  these  intrigues  by 
the  Mc7noirs  of  Baron  Siockmar,  ii.  130-207;  and  the  first  volume 
of  Mr.  Theodore  Martin's  Life  of  the  Prince  Consort. 

*  '  Les  grandes  puissances  de  I'Europe  venaient  tcmoigner  si  la 
France  le  dt'sir  de  se  concerter  avec  elle,  a  Texclusion  do  I'Angle- 
terre.  Notro  cabinet  avait  accepto  leurs  ouvertures  :  un  jour  I'tait 
pris  (le  15  Mars)  pour  donner  aux  arrangenicns  dt'jil  dibattus  une 
forme  arrrtCe  et  precise.' — D'Haussonville,  Uist.  de  la  Politique  ext. 
du  Oouv.  Ft.  1830-18-18.  ii.  381. 


278  FRANCE. 

and  abroad.  Popular  discontents  were  further  in- 
flamed by  scarcity  and  high  prices,  and  severe  com- 
mercial and  financial  pressure. 

While  the  government  was  thus  surrounded  by 
troubles,  some  scandalous  transactions  were 
conuption.  revealcd  on  the  part  of  M.  Teste,  lately  minis- 
ter of  public  works,  and  others,  connected 
with  a  concession  of  certain  salt  mines.^  This,  and 
some  other  discoveries  of  a  like  nature,  confirmed  the 
accusations  of  corruption,  by  which  the  chambers 
and  the  government  had  long  been  assailed,  shook 
.public  confidence,  and  threw  fresh  weapons  of  offence 
into  the  hands  of  the  democratic  party. 

The  present  unpopularity  of  the  government  en- 
couraged the  revival  of  agitation  for  electoral 
agitation  reform.  Nor  was  this  movement  confined  to 
the  liberal  opposition  and  the  revolutionists. 
The  Bonapartists  supported  it,  with  the  hope  of  over- 
throwing the  ministers,  if  not  the  monarchy.  The  bour- 
geoisie of  Paris,  which  had  been  gradually  becoming 
more  liberal,  and  less  satisfied  with  the  government, 
supported  the  opposition  leaders.  The  advocates  of 
the  cause  resolved  to  excite  the  public  feeling  in  its 
favour  to  the  utmost.  Thiers,  as  leader  of  the  oppo- 
sition, stood  foremost  in  the  cause ;  and  was  supported 
by  Odillon  Barrot,  Duvergier  de  Hauranne,  and  other 
Reform  public  men ;  and  the  revival  of  reform  ban- 
banquets.      quets  was  choseu  as  the  best  form  of  agita- 

'  In  tliis  reign  the  pulilic  works  had  been  one  of  the  chief  means 
of  corruption.  '  Pour  qu'on  put  agrandir  la  sphere  des  faveurs  a  dis- 
tribuer,  et  donner  pature  aux  ames  venales,  la  direction  des  travaux 
publics,  enlevt'e  a  I'etat,  est  devenue  un  instrument  d'agiotage  pour 
les  banquiers,  un  moyen  d'achalandage  electoral  pour  les  ministres.' 
— Louis  Blanc,  Hist,  de  Dix  Ans,  v.  333. 


RErORM   BANQUETS.  279 

tioB.  Tliese  banquets  commenced  in  July  1847 ;  and 
the  parliamentary  leaders,  resting  upon  the  revolution 
of  July  1830,  advocated  reforms  consistent  with  the  con- 
stitution :  but  Lamartine,  already  a  popular  leader,  ex- 
pressed more  revolutionary  sentiments ;  and  at  some 
of  the  banquets,  the  socialists  did  not  miss  the  opj)or- 
tunity  of  advancing  their  peculiar  principles  of  social 
revolution.^  Partly  from  these  divisions,  but  mainly 
from  the  absence  of  any  real  earnestness  in  the  cause, 
the  banquets  had  no  striking  success ;  and  before  the 
meeting  of  the  chambers  at  the  end  of  December, 
the  agitation  showed  symptoms  of  failure.  December 
In  the  chamber  of  deputies,  a  laboured  as-  ^<  ^^"■ 
sault  upon  the  policy  of  the  government  also  failed, 
and  the  opposition  saw  that,  without  more  vigorous 
action,  their  cause  was  lost. 

A  reform  banquet,  announced  for  January  19,  had 
been  postponed,  in  consequence  of  a  prohibi-  Reform 
tion  of  the  police,  under  a  law  of  1790  :  but    ^''^"'^^"'''• 

'  On  January  27,  1848,  M.  de  Tocqueville  had  said,  in  tlio  chamber 
of  deputies  : — '  The  working  classes  are  not  agitated,  as  they  some- 
times have  been,  by  ])olitica]  passions  :  but  can  you  not  perceive 
that  their  passions,  which  were  political,  are  now  social?  Can  you 
not  see  that  opinions  and  ideas  are  spreading  amongst  them,  which 
tend  not  only  to  overthrow  this  or  that  law,  this  or  that  minister,  or 
even  this  or  that  government,  but  society  itself,  and  to  shake  the 
foundations  on  whicli  it  rests?  Can  you  not  hear  what  is  daily  re- 
peated, that  everything  wliich  is  above  their  own  condition  is  inca- 
pable and  unworthy  to  govern  them  :  that  the  present  division  of 
wealth  in  the  world  is  unjust :  that  property  rests  upon  no  equitable 
basis?  And  are  you  not  aware  that,  when  such  opinions  as  these 
take  root,  when  they  are  widely  diffused,  when  they  penetrate  the 
masses,  tliey  will  bring  about,  sooner  or  later — I  know  not  wlien,  I 
know  not  how — the  most  tremendous  revolutions?  Sucli,  sir,  is  my 
conviction  :  we  are  slumbering  on  a  volcano.  I  am  certain  of  it.' — 
Reeve,  lioyal  and  Republican  France,  ii.  120. 


280  FRANCE. 

tlie  leaders  now  dotsrmined  to  defy  this  proliibition, 
February  "^  illegal,  and  announced  a  banquet  for  Feb- 
14, 1848.  ruary  22.  As  the  time  approached,  however, 
public  excitement  had  been  so  much  aroused  by  the 
imj)ending  collision  between  the  reformers  and  the 
government,  that  the  leaders,  alarmed  at  the  crisis 
which  they  themselves  had  raised,  readily  listened  to 
a  compromise.  It  was  agreed  that  the  meeting  should 
separate  at  the  first  summons  of  the  police ;  and  that 
the  right  of  meeting,  and  the  legality  of  the  prohibi- 
tion, should  be  determined  by  a  court  of  law.  But, 
to  prevent  the  complete  failure  of  their  demonstra- 
tion, they  announced  that  there  would  be  a  procession 
to  the  place  of  meeting,  in  the  Champs  Elysees,  in 
The  pro-  wliicli  the  national  guard  were  invited  to  at- 
tend, in  uniform.  This  demonstration  was 
obviously  far  more  dangerous  than  the  banqviet,  which 
had  been  abandoned  ;  and  the  government  determined 
to  prevent  it,  by  force  of  arms.  Again  the  leaders  of 
the  movement  shrank  from  the  dangers  which  they 
had  provoked ;  and  exhorted  the  people  to  give  up  the 
procession.  The  popular  gathering  being  thus  aban- 
doned by  its  promoters,  the  military  preparations  for 
preventing  it  were  discontinued. 

Meanwhile,  though  no  procession  was  attempted,  a 
^  large  concourse  of  people  assembled  in  the 

2-z^m8^  streets  of  the  capital.  The  republicans,  in- 
dignant at  the  desertion  of  their  parliamen- 
tary leaders,  had  encouraged  a  peaceful  demonstration 
in  favour  of  reform  :  many  were  ignorant  that  the  pro- 
cession had  been  countermanded :  multitudes,  indif- 
ferent to  the  cause,  gathered  together,  in  expectation 
of  disorders,  or  in  search  of  excitement,  and  to  gratify 
curiosity.     All  day  the  streets  were  occupied  by  agi- 


THIEKS  AND  ODILLON  BARROT.         281 

tatecl  and  expectant  crowds  :  but  no  disorders  were 
committed  until  tlie  evening,  wlien  some  troops  of 
cavalry  were  pelted  by  the  mob,  and  attempts  were 
made  to  raise  barricades.  Sucli  another  day,  how- 
ever, could  not  safely  be  encountered,  and  the  govern- 
ment resolved  upon  a  military  occupation  of  the  city 
by  troops  of  the  line,  and  the  national  guard.  The 
latter  promptly  answered  to  the  call :  but  they  assem- 
bled,— not  to  fight  against  their  fellow-citizens,  but  to 
make  common  cause  with  them  against  the  government. 
Their  disaffection  was  too  soon  declared.  Defectum 
They  shouted  '  Vive  la  reforme  I '  and  placed  national 
themselves  between  the  soldiers  and  the  peo-  ^'"'"'' 
pie.  The  troops  could  not  disperse  the  mob,  without 
a  conflict  with  the  national  guards,  and  were  thus  re- 
duced to  inaction.  There  was  no  fighting :  but  the 
people  were  efiectually  protected  by  the  artful  inter- 
vention of  their  armed  allies.  Without  a  blow,  au- 
thority had  been  overcome ;  and  the  mob  had  tri- 
umphed over  the  government. 

Guizot  resigned,  and  was  succeeded  by  Thiers,  to 
whom  Odillon  Barrot  was  soon  added.  So  Ministry  of 
far,  the  cause  of  reform,  and  the  ambition  of  odiium'" 
the  opposition  leaders,  had  prevailed.  But 
in  the  streets  and  in  the  offices  of  the  democratic 
journals,  the  *  Keforme '  and  the  '  National,'  the  de- 
fection of  the  national  guards,  the  victory  of  the 
populace,  and  the  surrender  of  the  government,  were 
triumphs  too  great  to  be  satisfied  by  a  change  of  min- 
istry. They  were  an  encouragement  to  revolution ; 
and  wliilc  the  national  guards  returned  home,  after  a 
day  of  equivocal  distinction,  the  republicans  organ- 
ised armed  bands  of  revolutionists  to  marcli  through 
the  streets,  and  renew  the  popular  excitement.     A 


282  FEANCE. 

sliot  being  fired  at  the  soldiers  on  guard  at  the  Hotel 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  they  replied  with  a  volley.  Up- 
wards of  fifty  of  the  mob  were  killed,  and  their  bodies 
were  carried  through  the  streets,  and  exhibited  as 
the  victims  of  an  atrocious  tyranny.  The 
Paris '^^"^  ghastly  spectacle  aroused  the  fury  of  the 
populace,  and  Paris  was  soon  in  a  state  of 
insurrection.  In  presence  of  this  new  danger,  Mar- 
shal Bugeaud  was  promptly  appointed  to  the  military 
command  of  Paris,  and  General  Lamoriciere  to  the 
command  of  the  national  guard.  The  marshal  lost  no 
time  in  restoring  order.  Not  a  shot  was  fired :  but 
every  barricade  was  levelled,  every  position  of  the  in- 
surgents taken ;  and  in  a  few  hours  the  military  oc- 
cupation of  the  capital  was  completed.  The  insur- 
rection was  overcome  :  authority  was  vindicated ;  and 
nothing  was  now  wanting,  but  to  inspire  the  people 
with  confidence  in  the  new  ministers.  At  this  very 
moment,  when  the  government  had  been  rescued  from 
its  danger.  Marshal  Bugeaud  received  an  order  to 
withdraw  his  troops  from  their  positions !  Thiers 
and  Odillon  Barrot  had  resolved  upon  this  fatal  or- 
der, to  conciliate  the  people,  and  avert  further  disor- 
ders. But  it  proved  the  death-warrant  of  the  mon- 
archy. Abashed  and  dispirited,  the  troops  withdrew; 
and  Paris  was  left  at  the  mercy  of  the  republican 
leaders  and  the  populace.  Thiers,  scared  by  the 
mischief  he  had  done,  resigned  in  favour  of  Odillon 
Barrot :  but  it  was  now  too  late  to  arrest  the  danger. 
The  mob  had  occupied  the  Palais  Royal,  and  was 
advancing  to  the  Tuileries.  The  troops  were  fra- 
Abdication  tcmising  with  the  people.  The  king,  as- 
mg.  g^j,g(j  ^Yisit  his  cause  was  lost,  signed  his 
abdication  in    favour    of    his  grandson,   the   young 


FAILURES  OF  LOUIS  PHILIPPE' S  EEIGN.  283 

Comte  de  Paris.  Tlie  royal  family  had  scarcely 
time  to  escape  fi'om  the  palace,  when  it  vfas  in  the 
hands  of  the  mob,  to  be  wrecked  and  rifled  at  their 
pleasure. 

The    courageous   Duchesse   d'Orleans   hastened  to 
the  chamber  with  her  two  sons,  the  Comte  The 
de  Paris    and   the  Due  de  Chartres ;    and  orieafs\*nd 
the   chamber,  by  acclamation,  declared  the 
young  prince  king,  and  his  mother  regent.     But,  sud- 
denly an  armed  mob  burst  into  the  hall,  and  in  the 
midst  of  tumult  and  violence,  a  provisional  govern- 
ment was  appointed,   with   Lamartine   at  its  head. 
Meanwhile  another  provisional  government  The  pro- 
had  been  proclaimed  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville  :  lo^^m- 
but  a  fusion  was  effected,  under  the  presi- 
dency of  Dupont  de  I'Eure;   and  the   republic  was 
proclaimed  by  Lamartine,  from  the  front  of  the  Hotel 
de  Ville.     A  Parisian  mob  had  overthrown  the  mon- 
archy, and,  in  opposition   to  the  chambers  and  the 
vast  majority  of  the  people  of  France,  had  suddenly 
established  a  republic!  ^ 

Thus  ended  the  trial  of  constitutional  government 
under  Louis  Philippe.    Whatever  his  faults  p,,iinresof 
and  failures,  there  had  been  more  of  liberty  {'.'I'l-'i-ppc's 
and  respect  for  the  law,  and  more  material  •'^'S"- 
prosperity,  during  his  reign,  than  in  any  former  pe- 
riod in  the  history  of  France.     On  every  side,  there 
had  been  disastrous  errors.      The  foundations  of  his 
throne,  which  had  always  been  narrow,  were  further 
contracted  by  the  reactionary  policy  of  the  last  years 

'  '  Donner  la  France  do  1818  a  la  motiarcliic,  c't'lait  la  doiincr  aux 
factions.  IjG  pays  devait  ])rondro  sa  dictaturo.  La  dictiitiirc  du 
pavH  c'cst  la  npubliqnp.' — Lamartine,  Hist,  de  la  Ecst.  {Praim- 
hule,  10). 


284  FRANCE. 

of  his  reign.  Less  reliance  upon  corruption,  and 
more  confidence  in  tlie  people,  might  have  saved  his 
throne.  The  reform  agitation  had  been  grossly  mis- 
managed by  the  opposition,  on  one  side,  and  by  the 
conservative  ministry,  on  the  other.  In  the  crisis  of 
the  revolution,  the  king  and  his  family  were  timid 
and  irresolute  :  but  the  crowning  error  was  that  of 
Thiers  and  Odillon  Barrot.  The  insurrection,  which 
brought  them  into  power,  was  trifling  compared  with 
those  which  had  been  repressed  by  Marshal  Soult ; 
and  it  had  been  already  overcome,  when  they  de- 
livered up  the  capital  to  the  populace.  Their  royal 
master  was  the  king  of  the  barricades :  they  were 
themselves  the  creatures  of  the  present  crisis;  and 
they  shrank  from  the  unpopularity  of  a  conflict  with 
the  people.  As  for  the  republican  journalists,  the 
leaders  of  secret  societies,  and  professional  revolu- 
tionists, they  found  their  opportunity  in  the  anar- 
chy which  they  had  encouraged,  and  which  minis- 
ters and  liberal  deputies  had  weakly  suffered  to  gain 
ground. 

The  revolution  of  1830  had  awakened  the  democracy 
state  of  of  Europe  :  the  revolution  of  1848  aroused  it 
from'isM  to  stiU  greater  activity.  Eighteen  years  had 
to  1848.  -worked  many  changes  in  European  politics 
and  society.  During  that  period,  France  had  been 
governed  by  a  constitutional  king,  deriving  his  power 
from  the  people,  and  renouncing  the  old  traditions  of 
the  Bourbons.  England  had  strengthened  her  popu- 
lar institutions,  and  reformed  the  abuses  and  corrup- 
tions of  centuries.  A  new  political  life,  —  healthy, 
vigorous,  and  hopeful, — was  animating  her  people  at 
home,  and  throughout  her  colonial  empire.  Her  ex- 
ample, and  the  liberal  foreign  policy  of  her  statesmen, 


STATE  OF  EUEOPE  1830-1848.        285 

was  giving  encouragement  to  the  aspirations  of  patri- 
ots in  other  lands.  In  Greece,  the  birthplace  of  Eu- 
ropean liberties,  an  historic  people  had  cast  off  the 
Turkish  yoke,  and  were  enjoying  independence  and 
constitutional  freedom,  under  the  protection  of  Eng- 
land, France,  and  Russia.  In  Belgium,  the  new  mon- 
archy, guided  by  the  consummate  judgment  of  King 
Leopold,  presented  a  consj)icuous  example  of  freedom, 
reviving  prosperity,  and  contentment.  Spain,  aided 
by  English  sympathies,  had  overthrown  the  absolut- 
ism of  the  Bourbons,  which  had  been  fastened  upon 
her  by  French  intervention  in  1822 ;  and  secured 
guarantees  for  constitutional  government,  under  the 
youthful  Queen  Isabella.  Italy  had  been  fretting, 
more  impatiently  than  ever,  against  foreign  domina- 
tion, and  the  repressive  policy  of  her  rulers.  Hungary 
had  grown  discontented  with  her  subjection  to  Austria. 
The  States  of  Germany  were  stirred  with  asj^irations 
for  national  freedom,  and  for  German  unity.  Every- 
where was  to  be  observed  a  sympathetic  movement 
of  races,  nationalities,  and  religions,  in  favour  of  inde- 
pendence and  union.  Such  sentiments  had  once  been 
little  regarded  in  European  politics,  but  were  now 
becoming  a  potential  force  in  the  destinies  of  nations. 
While  Europe  was  thus  prepared  for  further  poli- 
tical changes,  her  social  development  had  ^^^^^^ 
vastly  increased  the  power  of  the  people,  changes. 
Having  recovered  from  the  exhaustion  of  the  revolu- 
tionary wars,  they  had  made  unprecedented  advances 
in  material  welfare,  and  intellectual  activity.  The 
inventions  of  science  had  enlarged  the  capacity  of 
human  labour.  Steam  had  extended  the  productive 
forces  of  manufactures,  the  range  of  commerce,  and 
the  communications  of  the  world.     The  electric  tele- 


286  FRANCE. 

grapli  liad  C9mmenced  its  magic  operations,  and  was 
quickening  the  intercourse  of  society  and  of  nations. 
Some  restraints  upon  trade  and  commerce  had  al- 
ready been  removed  :  sounder  principles  of  taxation 
were  beginning  to  be  accepted  :  industry  was  encour- 
aged by  more  enlightened  laws,  by  bolder  enterprises, 
and  improved  organisation.  Wealth  and  capital  were 
rapidly  increasing  :  evidences  of  growing  prosperity 
were  universal.  The  industrial  classes  were  acquir- 
ing an  extended  social  influence. 

Yet  more  remarkable  had  been  the  intellectual 
Intellectual  progrcss  of  society  during  this  period.  In 
progress.  science  and  philosophy  there  was  a  bold 
spirit  of  inquiry,  allied  with  practical  aims  for  the  im- 
mediate welfare  of  mankind.  In  literature  there  was 
unexampled  variety,  and  a  rare  freedom  of  thought. 
The  labours  of  the  learned  were  now  popularised 
for  the  use  of  the  multitude.  The  successful  pursuit 
of  knowledge  was  accompanied  by  its  general  diffu- 
sion. A  cheap  literature  found  its  way  into  every 
household.  It  had  become  the  wise  policy  of  most 
States  to  encourage  the  education  of  the  people  ;  and 
popular  writers  completed  the  work  which  govern- 
ments had  commenced.  In  politics,  the  newspaper 
press  had  acquired  extraordinary  expansion,  and  ex- 
ercised an  influence  previously  unknown,  except  in 
revolutionary  times.  All  questions  of  jDublic  interest 
were  disciissed  with  earnestness  and  freedom.  Even 
in  States  where  the  liberty  of  the  press  was  little  re- 
spected, newspapers  had  become  an  acknowledged 
political  power.  Thus  nations  had  been  instructed ; 
and  public  opinion  had  become  a  force  which  rulers 
could  not  defy  with  safety. 

Such  being  the  development  of  European  society. 


A  YEAR  OF  EEVOLUTIONS.  287 

tlie   revolution  of  February  1848  suddenly   aroused 
the  latent  discontents  of  many  nations.     In  sudden 
Ital}',  repugnance   to  the   Bourbons  and  to  tue  revoiu- 
Austrian    rule,    had    become    irrepressible.  February 
Sicily  was  already  in  revolt,  and  Naples  was 
threatened    with     immediate     insurrection.   ^"  ^'^'y- 
Milan  rose  in  arms  against  the  Austrians,  and  drove 
out  their  forces,  under  Marshal  Radetzky,   ^^.^^.^^^ , 
to  Mantua   and  Verona.     Venice,   animated  ^***^- 
by  the  same   spirit,  and  encouraged  by  the   success 
of  the  Milanese,  renounced  the  dominion  of 
Austria,  and  proclaimed  a  provisional  gov- 
ernment.     The   Dukes  of  Parma  and  Modena  fled 
from  the  sudden  wrath  of  their  subjects.     The  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany  saved  his  throne  by  making 
common  cause  with  his  people  against  his 
old  allies,  the  Austrians.     The  Pope  hastened  to  allay 
the   discontents   of  the   Romans,  by   granting   them 
a  new  representative   constitution :   but  was  driven, 
nevertheless,  by  the   continued   demonstra- 
tions of  his  people,  into  a  declaration  of  war     ^^ 
against  Austria.     But  the  most  signal  event  of  this 
period — decisive  of  the  destinies  of  Italy — M^as  the 
determination  of  Charles  Albert,  the  King  of 

*"  ,  Murch,  23 

Sardinia,  to  unfurl  the  standard  of  Italian 
unity,  and  to  brave  the  Austrian  legions,  as  leader  of 
that  national  cause.  Italy  was  now  in  arms  against 
her  rulers ;  and  was  entering  upon  that  long  and  criti- 
cal struggle,  by  which  her  foreign  rulers  were  ulti- 
mately expelled  from  her  soil,  and  freedom  and  na- 
tional union  wore  achieved  under  Victor  Emmanuel. 

Threatened  in  her  Italian  dominions,  Austria  was 
suiTOundcd  by  dangers  yet  more  critical  at 
home.     In  the   capital,   tumultuary  risings 


283  FRA^'CE. 

were  followed  by  tlie  concession  of  constitntional  re- 
forms, and  by  tlie  flight  of  Prince  Mettemich,  tlie 
veteran  councillor  of  absolutism.  Twice  the  emperor 
withdrew  from  the  continued  disorders  of  Tienna : 
nor  could  the  city  be  reduced  except  by  a  besieging 
army.  And  at  length  he  resigned  his  crown  into  the 
December  D^oi'^  vigorous  hauds  of  his  youthful  nephew, 
2, 1*43.  Francis  John.  Meanwhile  the  empire  was  in 
danger  of  dismemberment.  Hungaiy  was  preparing 
to  assert  her  independence  :  the  jealous  and  hostile 
races  of  Grermans,  Magyars,  and  Sclaves  were  arrayed 
against  each  other :  Selayonic  diets  were  convened : 
schemes  of  a  new  Sclavonic  monarchy  were  projected ; 
and  a  provisional  government  was  proclaimed  at 
Prague.  Eaces  and  nationalities  had  become  an  im- 
minent peril  to  the  State.  Through  the  agonies  of 
this  crisis  the  empire  passed,  with  a  fearful  strain 
upon  its  power.  The  Hungarian  insurrection  could 
not  be  crushed  without  the  aid  of  Eussian  arms  :  the 
Sclavonic  troubles  were  overcome,  for  a  time,  by  force 
and  by  concessions.  "Cltimately,  a  free  constitution 
was  granted  to  Hungary ;  and  the  institutions  of  the 
Austrian  empire  were  remodelled  upon  a  constitu- 
tional basis.  Throughout  its  dominions,  the  princi- 
ples of  absolutism  were  renounced  in  favour  of  fi-ee- 
dom.  The  conflicting  claims  of  rival  races  and  na- 
tionalities, in  this  composite  empire,  have  since  proved 
a  grave  embarrassment :  but  Austrian  statesmen  have 
learned  to  treat  them  with  moderation  and  liberality, 
and  in  harmony  with  the  principles  of  a  fi'ee  State. 

Throughout  the  neighbouring  States  of  Germany, 
the  shock  of  the  revolution  was  no  less  vio- 

'^^^-  lent  Notwithstanding  the  reforms  of  1830, 
these  States  had  crenerallv  maintained  their  former 


A  YEAE  OF  REYOLTJnOXS.  289 

laws  and  customs.  In  every  kingdom,  or  feudal  prin- 
cipality, vreie  to  be  seen  an  old-fasMoned  court,  an 
exclusive  society,  a  grotesque  worship  of  rank,  titles, 
pedigrees,  and  armorial  quarterings,  a  tenacious  eti- 
quette, invidious  privileges,  and  a  narrow  political 
rule.  Prussia,  under  Frederick  the  Great,  continued 
to  be  the  type  of  the  Grerman  States,  in  the  nineteenth 
century.  Wise  councillors  had  long  foreseen  the  ne- 
cessity of  timely  concessions  to  the  advancing  public 
opinion  of  the  time  :  but  an  inert  conservatism  had. 
resisted  change,  and  was  now  to  encounter  revolution. 
Nowhere  was  society  more  ripe  for  political  changes 
than  in  Germany.  In  the  midst  of  old-world  customs, 
had  arisen  a  learned  and  speculative  generation  of 
thinkers,  who  had  ventured,  with  singular  originality 
and  boldness,  into  every  department  of  serious  study. 
In  histoiy,  in  philosophy,  in  politics,  and  in  religion, 
they  had  questioned  the  received  opinions  of  the 
world.  As  defiant  of  authorities  and  prejudice  as 
the  French  encyclopaedists,  they  were  far  deeper  and 
more  earnest  in  their  researches,  and  more  demon- 
strative in  their  reasoning.  The  novel  speculations  of 
professors  were  eagerly  caught  up  by  enthusiastic 
students ;  and  the  educated  classes  were  trained  to 
orirjinal  thought.  German  literature  was  animated 
by  a  free  spii'it  of  inquiry ;  and  an  expanding  society, 
which  bore  little  part  in  the  government  of  the  coun- 
try, had  learned  political  principles  opposed  to  the 
narrow  policy  of  their  rulers. 

Everywhere   the  revolutionary  spirit  of  the   time 
revealed    itself.      The  Grand  Duke   of  Ba- 
den averted  tumults  by  promptly  conceding  tionaiy' 
liberty  of  the  press,  a  national  guard,  and 
trial  by  jury.     Popular  demonstrations  at  "Wiesbaden, 

VOL.  II. — 13 


290  FRANCE. 

Frankfort,  Diisseldorf,  Oologi:e,  and  Hesse-Cassel 
were  followed  by  concessions  of  political  franchises. 
In  Bavaria,  the  art-loving  king  Ludwig,  who  had 
made  his  capital  a  classic  city,  v/as  forced  to  al3dicate. 
At  Dresden  and  Hanover,  popular  movements  were 
satisfied  by  constitutional  guarantees.  Disorders 
spread  from  the  cities  to  the  country,  where  a  peasant 
war  was  imminent.  Castles  were  stormed :  their  ar- 
chives were  burned ;  and  the  frightened  inmates  fled 
for  their  lives.  Throughout  the  whole  of  Germany  a 
strong  agitation  arose  in  support  of  German  unity, 
May  18  which  resulted  in  the  meeting  of  a  national 
^^^-  assembly  a,t  Frankfort.     At  Berlin  the  king 

endeavoured  to  allay  the  popular  excitement  by  liberal 
concessions,  and  by  adhesion  to  the  cause  of  national 
unity.  But  there  were  disastrous  collisions 
between  the  troops  and  the  populace ;  and 
the  square  beneath  the  very  windows  of  the  royal 
palace  was  stained  with  blood.  The  king  bowed  down 
before  the  people,  and  accepted  the  revolution.  He 
rode  through  the  city,  wearing  the  colours  of  the  Ger- 
man democracy,^  and  promised  to  take  the  lead  of 
German  liberty  and  unity.  Without  pursuing  further 
the  progress  of  events  in  Germany,  it  may  be  briefly 
said  that  the  revolutionary  storm  had  burst  over  the 
land,  and  that  everything  was  changed.  Feudalism, 
pri\aleges,  and  old-world  traditions  gave  way  before 
the  force  of  public  opinion,  and  the  pressure  of  a  new 
society.  Democracy  was  held  in  check  by  the  politi- 
cal and  social  conditions  of  the  fatherland  :  there 
were  numbers  of  speculative  politicians, — democrats, 
of  every  creed,  republicans  and  communists, — and  so- 

'  The  tricolour  of  black,  red,  and  yellow. 


A  YEAK  OF  KEVOLUTIONS.  291 

ciety  was,  for  a  time,  disturbed  and  demoralised :  but 
the  free  institutions  of  England  formed  the  ideal  of 
the  German    liberals.^      Constitutional   freedom  was 
achieved ;  and,  after  many  years,  the  dream  j^^^^j^^ 
of  German  unity  was  realised  in  the  conquer-  i^-  ^^''^■ 
ing  sceptre  of  the  Emperor  William. 

While  other  countries  were  thus  convulsed  by  the 
irresistible  force  of  the  revolution,  the  moral 
strength  of  free  States  presented  an  instruc-   iinif'"'" 
tive  political  examj)le.     Belgium,  so  lately     "^'^'^  ' 
enfranchised,  contemptuously  repelled  the  insignifi- 
cant efforts  of  French  and  native  revolutionists.^    In 
England,  the    time-honoured   home    of   freedom,  the 
government,  enjoying  the   hearty    confidence  of  the 
people,  easily  repressed  the  threatening  movements 
of  chartists  and  repealers.     Those  governments  only 
were  secure  which  rested  upon  the  broad  basis  of 
public  opinion  and  national  support.     And  from  this 
critical  year  of  revolutions  the  moral  may  be  drawn, 
that  freedom  is  the  surest  safeguard  against  demo- 
cracy.^ 

'  On  Marcli  26,  at  a  great  meeting  at  Heidelberg,  Herr  Welcker 
said,  '  Let  England  be  our  model  :  sbe  has  long  enjoyed  free  insti- 
tutions :  she  alone  now  remains  unshaken  by  the  storm  which  is 
howling  around  ;  and  it  is  to  her  we  must  look  as  our  model  and  our 
gu\de.'—Ann.  Bcfj.  1848,  p.  363. 

-  'Belgium,'  wrote  the  Queen  of  England  to  King  Leopold,  'is  a 
bright  star  in  the  midst  of  dark  clouds.' — Theodore  Martin,  Life  of 
the  Prince  Consort,  ii.  23.  Among  the  most  striking  portions  of  this 
interesting  work  are  the  admirable  letters  of  the  Queen  herself. 

^  For  a  fuller  narrative  of  the  events  of  1848,  in  different  parts  of 
Europe,  see  Lord  Normanby,  A  Tear  of  llerolution ;  Cayley,  IVie 
European  Revolutionn  oflHAH  ;  the  Annunlllegister ,  1848  ;  Tlieodore 
Martin,  Life  of  the  Prince  Consort,  vol.  ii. ;  Lamartiue,  Hint,  de  la 
Rev.  (U  1848. 


CHAPTER  xyn. 

FEANCE  (contimied). 

THE  REPUBLIC  OF  1848— LOUIS  NAPOLEON  ELECTED  PRESIDENT — 
HIS  RELATIONS  WITH  THE  ASSEMBLY — THE  COUP  D'ETAT  OP 
DECEMBER  2,  1851 — THE  SECOND  EMPIRE — FALL  OF  THE  EM- 
PEROR—THE REPUBLIC  OF  1870 — THE  COMMUNE,  1871 — THE 
REPUBLIC   UNDER  THIERS  AND  MARSHAL  MACMAHON. 

Feance  was  now  under  a  democratic  republic  ;^  and 
after  nearly  five-and-forty  years  of  Imperial 

public  of  and  monarchical  rule,  democracy  was  again 
in  tlie  ascendant.^     Its  cliaracter  and  aims 

'  The  following  are  tte  principal  autliorities  upon  tlie  Republic  of 
1848  and  the  Second  Empire  : — Laniartine,  Hist  de  la  BJv.  de  1848  ; 
lb.  Mem.  irudits ;  Granier  de  Cassagnac,  Hist,  de  la  Chute  du  Boi 
Louis-Philippe,  de  la  Bepuhlique  de  1848  et  du  Bttablissetnent  de 
r Empire ;  Louis  Blanc,  Pages  d'Hist.  de  la  Bev.  dc  Fevrier;  lb. 
Hist,  de  la  Bcv.  de  1848  ;  lb.  Btvilations  Historiques  ;  Regnault,  Hist, 
du  Gouvernement  Provisoire  ;  Lord  Normanby,  Teai' of  Bevolutions  ; 
Caussidiure,  Mem.;  Emile  Thomas,  Hist,  dcs  Ateliers  Nationaux ; 
Prottdhon,  Confessions  d'un  Bevolutionnaire  ;  Guy,  Hist,  de  Napoleon 
III. ;  Lespez,  Hist,  de  Louis- Napoleon  ;  Prevost  Paradol,  La  France 
Nouvelle,  1869  ;  Memoir es  posthumes  d'Odilon  Barrot ;  Jules  Simon, 
Souvenirs  du  4  Septemhre :  Origine  et  Chute  du  Second  Empire  ;  lb. 
Goicvernement  de  la  Defense  Nationale  ;  lb.  La  Liberie ;  Mauduit, 
Bevolution  Militaire ;  Xavier  Durrien,  Le  Coup  d'Etat ;  Hippolyte 
Magen,  Hist,  de  la  Terreur  Bonapartiste  ;  La  Verite,  JSccMCii  d'Actes 
Ojjicirls  ;  Annuaire. 

'  Writing  in  1849,  M.  Guizot  thus  speaks  of  democracy  : — '  C'estle 
drapeau  de  toutea  les  esperances,  de  toutes  les  ambitions  sociales  de 


REPUBLIC  OF  1848.  293 

had  undergone  some  changes  :  but  its  fundamental 
principles  were  the  same  as  ever.  The  revolution  of 
February,  1848,  was  characterised  by  the  same  lenity 
as  that  of  1830.  So  far  from  attempting  to  arrest  the 
royal  family  in  their  flight,  the  provisional  govern- 
ment forwarded  money  to  speed  them  on  their  way.i 
The  late  ministers  were  threatened,  to  gratify  the 
people  :  but,  in  happy  contrast  to  the  reign  of  terror, 
suffered  no  molestation.  And,  further,  a  decree  was 
issued  abolishing  capital  punishment  for  political 
offences.  Otherwise  the  new  republic  resembled  its 
celebrated  prototype  of  1792.^ 

Once  more   the   almost   forgotten  words,  'Liberte, 
Egalite,  Fraternite,'  appeared   upon  all  the  ^j^^^  „ 
public  buildings  :  again  '  citoyen '  and  '  cito-  ^or^'oV  t,ie 
yenne '  took  the  place  of  '  monsieur '  and  *  ma-  K^-'^oiut'""- 

rhumanitc,  pures  ou  impures,  nobles  ou  basses,  sensces  ou  insen- 
sees,  possibles  ou  cbimt'riqiies.' — Do  la  Democrntie  en  France,  3. 
'  L'empire  du  mot  dcimocratie  n'est  point  un  accident,  local,  passagcr, 
C'est  le  developpement — d'autres  diraient,  le  dccliainenient — do  la 
nature  bumaine  tout  euticre,  sur  toute  la  ligne  et  a  toutes  les  pro- 
fondeurs  de  la  societc  ;  et  par  consequent  la  lutte  flagrante,  gene- 
rale,  continue,  inevitable,  de  ses  bons  et  de  ses  mauvais  pencbants, 
dc  ses  vertus  et  de  ses  vices,  de  toutes  ses  passions  et  de  toutes  ses 
forces,  pour  perfectionner  et  pour  corrompre,  pour  elever  et  pour 
abaisser,  pour  crier  et  pour  detruire.  C'est  la  desormais  I'etat 
social,  la  condition  permanente  de  notre  nation.' — Ibid.  5. 

'  Lamartine,  Hut.  dc  la  li'v.  de  1848,  livre  x.  cb.  2-11 ;  Lord  Nor- 
manby,  A   Year  of  Revolution,  i.  180  ct  seq. 

^  '  La  republiquc,  telle  que  I'entendait  Lamartine,  n'etait  point  un 
bouleversement  a  tout  basard  dc  la  France  et  du  monde  ;  c'etait  un 
av'nement  revolutionnaire,  accidental,  soudain  dans  la  foinio,  nniis 
regulier  dans  son  developpement  de  la  democratic  ;  un  progres  dans 
les  voies  de  la  pbilosopbie  et  do  riiumanite  ;  une  secondo  ct  ])lu3 
beureuse  tentative  d'un  grand  peuple  pour  se  tirer  de  la  tutelle  des 
dynasties,  ct  pour  apprendre  il  se  gouverner  lui-mCmo.' — Lamartine, 
Jlint.  de  la  Rev.  de  1848,  livre  ix.  cb.  7. 


294  FRANCE. 

dame : '  all  titles  of  honour  were  abolished :  ^  tlie  streets 
received   revolutionary  names :  trees  of  lib- 
of  179a  erty  were  planted,  and  a  red  ribbon  was  ap- 

pointed to  be  worn  in  the  button-hole  of  every 
good  citizen.  Such  were  the  playthings  of  the  revo- 
lution. 

In  its  more  serious  form,  the  revolutionary  spirit  of 
former  times  was  also  revealed.  The  tranquil  rule  of 
the  bourgeoisie  was  overthrown.  The  clubs,  which  had 
Clubs  re-  been  closed,  were  now  reopened,  and  re- 
opened.  gunicd  their  dangerous  activity.  The  streets 
and  environs  of  Paris  were  still  crowded  by  the  insur- 
gents, by  workmen  out  of  employment,  and  by  the 
convicts,  thieves,  and  ruffians  of  that  vast  city.^  To 
avoid  general  plunder,  it  was  necessary  that  this  hun- 
Natioiiai  gry  multitude  should  be  fed.  The  provi- 
worvbhops.  g-Qjj^^  government  decreed  that  employment 
should  be  ensured  to  all  citizens  ;  and,  by  opening 
national  workshops,  they  at  once  mot  this  pressing 
danger,  and  gratified  the  socialists.  The  city  was  still 
in  possession  of  the  populace  :  the  municipal  guard 
had  been  disbanded,  and  the  troops  sent  out  of  Paris ; 
and,  for  the  double  purpose  of  protection  and  of  the 
employment  of  dangerous  proZetaives,  the  government 

'  This  was  done  without  the  consent  of  Lamartine,  who  said,  '  Ne 
commeuQons  pas  la  revolution  par  un  ridicule  ;  la  noblesse  est  abolie, 
mais  on  n'abolit  ni  les  souvenirs  ni  les  vanites.' — Hist,  de  la  Rcv.  de 
1848,  livre  x.  ch.  1. 

^  The  populace  of  Paris  may  be  compared  with  that  of  Rome,  in 
the  days  of  Catiline,  as  described  by  Sallust ; — '  Sed  urbana  plebes, 
ea  vero  prjeceps  ierat  multis  de  causis.  Primum  omnium,  qui 
ubique  probro,  atque  petulantia  maxume  priBstabant  :  item  alii,  per 
dedecora,  patrimoniis  amissis  ;  postremo  omnes,  quos  flagitium,  aut 
facinus  domo  expulerat,  hi  Romam,  sicuti  in  sentinam,  confluxe- 
rant.' — Bellum  Catilinarium,  30. 


EEPUBUC  OF  1848.  295 

organised  the  Garde  3IohiIe  from  tlie  men  wlio   liad 
lately  fouglit  iii^on  the  barricades. 

The  revolution  had  been  mainly  the  work  of  red 
rejjublicans  and  socialists,  and  the  country  Red  Re- 
was  in  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  ''" 
that  desperate  party.  These  men  were  imbued  with 
the  principles  and  examples  of  the  revolution  of  1789. 
They  were  burning  to  establish  the  dictation  of  the 
mob,  by  terror,  by  confiscations,  by  the  dungeon  and 
the  guillotine.  France  was  not  to  govern  herself  by 
fair  representation  :  but  was  to  be  ruled  by  the  clubs 
and  demagogues  of  Paris.  Their  appropriate  signal 
was  the  red  flag.  Their  followers  were  the  'prolctaircs 
of  the  capital, — the  dregs  of  the  populace.^  They 
clamoured  for  the  red  flag,  as  the  standard  of  the 
republic  :  but  Lamartine  bravely  maintained  the  na- 
tional tricolour.  They  fiercely  claimed  dominion,  in 
their  turn,  over  the  bourgeoisie,  'who  had  sold  the 
sweat  of  their  brows  to  the  monarchy.'  They  de- 
manded immediate  war  against  all  thrones  and  aris- 
tocracies :  terror  to  traitors ;  and  the  suspension  of 
the  axe  of  the  people  over  the  heads  of  their  eternal 
enemies.^ 

But  the  most  important  characteristic  of  the  revolu- 
tion is  to  be  found  in  the  increasing  power 

.     .  ,  .    , .  .  Socialists 

and   activitv  of  the  socialists   and   commu-  'ind  com- 

•^  111  IlllllUStS. 

nists.  Of  those  there  were  several  schools. 
All  aimed  at  the  suppression  of  proj)erty,  and  commu- 
nity of  goods  :  some  by  direct  means  :  others,  of  whom 
Louis  Blanc  was  the  chief  exponent,  by  the  organisa- 
tion of  labour,  which,  without  confiscating  pro2)erty, 
was  calculated  to  exhaust  capital.'^     There  were  the 

■  Lamariino,  TTist.  de  la  Rev.  de  1848,  livre  vii. 
»  Ibid.  i.  ;j71,  ays.  "  ibid,  livre  xii. 


296  FEANCE. 

disciples  of  Fourrier,  whose  doctrine  of  tlie  commu- 
nity of  goods  tliey  cherished  as  a  religious  faith.^ 
They  were  peaceful  enthusiasts,  —  not  conspirators. 
There  were  the  followers  of  Cabet,  of  Pierre  Le- 
roux,  of  Proudlion,  and  of  Raspail, — some  practical, 
some  metaphysical,  and  some  even  religious,  in  their 
schemes  of  communism.  The  aims  of  all  these  philo- 
sophic sects  of  communists  were,  at  least,  philanthro- 
pic. If  they  were  wild  and  impracticable,  they  had  in 
view  the  happiness  of  the  human  race,  according  to 
their  own  Utopia.  These  theories  gave  a  certain  air 
of  political  wisdom  and  morality  to  the  wildest  specu- 
lations. They  had  the  merits,  no  less  than  the  de- 
fects, of  a  false  religion.  But  other  communists,  with- 
out the  excuse  of  such  theories,  aimed  simply  at 
destruction  and  pillage.  They  hated  and  envied  the 
rich ;  and  were  bent  on  sharing  the  good  things  of 
this  world,  which  the  favoured  few  had  hitherto  appro- 
priated to  themselves.^  In  the  midst  of  these  danger- 
ous factions,  the  provisional  government,  by  assuming 
a  position  of  firm  moderation,  propitiated  the  upper 
classes  and  the  bourgeoisie,  and  gained  the  confidence 
of  foreign  powers  :  but  were  estranged  from  the  com- 
munists and  red  republicans.^  They  dissatisfied  these 
violent  factions  :  but  they  saved  France  from  anarchy.^ 
The  socialist  views  of  the   rights  of  labour  were 

partially  ci;ratified  by  the  establishment  of 
tion  of         national   workshops,   in   which   upwards   of 

100,000  were  soon  employed,  at  two  francs  a 

'  liamartine.  Hist,  de  la  Bev.  de  1848,  livre  vii. 

*  Ibid,  livre  vii.  xi. 

"  Ibid,  livre  ix.     Lamartine    sadly  confessed,    '  II  n'y  a  pas  de 
genie  humain  qui  soit  a  la  hauteur  d'une  fausse  situation.' 

*  Ibid. 


^     REPUBLIC  or  1818.  297 

day.  Louis  Blanc  vainly  attempted  to  organise  these 
establishments,  upon  the  favourite  socialist  principle 
of  community  of  labour  and  profits  among  the  work- 
men, without  the  control  of  employers.^  The  para- 
mount interests  of  workmen  were  also  regarded  in  the 
legislation  of  the  republic.  It  was  decreed  that  the 
hours  of  labour  should  be  limited  in  Paris  to  ten 
hours,  and  elsewhere  to  twelve.^  Promises  were  given 
that  wages  should  not  be  reduced  in  times  of  March  26, 
depression.  No  wonder  that  thousands  of  ^'^^' 
workmen  were  now  discharged,  and  thrown  upon  the 
national  workshops.  By  another  decree,  the  taxes 
on  salt  and   other  articles   of   consumption 

.         New  taxes. 

were  remitted  ;  and  the  direct  taxes  were  m- 

'  Louis  Blanc,  Pages  de  VHid.  de  la  Revolution  de  Fewier,  63. 

'  Le  coeur  de  Louis  Blanc  eclatait  en  sentiments  fraternels,  sa 
parole  en  images,  mais  son  systcme  en  tcnebres.' — Lamartiue,  Hist, 
de  la  Hev.  de  1848,  livre  ix.  ch.  21. 

The  principles  and  aims  of  Louis  Blanc  maybe  briefly  explained  in 
liis  own  words: — 'La  vie,  le  travail,  toute  la  destinoe  luimaino  tient 
dans  ces  deux  mots  supremes.  Done,  en  demandant  que  le  droit  de 
vivre  par  le  travail  soit  regie, soit  garanti,on  fait  mieux  encore  que 
disputer  des  millions  de  malheureux  $1 1'oppression  de  la  force  ou  du 
liasard:  on  embrasse  dans  sa  generalite  la  plus  haute,  dans  sa  signi- 
fication la  plus  profonde,  la  cause  de  I'etre  humaine  ;  on  salue  le 
Createurdans  son  oeuvre.' — Organisation  du  Travail,  Intr,  4  (5meed.) 

'  Le  gouvernment  serait  considere  comme  le  regulateur  supreme 
de  la  jjroduction,  et  investe,  pour  accomplir  sa  tache,  d'une  graude 
force.'— Ibid.  102. 

'  Une  revolution  sociale  doit  Otre  tentee.' — Ibid.  117. 

See  also  Louis  Blanc,  Ilist.  de  dix  Ans,  ii.  277-282,  iii.  109,  110; 
Le  Play,  Organisation  du  Travail ;  and  Organisation  dela  Fumille  ; 
Emile  Thomas,  IJist.  des  Atcl.  Nat. 

''  Reduced  to  eleven  on  April  2.  In  England,  the  liours  of  labour 
of  women  and  children  in  factories  and  workshops  have  been 
abridged  by  laws  which  have  also  indirectly  alTected  the  employ- 
ment of  men.  In  other  trades,  the  hours  of  labour  have  been  short- 
ened by  combinations  of  workmen. 
I'j* 


298  FRANCE. 

creased  forty-five  per  cent.  Tlio  proprietors  of  land 
in  the  provinces,  who  had  taken  no  part  in  the  revo- 
lution, recognised  in  this  decree  a  scheme  of  the  com- 
munists of  Paris,  for  relieving  themselves  at  the  ex- 
pense of  their  neighbours,  and  were  resolved  to  seize 
the  first  opportunity  of  resistance. 

It  was,  indeed,  by  the  firmness  of  Lamartine,  and 
Firmness  of  some  of  his  collcagucs,  that  the  principles  of 
Lamartiue.  ^Ijq  j.q^  rejiublicans  were  not  suflered  to  pre- 
vail. He  disclaimed  revolutionary  propagandism :  he 
assured  Europe  of  the  pacific  disposition  of  the  re- 
public :  ^  he  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  Mr.  Smith  O'Brien 
and  his  deputation  of  Irish  republicans :  he  resisted 
the  ultra-democratic  schemes  of  Ledru  Eollin,  Louis 
Blanc,  and  the  red  republicans  :  he  braved  the  vio- 
lence of  Blanqui,  Barbcs,  and  their  revolutionary 
mobs.^  And,  instead  of  usurping  power  for  a  faction, 
he  appealed  to  the  free  judgment  of  his  country- 
men.^ 

The  good  faith  of  the  provisional  government  was 

'  '  La  guerre  n'est  done  pas  le  principe  de  la  republique  f  ranQaise, 
comme  elle  en  devint  la  fatale  et  glorieuse  necessite  en  1792.' — 
Manifesto  a  I'Europe  ;  Lamartine,  Ilist.  de  la  Rev.  de  1848,  livre  ix. 
ch.  15. 

'  Lord  Palmerston  et  le  cabinet  anglais  paraissent  avoir  compris, 
avec  line  haute  sagacite,  le  caractere  pacifique,  modure  et  civilisa- 
teur  de  la  rt'publique,  dirigee  au  dehors  dans  un  esprit  de  respect  et 
d'iuviolabilite  aus  institutions  diverses  des  peuples.' — Ibid,  livre 
xi.  ch.  10. 

■^  All  these  events  are  graphically  detailed  by  Lamartine  himself, 
in  his  history  of  the  revolution  of  1848,  and  in  his  Trois  Mois  au 
Pouvoir. 

'  '  Les  hommes  serieux,  partisans  du  gouvemement  democratique, 
dans  le  conseil  du  gouvernement  provisoire,  voulaient  que  la  repub- 
lique  flit  un  droit  et  non  une  escroqueriede  la  force  ou  la  ruse  d'une 
faction.' — Lamartine,  Hist,  de  la  Hev.  de  1848,  livro  vi.  ch.  8. 


EEPUBLic  or  1848.  299 

sliown  in  tlie  prompt  convocation  of  a  national  as- 
sembly, to  determine  the  future  constitution  j^^^j^^j^, 
of  France.^     Universal  suffrao;e  was  the  basis  Assembly 
of    representation :    no    narrower   franchise 
would   have    suited  a  democratic  republic,  or  satis- 
fied the  revolutionary  party.^    Secret  voting  was  also 
established.      The  assembly  was  to  consist  of  nine 
hundred  members,  each   of  whom    was    entitled  to 
twenty-five  francs  a  day  during  the  session.^ 

Paris  alone  had  achieved  the  revolution.  Would 
France  ratify  it  ?  Its  authors  and  leaders 
were  the  rulers  of  the  State  :  their  principles  totueeiec- 
were  in  the  ascendant.  Would  France  ap- 
prove and  confirm  them?  Such  were  the  questions 
which  agitated  the  capital  and  the  provinces,  the 
members  of  the  provisional  government,  and  the 
red  republicans.  Commissioners  were  despatched  to 
every  part  of  France  to  secure  support  to  the  govern- 
ment and  the  republic  :  doubtful  prefects  were  dis- 
missed :  impassioned  exhortations  were  addressed  to 
the  electors  :  threats  were  uttered  of  another  appeal 
to  the  barricades.  The  socialists  and  red  republicans 
of  Paris  naturally  distrusted  the  provincial  electors. 
At  present  they  were  masters  of  the  situation :  they 
had  the  clubs  and  populace  at  their  command :  the 

'  '  Nous  comptons  les  jours.  Nous  avons  hilte  de  remettre  la  re- 
publique  fl  la  nation,'  said  the  provisional  government,  in  a  procla- 
mation to  the  people.' — Lamartine,  livre  xii.  ch.  5. 

2  '  L'election  appartient  a  tous  sans  exception.  A  datcr  do  cetto 
loi,  il  n'y  a  plus  de  prolctaires  en  France.' — Proclamation  of  the  pro- 
visional government. 

=*  The  decrees  for  convoking  and  constituting  the  assembly  were 
issued  on  the  5th  and  12th  March,  1848.  The  elections  were  fixed 
for  the  27th  April,  and  its  meeting  was  appointed  for  the  4th  May, 
the  anniversary  of  the  assembling  of  the  states-general  in  1780. 


300  FRANCE. 

government  were  without  troops  :  tlie  national  guards 
were  a  democratic  force,  drawn  from  tlie  working 
classes ;  and  Ledru  Rollin  and  other  members  of  the 
provisional  government  were  known  to  favour  their 
extreme  opinions.  Should  they  await  the  verdict  of 
the  provinces,  or  at  once  assail  a  weak  government, 
which  seemed  in  their  power?  Their  choice  was 
made  in  the  true  spirit  of  French  revolutionists. 
On  March  17  they  organised  a  threatening  procession 
to  the  Hotel  de  Ville.  The  socialists  were 
the  Hotel      represented  by  Louis  Blanc  and  Albert :  the 

de  Ville  . 

red  republicans  by  Blanqui,  Raspail,  and  the 
democratic  clubs :  red  flags  were  waved  above  the 
companies  as  they  marched :  the  procession  extended 
from  the  Champs-Elysees  to  the  Place  de  Greve,  and 
mustered  more  than  a  hundred  thousand  men.'  A 
deputation  from  this  vast  body  was  admitted ;  and 
Blanqui,  as  their  spokesman,  demanded  the  postpone- 
ment of  the  elections,  and  the  absolute  submission  of 
the  government  to  the  will  of  the  j)eople,  as  repre- 
sented by  the  democratic  clubs.  Even  Louis  Blanc 
was  shocked  by  the  extravagance  of  these  demands : 
nor  was  Ledru  Eollin  prepared  to  surrender  his  pov/er 
to  Blanqui  and  his  confederates.  The  provisional 
government,  therefore,  firmly  withstood  the  deputa- 
tion, who  retired  sullen  and  revengeful,  to 
rection         lead  away  their  discomfited  followers.     They 

thwarted.         .  t     ,    i         t     ,  ,     i  •  •  •  -i 

immediately  plotted  an  insurrection,  m  order 
to  take  the  Hotel  de  Ville  by  storm,  to  postpone  the 
dreaded  elections,  and  to  force  themselves  into  the 
provisional  government.  The  storming  of  the  Hotel 
de  Ville,  however,  by  an  organised  mob,  was  prevented 

'  '  On  I'evaluait  a  cent  ou  cent  quarante  mille  hommes.' — Lamar- 
tine.  Hist,  de  la  Bev.  de  1848,  livre  xii.  oh.  9. 


EEPUBLIC  OF  1848.  301 

by  the  courago  of  Lamartine  and  the  military  skill 
of  General  Changarnier  ;  and  France  was  again  saved 
fi'om  the  red  republic.^ 

At  length  the  elections  were  held,  and  the  national 
assembly  met  in  Paris.     In  the  capital,  and  jf^,p,ij,g 
the  great  towns,  the  republicans  of  different  ^^1'.',^,,,,^^ 
types  were  triumphant :  but  in  the  def)art-  "^i"''  ''^• 
ments,  a  general  reaction  against  the  revolu-  ^^^  ^• 
tion  could  not  be  disguised.     The  leaders  of  the  red 
republicans,   Blanqui,   Barbes,   Easi3ail,   and   Cabet, 
found  no  places  in  the  assembly.      One   of  the  first 
acts  of  the  assembly  was  to  appoint  an  executive  com- 
mission,  to   supersede  the   provisional  government.^ 
Not  one  of  the  extreme  democrats  was  chosen.     Min- 
isters were  nominated  by  the  commission.     Not  one 
belonged  to  the  extreme  party.     Their  cause  was  evi- 
dently lost,  unless  it  could  be  restored  by  force.    They 
had  striven  to  overthrow  the  provisional  government, 
and  now  they  directed  their  forces  against  the  assembly. 

Under  pretence   of  presenting  a   petition  for  the 
relief  of  Poland,  a  mob  burst  into  the  hall 
of  the   assembly,  turned  out  the  members,  of  the  " 
declared  the   assembly  dissolved,  and  pro-  ^^^^^  ^' 
claimed  a  new  provisional  government.     Among  the 
new  rulers  of  France  were  Barbes,  Blanqui,  j^j^^  j^ 
Louis  Blanc,  Raspail,  Albert,  and  Proudhon.   ^^*^- 
Happily  the  rule  of  these  red  republicans  and  so- 
cialists  was   short.     The   hall  of  the  assembly   was 
soon  cleared  by  the  national  guards :  the  members  of 
the  new  provisional  government  were  besieged  and 

'  Lamartine,  Hist,  de  la  R'v.  de  1848,  livre  xiii.  ch.  10-24  ;  Lord 
Nomianby,  Year  of  Revolutions,  i.  333-;}w(i. 

''  Th(3y  were  Arago,  Oaruicr-Pages  Marie,  Lamartine,  and  Ledru- 
liollin. 


302  FEIANCE. 

arrested,  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  and  the  Prefecture  of 
Police :  the  democratic  clubs  vrere  again  closed ;  and 
order  seemed  to  be  restored.^ 

But  these  dangerous  conspirators  "were  not  discour- 
Ncw  eicc-  aged.  In  June  there  were  several  new  elec- 
tions, tions,  and  Paris  returned  Proudhon  and  other 
socialist  leaders.  The  general  result  of  these  elec- 
tions, however,  was  not  favourable  to  that  party: 
while  Count  Mole,  Thiers,  and  several  other  statesmen 
of  the  monarchy  recovered  seats  in  the  assembly ; 
Prince  ^^^  ^^  ^^®  same  time  Prince  Louis  Napo- 
Napoieon  ^^on  was  elected  by  no  less  than  four  depart- 
eiected.  meuts.  He  had  been  supported  not  only  by 
Bonapartists,  but  by  red  republicans,  and  even  by 
communists,  to  whom  his  speculative  writings  had 
commended  him.^  Many  parties  confronted  one  an- 
other in  the  assembly  :  but  the  ultra-democrats  formed 
an  insignificant  minority.  Growing  more  desperate 
as  political  power  eluded  their  grasp,  they  were  plot- 
ting another  insurrection,  when  the  assembly  deter- 
mined to  disperse  the  idle  and  dangerous  workmen  in 
the  national  workshops,  who  had  now  risen  to  one 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand. 

'  Lamartine,  livre  xv.  ch.  1-15. 

2  Jerrold,  Life  of  Napoleon  III.,  ii.  395-400.  The  Prince  wrote  to 
the  President  of  the  Assembly: — 'Je  n'ai  pas  cherche  I'honneur 
d'etre  representant  du  peuple,  parce  que  je  savais  les  soupcons  in- 
jurieuses  dont  j'etais  I'objet.  Je  rechercherais  encore  moins  le  pou- 
voir.  Si  le  peuple  m'imposait  des  devoirs,  je  saurais  les  remplir.' — 
Ibid.  405.  He  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Assembly,  and  in  September 
was  again  elected  for  no  less  than  five  departments. — Ibid.  410.  He 
now  '  went  quietly  to  the  Hotel  du  Rhiu,  in  the  Place  Vendome, 
from  the  windows  of  which  he  could  see  towering  over  the  capital 
the  figure  of  the  great  man  whose  genius  had  been  the  guiding  star 
of  his  life.'— Ibid.  411. 


CAVAIGNAC  DICTATOR.  303 

This   moment  of  discontent  was  promptly  seized 
upon.    The  clubs  and  the  red  republican  and  jn^riec- 
socialist  leaders  appealed  to  the  workmen,  j,""';  22-26 
to  the  revolutionary  prolctaires,  and  to  the  ^^^^• 
forgats,^  and  Paris  fiew  to  arms.     Of  all  the  insurrec- 
tions of  the  revolutionary  period,  this  was  the  best 
planned,  the  most  skilfully  executed,  and  the  most 
formidable.     It  was  not  a  riotous  gathering  of  the 
people,  with  uncertain  purposes :  but  the  insurrec- 
tionary forces  were  distributed  with  military  strategy : 
the  most  important  positions  in  the  city  were  occu- 
pied b}'  barricades  of  stone,  bricks,  and  earthworks  :^ 
the  windows  were  crowded  with  tirailleurs  to  fire  upon 
the  troops ;  and  the  insurgents  were  inspired  with  a 
desperate  courage  and  resolution.     So  immi- 
nent was  the  danger,  that  General  Cavaignac  cavaignac 
was  appointed  dictator.     It  was  not  until  June 24,' 
after  hundreds  of  bloody  fights,  on  four  suc- 
cessive days,  with  fearful  loss  of  life  on  both  sides, 
that  this  terrific  insurrection  was  overcome.   On  either 
side,  there  were  prodigies  of  bravery  :  but  the  most 
memorable  incident  of  the  strife  was  the  heroic  self- 
sacrifice  of  Monseigneur  Afii-e,  Archbishop  of  Paris, 
who  fell  upon  the  barricade  in  the  Place  de  la  Bastille, 
in  a  vain  attempt  to  arrest  the  slaughter.^ 

The  red  republican    insurrection  was  crushed:   a 
terrible  danger  had  been  surmounted :   but 
France   was   more   than   ever   awakened   to  against  the 
the  perils  which  threatened  her  peace  and 

'  It  was  estimated  that  no  less  than  10,000  of  this  latter  class  took 
part  in  the  insurrection.  Lainartinc,  Hist,  de  la  Rev.  dc  1818,  livre 
XV.  ch.  14-17  ;  Lord  Nonnanby,  A  Year  of  Jlcvolnlions,  ii.  27. 

'  There  were  nearly  4,000  l)arricades  in  diflorent  parts  of  the  city. 

^  Lord  Nonnanby,  Year  of  Revolutions,  ii.  59. 


304  FKANCE. 

social  order.  Her  capital  had  been  desolated  by  a  civil 
war;  and  if  the  insurgents  had  conquered,  her  for- 
tunes would  have  been  at  the  mercy  of  red  republi- 
cans and  socialists.  The  reaction  against  democracy 
was  universal ;  and  Frenchmen  of  all  classes  were 
resolved  that  their  noble  country  should  not  fall  a 
prey  to  the  canaille  of  Paris. 

The  dictatorship  of  Cavaignac  was  continued :  the 
Measures  of  Capital  was  surrouudcd  by  troops :  the  na- 
cavaignac.  ^loual  workshops  Were  closed :  the  disaf- 
fected or  untrustworthy  legions  of  the  national  guard 
were  disbanded  :  the  democratic  newspapers  were  sus- 
pended :  repressive  laws  against  the  press  were  re- 
vived :  the  clubs  were  suppressed.  Liberty  was  sur- 
rendered for  a  time,  to  save  the  State  from  anarchy. 
But  the  extent  of  the  reaction  was  soon  to  be 
tution.  ^  shown  in  a  more  striking  form.  The  per- 
Nov.'  4,         manent  constitution  of  the  republic  was  yet 

1848.  . 

to  be  determined;  and  the  assembly,  after 
much  deliberation,  decreed  that  the  future  govern- 
ment should  be  vested  in  a  single  chamber,  and  in  a 
president,  to  be  elected  for  four  years,  by  universal 
suffrage. 

The  principal  candidates  for  the  presidency  were 
Louis  Cavaignac,   the    dictator,   who     had    saved 

eiectt'd"'^  France  from  the  red  republic  ;  Ledru-EoUin 
presi  CD  .  ^^^  Lamartine, — the  most  eminent  members 
of  the  late  provisional  government, — and  Prince  Louis 
Napoleon.  Cavaignac  still  commanded  all  the  influ- 
ence of  the  government :  he  was  known  to  be  an  earnest 
republican ;  and  his  late  services,  in  the  cause  of  order, 
deserved  well  of  his  country  :  but  Prince  Louis  Napo- 
leon was  chosen  by  5,434,226  votes.  He  also  pro- 
fessed devotion  to  the  republic,  and  proclaimed  the 


LOUIS  NAPOLEON  PRESIDENT.  305 

sovereignty  of  tlie  people.^  But  was  lie  chosen  to 
maintain  the  republic,  or  to  restore  the  empire? 
That  he  secured  the  votes  of  all  Bonapartists,  and  of 
millions  who  still  cherished  the  glorious  memor^^  of 
the  great  Emperor,  is  certain :  ^  but  his  election  was 
also  an  emphatic  protest  of  the  middle  classes  and  of 
the  proprietors  of  the  soil  against  the  red  republic 
and  the  mob-rule  of  the  ca|)itaL^  For  the  prince  him- 
self, the  long  dream  of  his  life  was  realised.*  Like 
his  uncle,  he  was  chief  magistrate  of  the  French  re- 
public ;  and  his  foot  was  well  nigh  upon  the  steps  of 
the  imperial  throne.^  *In  the  presence  of  God,  and 
before  the  French  people  represented  by  the  national 
assembly,'  he  swore  '  to  remain  faithful  to  the  demo- 

'  So  far  back  as  October  21,  1843,  he  wrote  from  liis  prison  at  Ham: 
— 'J'avais  une  liaute  ambition,  mais  je  la  poiivais  avouer — I'ambi- 
tion  de  reunir  autour  de  mon  uom  populaire  tous  les  partisans  de 
la  souverainete  dii  peuple,  tous  ceux  qui  voulaient  la  gloire  et  la 
liberte.' — Delord,  Hist,  du  Second  Empire,  i.  46.  And  this  continued 
to  be  the  strain  of  his  later  appeals. 

*  '  Le  peuple  ne  savait  pas,  en  definitive,  de  la  revolution  que  ce 
qu'il  apprenait  dans  les  ecoles  et  dans  les  camps — les  vraies  ecoles 
de  I'Empire  :  il  croyait  en  Napoleon,  rcdempteur  de  la  France  et  du 
peuple,  crudfie  par  les  rois  sur  le  Calvaire  de  Saintc-Hclene.' — De- 
lord,  Ilifit.  du  Second  Empire,  i.  121. 

^  '  II  s'agit  moins  pour  le  pays,  dans  le  mouvcmont  de  reaction 
auquel  il  est  livre,  de  revenir  a  tel  ou  tel  des  regimes  d»'chus,  qiie 
d'avoir  raison  enfin  d'un  esprit  de  subversion  qui  s'attaque  indis- 
tinctement  a  tous  les  regimes,  et  qui  depuis  soixante  ans  n'a  consent! 
a  en  laisser  durer  aucun.' — Dunoyer,  La  llcv.  de  24  Fcvrier,  188. 

*  '  Le  jcune  pretendaut  dut  entendre  plus  d'une  fois,  au  fond  des 
bosquets  d'Arenenberg,  des  voix  qui  lui  disaient :  "  Tu  regneras."* 
— Delord,  IJist.  du  Second  Empire,  i.  28. 

''  On  .January  0,  1840,  Walter 'Savage  Landor  wrote  :— '  Necessity 
will  comiiel  him  to  assume  the  imperial  jmwer,  to  which  the  voice 
of  the  army  and  people  will  call  him.'— Jurrold,  Life  of  Napoleon 
in.  il.  a70. 


306  FRANCE. 

cratic  republic  :'  but  visions  of  tlio  empire  were  ever 
floating  before  bis  eyes. 

We  will  not  follow  Louis  Napoleon   tbrougb  bis 
His  presi-      brief  presidency.     His  ambition  and  bis  des- 
^"'^^'  tiny    were    divined,    alike    by    republicans, 

legitimists,  and  Orleanists ;  ^  and  all  parties  united 
in  resistance  to  bis  aims.  Tbey  were  naturally  bos- 
tile  to  bis  pretensions.  Red  republicans  and  social- 
ists dreaded  tbe  strong  band  of  a  ruler  supported  by 
tlie  army  and  tbe  party  of  order.  Republicans  de- 
tected, in  bis  fair  promises,  tbe  betrayer  of  tbe  re- 
public, and  tbe  crafty  usurper.  Royalists,  wbo,  in 
tbe  fall  of  Louis  Pbilippe  and  tbe  anarcby  of  tbe 
revolution,  bad  cberisbed  bopes  of  anotber  restora- 
tion, feared  lest  an  empire  sbould  again  stand  be- 
tween tbe  Bourbons  and  tbeir  inberitance.  Orlean- 
ists, wbo  bad  lately  been  cast  down  from  tbeir  bigh 
places,  were  fretting  for  tbe  recovery  of  tbeir  power. 
In  vain  be  endeavoured  to  allay  suspicions  of  bis 
ulterior  designs,  by  profuse  protestations  of  bis  alle- 
giance to  tbe  republic,  and  bis  respect  for  tbe  laws.^ 

'  Granier  de  Cassagnac,  Hist.  ii.  34  et  seq. 

•  Before  his  election  in  December,  1848,  he  said  : — '  Je  ne  suis  pas 
un  ambitieux.  Eleve  dans  des  pays  libres,  et  a  I'ecole  du  malheur, 
je  resterai  toujours  fidele  aus  devoirs  que  m'imposeront  vos  suf- 
frages et  les  volontcs  de  I'Assemblee.'  And  after  his  election,  he 
said  : — '  Le  serment  que  je  viens  de  preter  commando  ma  conduite 
future.  Mon  devoir  est  trace  :  je  le  remplirai  en  homme  d'hon- 
neur.  Je  verrai  des  ennemis  de  la  patrie  dans  tous  ceux  qui  ten- 
teraient  de  changer,  par  des  voies  illegales,  ce  que  la  France  entiere 
a  etabli.' — Dunoyer,  Le  Second  Empire,  i.  146,  147.  And  to  the 
Assembly  he  addressed  these  words,  on  December  20,  1848  :  — '  Vous 
voulez,  comme  moi,  travailler  au  bien-etre,  a  la  gloire,  a  la  pro- 
sperite,  du  peuple  qui  nous  a  «'lus,  et,  comme  moi,  vous  pensez  que 
les  meilleurs  moyens  d'y  parvenir  ne  sont  pas  la  violence  et  la  ruse, 
mais  la  fermete  et  la  justice.' — Ibid.  147.     At  Lyons,  on  August  13, 


LOUIS  NAPOLEON  PBESLDENT.  307 

His  opponents  distrusted  liis  assurances,  and  multi- 
tudes of  liis  supporters  were  already  prepared  to  wel- 
come the  revival  of  tlie  empire.^ 

He  met  with  opj)osition  on  every  side.    Tlie  revolu- 
tionists of  Paris  were  af]rain  busy  with  plots  : 

c)  J  i-  January  29, 

but  one  insurrection  ignominiously  failed,  i«J9- 
and  another  was  easily  repressed.  A  social-  juno  13, 
ist  insurrection  at  Lyons  was  promptly  over- 
come, with  great  slaughter.  Within  the  walls  of  the 
assembly,  he  encountered  difficulties  of  another  kind. 
He  was  the  elect  of  France,  and  was  bent  upon  as- 
serting his  personal  rule,  —  the  onlj^  rule  hitherto 
known  in  France  to  king,  president,  or  emperor.  The 
assembly,  chosen  like  himself  by  universal  suffrage, 
and  having  a  title  equal  to  his  own,  disputed  with 
him  the  government  of  the  country.  They  claimed 
that  his  ministers  should  have  the  confidence  of  the 
majority  of  their  body  :  the  president,  resting  upon 
the  confidence  of  the  people,  assumed  the  right  of 
nominating  ministers  at  his  own  discretion.  Hence 
jealousy  and  contrariety  of  views  could  not  fail  to 
arise  between  the  executive  and  the  legislature. 
Such  were  the  relations  of  parties  to  the  president 
and  to  one  another,  that  an  orderly  government,  by 
parliamentary  majorities,  was  naturally  beset  with 
difficulties.  Similar  difficulties,  however,  had  lately 
been  overcome  by  Louis  Philippe  ;  and  might  have 
been  successfully  encountered  by  Louis  Napoleon,  if 
he  had  been  faithful  to  the  republican  constitution. 

1849,  lie  said  :— '  Les  surprises  et  I'usurpation  pcuvent  Ctre  la  rt*ve 
dfs  jiartis  sans  appui  dans  la  nation  ;  mais  I'elu  de  six  millions  de 
sufTraf,ais  ext'cute  les  volontrs  du  peuple  :  11  ne  les  trahit  pas.' — De- 
lord,  Jlint.  du  Second  Empire,  i.  1!)4, 

'  Dunoyor,  JjC  ticcoud  Empire,  i.  140  ct  acq. 


808  nuNCE. 

But  lie  was  not  disposed  to  sliare  his  power  with 
political  rivals  :  he  regarded  the  representatives  of 
the  people  as  obstacles  to  his  own  supremacy  ;  and 
was  actively  scheming  the  restoration  of  the  empire, 
upon  the  ruins  of  the  republic. 

After  the  elections,  in  May  1849,  the  president  dis- 
missed the  ministry  of  Odillon  Barrot,  which  had  com- 
manded a  majority  of  the  assembly ;  ^  and  formed  a 
new  ministry  of  obscure  men,  from  all  parties.  He 
explained  his  purpose  by  declaring  to  the  assembly 
October 31  ^^^^  ^^  needed  men  who  acknowledged  'the 
1849.  necessity  of  a  single  and  firm  direction,'  in 

other  words,  men  who  looked  to  himself,  and  not  to 
the  assembly,  for  guidance.^  Such  a  declaration  in- 
creased the  estrangement  of  the  assembly.  Alarmed 
March  10,  at  the  elcctiou  of  sis  socialist  candidates 
in  Paris,  they  passed  a  bill  ^  requiring  three 
years'  residence  for  the  exercise  of  the  franchise,  and 
otherwise  striking  at  the  revolutionary  p?'o?c'to ire?,  of 

'  According  to  some  autLorities,  tlie  strength  of  the  republican 
party  was  increased  in  tlie  national  assembly  :  but  Delord  says  : — 
'L'Assemblee  constituaute  etait  republicaine  :  I'Assemblee  legisla- 
tive qui  lui  succcdait  se  composait  en  grande  majorite  de  royalistes.' 
— Hist,  du  Second  Empire,  i.  153.  So  also  Jerrold,  Nap.  III.  iii.  87. 
But,  however  that  may  have  been,  the  president  resolved  to  set 
himself  free  from  the  restraints  of  party  government. 

^  In  his  message  to  the  assembly,  he  said  : — '  La  France,  inquiete 
parce  qu'elle  ne  voit  pas  de  direction,  cherche  la  main,  la  voloute, 
de  I'elu  du  10  d'cembre.'  The  national  will  had  been  expressed  by 
the  election  of  a  Napoleon  ;  and  '  ce  nom  est  a  lui  seul  tout  un  pro- 
gramme.'— Dunoyer,  Le  Second  Emjnre,  i.  155. 

^  '  It  was  afterwards  alleged  that  this  measure  had  been  passed 
in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  the  president :  but,  according  to 
Delord,  '  I'histoire  ne  trouve  aucuue  trace  de  cette  pretendue  repug- 
nance de  M.  Louis  Bonaparte,  ni  dans  ses  discours,  ni  dans  ses  con- 
versations.'— Hist,  du  Second  Empire,  i.  187.  But  see  Jerrold,  Hap 
in.  iii.  134. 


THE  PEESEDENT  AND  THE  ASSEMBLY.  309 

all  nations,  wlio  infested  Paris.  Tliey  opposed  tlio 
angmentation  of  tlie  president's  salary  :  tliey  denied 
liim  the  nomination  of  mayors  ;  and  they  appointed 
an  unfriendly  commission,  from  the  different  parties, 
to  control  him  during  the  recess.^ 

Meanwhile  the  president,  opposed  by  ail  parties  in 
the  assembly, — which,  however   adverse   to  Thepresi- 
one   another,   were  ever   ready   to   combine  the  at" 
against  him,^ — appealed  to  the  sympathy  of  ^^'"  ^'' 
the   people,^  and   the    attachment   of  the   army.     At 
L^^ons,  at  Strasburg,  and  other  large  towns,  his  pre- 
sence was  greeted  with  enthusiasm.     At  re-  (^^^^^^^^.  ^^ 
views  he  was  cheered  with  cries  of  'Vive  Na-  ^^^o- 
poleon ! '  and  at  Satorj^  the  cavalry,  as  they  passed 
him,   shouted    *Vive   Napoleon!  Yive   I'Empereur ! ' ^ 
The  infantry,  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  November 
their  general,  Neumeyer,  were  silent ;  and  the 
general  was  soon  afterwards  removed  from  his  com- 
mand.    At  other  reviews  the  like  cries  wore  heard.'' 
Soon  afterwards,  General  Changarnier  issued  an  order 
to  the  troops  under  his  command,®  reminding  them 
that  the  law  and  military  regulations  forbade  them  to 
utter  cries  while  under  arms.    Two  months  afterwards 

'  Granier  de  Cassagnac,  ii.  147-lGO. 

'  '  On  voyait  toujours  quatre  partis  prets  u  fairo  cause  commune 
coutre  un  seul.' — Dunoyor,  Lc  Second  Empire,  i.  31. 

^  At  Dijon  he  said,  on  January  1,  1850  : — '  J'appelle  do  tons  mes 
vocux  le  moment  ou  la  voix  puissanto  de  la  nation  dominera  toutes 
les  oppositions  et  mettra  d'accord  toutes  les  rivalitt's.' — Diac/urs  ct 
Proclamntions,  150. 

*  Delord,  ITist.  du  Second  Empire,  i.  103. 

"  '  Lo  president  pendant  ce  temps-la  passe  des  revues  ou  on  crio, 
'Vive  I'empereur!'  commo  au  tomps  ou  les  lc';gi(ms  faisaient  des 
Crsars.'— Delord,  Uixt.  i.  207. 

"  He  was  commander  of  the  troops  of  Paris  and  the  department  of 
the  Seine. 


310  FEANCE. 

he  was  superseded.^  Other  generals  were  promoted, 
who  enjoyed  the  entire  confidence  of  the  president; 
and  officers  friendly  to  his  ambition  were  carefully 
sought  out  and  encouraged.^  He  was  constantly  pro- 
claiming his  reliance  upon  the  fidelity  of  the  army.^ 

While  making  these  appeals  to  the  peof)le  and  the 
army,  he  continued  his  professions  of  fidelity  to  the 
constitution,  and  endeavoured  to  disarm  suspicions 
by  affecting  a  lofty  disinterestedness.  To  the  assem- 
bly he  said,  on  November  30,  1850  :  '  The  noblest  ob- 
ject, and  the  most  worthy  of  an  exalted  mind,  is  not  to 
seek,  when  in  power,  how  to  perpetuate  it,  but  to  la- 
bour to  fortify,  for  the  benefit  of  all,  those  principles 
of  authority  and  morality,  which  defy  the  passions  of 
mankind  and  the  instability  of  laws.' 

The  suspicious  policy  of  the  president  was  met  by 
January  14,  ^  resolutiou  of  the  assembly,  declaring  that 
^'^^^'  it  had  no  confidence  in  his  ministers.     He 

changed  his  ministry :  but  not  a  single  minister  did 
he  choose  from  among  the  members  of  the  assembly. 
After  a  continuance  of  the  strife  for  some  time,  he 
April  10  invited  Odillon  Barrot  to  form  a  ministry; 
18^^-  and,  on  his  failure,  he  again  resorted  to  the 

assembly  for  a  cabinet.  The  new  ministry,  however, 
did  not  embrace  any  of  the  leaders  of  parties  ;  and 
was  not  designed  to  conciliate  their  support.  The 
president's  policy  of  personal  rule  was  incompatible 
with  representative  government ;  and  his  ulterior  aims 
alienated  all  parties  but  his  own. 

The  time  was  approaching  when  a  revision  of  the 

constitution  was  demanded  :  but  while  a  ma- 
Revision  of    ...        (>    .1  11  1  . 
theconsti-     ]ority  oi   the   assembly  approved  it,  a  vote 

of  three-fourths,  as  required  by  the  constitu- 
'  Dunoyer,  Le  Second  Empire,  i.  159.     ^  ibid.  i.  IGl,     ^  ibij,  174, 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  THE  ASSEMBLY.  311 

tion,  could  not  be  obtained.  The  powers  of  the  presi- 
dent were  limited  to  four  years,  and  he  was  jniyao, 
disqualified  for  re-election.  He  was  already  ^^^" 
straitened  in  his  ciyil  list ;  and  he  must  soon  lay 
down  his  power,  and  retire  into  poverty  and  obscurity. 
An  event  so  fatal  to  his  ambition,  he  was  resolved  to 
avert.  His  ultimate  reliance  was  uj)on  the  army  and 
the  people  :  but,  in  the  meantime,  he  sought,  by  a 
popular  measure,  to  increase  his  influence  and  popu- 
larity. If  he  found  the  assembly  intractable,  other 
means  must  be  tried  to  ensure  the  continuance  of  his 
power.  Believing  that  the  restoration  of  universal 
suffrage  would  favour  his  own  claims,  he  now  urged 
the  repeal  of  the  law  of  May  31,  1850.  His  ministers, 
fearing  a  socialist  majority  in  the  next  assembly,  ob- 
jected to  the  change,  and  resigned  ;  and,  with  the 
advice  of  a  new  ministry,  the  proposal  was  made  by 
the  president  to  the  assemblj-.  But  his  ob-  ^'ovembo^ 
ject  in  seeking  an  extension  of  the  sufirage  ^'  ^^''^' 
was  too  well  known  to  find  favour  with  his  opponents. 
The  republicans  were  drawn  towards  him  by  so  demo- 
cratic a  measure  :  but  the  royalists  were  no  less  op- 
posed to  it  than  to  its  author.^ 

The  distrust  of  the  assembly  in  the  designs  of  the 
president   was   now   further    aroused   by   a 

Distrust 

speech  addressed  by  him  to  the  officers  of  of  the 

■^  ,  ...  assembly. 

some  regiments  lately  arrived  in  Pans,  se- 
lected as  faithful  to  his  cause.  He  told  them  that  ho 
had  placed  at  their  head  men  who  had  his  entire 
confidence  ;  and  that,  if  the  gravity  of  affairs  should 
compel  him  to  appeal  to  their  devotion,  he  was  as- 
sured that  he  should  not  be  disappointed.     He  would 

>  Delord,  Hist,  du  Second  Empire,  i.  249-355. 


312  FRANCE. 

not  say  to  tliem,  '  March,  and  I  will  follow  you  : '  but 
lie  would  say,  '  I  march  :  follow  me.'  Such  words  as 
these  seemed  to  betray  some  hidden  purpose,  not  war- 
ranted by  the  foreign  or  domestic  necessities  of  the 
State.  General  St.  Arnaud,  the  new  minister  of  war, 
also  issued  an  order  of  the  day,  protesting  against 
the  power  of  the  assembly  to  require  the  aid  of  a  mili- 
tary force.  To  guard  against  surprise  from  the  mas- 
ter of  many  legions,  the  assembly  looked  about  for 
some  means  of  defence.  Accordingly,  the  qua3stora 
submitted  a  motion  for  giving  effect  to  a  decree  of 
May  11,  1848,  which  empowered  the  president  to  re- 
quire the  armed  force  of  the  State  for  its  protection. 
November  A  Committee  adopted  this  motion;  and  no 
17, 1851.  j^gg  than  three  hundred  members  supported 
it  by  their  votes  in  the  assembly.^ 

A  serious  conflict  between  the  president  and  the  as- 
Tbepre«i-  sembly  was  now  imminent.  Prefects,  mayors, 
th^as-"*^  and  the  Bonapartist  press  espoused  the  cause 
sembly.  ^f  ^j^g  president,  and  rebuked  the  assembly 
as  factious  and  unpatriotic.  It  was  accused  of  thwart- 
ing his  enlightened  measures,  and  even  of  plotting 
against  his  authority.  But,  in  truth,  the  president 
had  himself  provoked  the  contest,  by  dissociating 
himself  from  the  representatives  of  the  people,  by  his 
alarming  appeals  to  the  army,  and  by  his  ill-concealed 
designs  of  personal  ambition.^   The  strife,  however,  was 

'  Delord,  Hist,  du  Second  Empire,  i.  255-266. 

2  '  Des  projets  de  decrets  prepares  dans  le  cas  ou  rAssemblee  serait 
obligee  de  requerir  la  force  publique  ne  sont  pas  des  actes  de  con- 
spiration.'— Delord,  Hist,  du  Second  Empire,  i.  272.  According  to 
De  Tocqueville,  '  Les  amis  de  M.  Louis-Napoleon,  pour  escuser  Facte 
qu'il  vient  de  commettre,  repetent  qu'il  n'a  fait  que  prendre  les 
devants  sur  les  mesures  hostiles  que  I'Assemblee  allait  adopter  con- 
tra lui.     Cette  maniere  de  se  defendre  n'est  pas  nouvelle  en  France. 


THE  PRESIDENT  AM)  THE  ASSEMBLY.  313 

unequal.  The  president  was  armed  with  all  the  powers 
of  the  State  :  the  assembly  was  utterly  defenceless. 
Its  different  sections  might  concert  measures  for  the 
protection  of  the  republic  :  they  might  resolve  and  pro- 
test :  they  might  beat  the  air,  but  they  could  not  com- 
mand the  services  of  a  single  soldier  or  policeman.^ 

Meanwhile  the  president  v/as  busy  with  a  daring 
scheme  of  usurpation.     It  could  not  be  at-  prepara- 
tempted  without  assurances  of  the  siipport  tirecou^ 
of  the  army,  and  these  were  obtained  at  a  ^o^mber 
confidential   meeting   at   General  Magnau's,  27,  issi. 
where  twenty-one  general  ofiicers   engaged  to   obey 
his  orders,  and  to  save  France.^     The  army  was  safe, 
and  the  president  was  acquiring  the  command  of  the 
police,  the  magistracy,  and  all  the  executive  depart- 
ments, for  carrying  oiit  his  designs  against  the  as- 
sembly.^   His  advisers  were  not  responsible  ministers, 

Tou3  DOS  revolutionnaires  en  ont  use  pendant  ces  soixante  deruitjres 
annees.  .  .  .  L'Assembk'e,  loin  de  conspirer  centre  Loiiis-Napol-'on 
et  de  lui  cliorcber  querelle,  a  poiisse  la  moderation  et  Ic  desir  de 
vivre  avec  lui  en  bon  intelligence  presque  a  un  degre  voisin  de  la 
pusillanimite.' — Letter  to  the  Times,  November  11,  1853.  Mr.  King- 
lake  says  : — '  It  is  not  true,  as  was  afterwards  pretended,  that  tlie 
executive  was  wickedly  or  perversely  thwarted  either  by  the  votes 
of  the  assembly,  or  by  the  speeches  of  its  members  :  still  less  is  it 
true  that  the  representative  body  was  engaged  in  hatching  plots 
against  the  president.' — Kinglake,  Invasion  of  the  Crimea,  i.  20G 
(4th  edition). 

'  For  some  obscure  evidences  of  the  defensive  plans  of  the  as- 
sembly, see  Lespez,  ii.  351  ;  Ashley,  Life  of  Lord  Palmerston,  i. 
280 ;  Jerrold,  Nap.  III.  iii.  304-317. 

"  Delord,  IliHt.  du  Second  Empire,  i.  244. 

3  De  Tocqueville,  writing  to  Mr.  Senior  on  November  28,  said  : — 
'  II  ne  jjeut  plus  aboutir  qu'a  de  grandes  catastroplics.  Cetto  previ- 
sion si  claire  et  si  prochaine  me  rcnii)lit  le  c(jcur  d'uno  douleur  si 
profonde  et  si  amere  (jue  je  clierdie,  autant  quo  jn  k^  puis,  a  en  dc- 
toumer  ma  i>ens('e.' — Oi/uvres  et  (Jorr.  iniditcs,  ii.  183. 
VOL.  II. — 14 


oil  FRANCE. 

whose  names  v/ould  liave  been  a  guarantee  for  consti- 
tutional measures :  but  were  creatures  of  his  own,  do- 
voted  to  his  cause, — daring  and  unscrupulous  men, 
who  were  fitted  for  the  dark  schemes  of  conspirators. 
There  was  no  more  persistent  schemer  than  the  presi- 
dent ;  and  he  found  in  his  confederates — De  Morny, 
rieury,  Persigny,  St.  Arnaud,  De  Maupas,  and  De 
Beville — men  bolder  and  more  resolute  than  himself. 
To  make  their  services  effective,  the  most  important 
offices  were  entrusted  to  them.  De  Morny  as  Minister 
of  the  Interior,  St.  Arnaud  as  Minister  of  War,  and 
De  Maupas  as  Prefect  of  Police,  commanded  the  civil 
and  military  forces  of  the  State ;  and  were  ready  to 
use  them,  without  scruple,  for  the  overthrow  of  the 
Kepublic. 

The  plan  concerted  by  them  was  more  deeply  plotted 
than  that  of  the  18th  Brumaire,  of  which  it  was  other- 
wise the  parallel :  it  was  matured  with  the  secresy 
and  craft  of  a  conspiracy,  and  carried  out  with  a  self- 
ish and  cruel  resolution  which  recalls  the  deeds  of 
the  terrorists  of  1793.^ 

On  the  night  of  December  1  everything  was  ready, 
when  the  president  took  final  counsel  with  his 
0^1)00.  2,  secret  advisers,  the  Comte  de  Morny,  General 
St.  Arnaud,  De  Maupas,  Prefect  of  Police, 
De  Persigny,  and  Colonel  de  Beville ;  and  the  bold 
enterprise  was  at  once  carried  into  execution.  They 
had  at  their  disposal  all  the  powers  of  the  State,  the 
army,  the  national  guard,  the  police,  the  civil  admin- 
istration, the  courts  of  justice,  the  State  printing- 
office,  and  a  Bonapartist  press,  while  the  assembly 
was  divided  and  disarmed.    The  parliamentary  leaders 

'  Supra,  p.  315. 


COUP  d'etat,   DECEMBER  2,   1851.  315 

were  fast  asleep  in  their  beds  at  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning  of  December  2,  wlien  tliey  were  aroused  by 
tlie  police,  and  carried  off  to  prison.  The  most  dis- 
tinguished generals  shared  the  same  fate.  The  fore- 
most men  of  France^  were  treated  like  felons,  and 
carted  away  in  the  dead  of  night  to  ignominious  cells.^ 
The  hopeful  career  of  many  was  stopped  for  ever,  and 
all  hopes  of  liberty  or  constitutional  government  were 
extinguished.  The  chief  revolutionists  of  the  clubs 
and  secret  societies  were  at  the  same  time  arrested 
and  imprisoned.  Eighty-four  of  the  men  whose  resis- 
tance was  most  feared  were  in  safe  custody.  All  but 
the  Bonapartist  newspapers  were  seized  and  silenced. 
Before  daylight  the  walls  of  Paris  were  placarded 
with  a  proclamation,^  announcing  to  the  astonished 
world  the  dissolution  of  the  assembly,  the  repeal  of  the 
law  of  May  31,  1850,  and  the  election  of  another  as- 
sembly by  universal  suffrage.  The  council  of  state  was 
dissolved,  and  Paris  was  declared  in  a  state  of  siege. 
The  president  accused  the  assembly  of  forging  the 
arms  of  civil  war,  and  plotting  to  overthrow  the  power 
whicli  he  hold  from  the  people.  At  the  same  time,  he 
submitted  the  scheme  of  a  new  constitution,  consist- 
ing of  a  chief  magistrate  elected  for  ten  years,  a  cabi- 

'  '  Contre  qui  sont  dirigces  les  premieres  et  les  plus  grandes  vio- 
lences de  M.  Louis  Bonaparte  ?  Est-ce  contre  les  d^'magogues  et  les 
anarchistes?  Non  ;  c'est  contre  les  amis  de  I'ordre  les  plus  connus, 
les  plus  consid(' rabies,  les  plus  dt'vouos.' — Dunoyer,  Le  Second  Em- 
pire, \.  18;J.  '  Les  adversaires  do  son  ambition,  voila  les  veritables 
objets  de  sa  liaine  ct  les  ennemis  qu'il  faut  surtout  domptor.' — Ibid. 
184. 

"^  Tlicy  were  conveyed,  '  de  i)ro])os  drlibrn',  dans  les  voituros  do- 
stini'es  au  transport  dos  criinint^ls  coiulannu's  au  bagne.' — Ibid.  2:51. 

^Tliis  proclamation  bad  b(!(!n  printed  at  tbe  State  printing-office, 
tlic;  printers  having  \V(jikcd  in  custody  of  the  polico. 


316  FRANCE. 

net  appointed  by  himself  alone,  a  new  council  of  state, 
a  legislative  body  chosen  by  universal  suffrage,  and  a 
second  chamber  of  illustrious  m*en.  And  he  asked 
these  favours  on  behalf  of  the  cause  of  which  his 
name  was  the  symbol.^ 

When  the  members  of  the  assembly,  who  had  been 

spared  by  the  police,  learned  the  arrest  of 
numbers  their  coUcagues,  they  hastened  to  concert  a 
ass-tnibiy      resistance  to  the  coup  d'etat.     They  met   at 

different  places.  Some  found  their  way  into 
the  hall  of  the  assembly  itself,  whence  they  were 
driven  by  force,  twelve  of  their  number  being  seized 
and  hurried  off  to  prison.  At  length  two  hundred  and 
twenty  deputies  assembled  at  the  Mairie  of  the  10th 
Arrondissement,  where  they  decreed  the  deposition  of 
the  president,  and  declared  that  the  executive  power 
had  passed  to  the  national  assembly.  Their  delibera- 
tions, however,  were  soon  interrupted  by  the  entry  of 
soldiers  and  police ;  and  as  they  refused  to  disperse, 
they  were  marched  off  as  j^risoners  to  the  cavalry 
barracks  on  the  Quai  d'Orsay.^  Hence,  after  nightfall, 
they  were  conveyed,  in  prison  vans,  to  Vincennes  and 
to  the  prison  of  Mazas.^  Two  hundred  and  thirty- 
five  representatives  of  the  people,  including  twelve 
statesmen  who  had  been  cabinet  ministers,  were 
treated  as  felons.*  Many  were  afterwards  banished 
fi'om  France.^ 

The  high  court  of  justice,  while  deliberating  upon 

'  '  Si  vous  croyez  que  la  cause  dont  mon  nom  est  le  symbole — c'est- 
a-dire,  la  France  regeneree  par  la  revolution  de  1789,  et  organist'e  par 
I'empereur — est  toujours  lavotre,  proclamez-leenconsacrant  lespou- 
voirs  que  je  vous  demande.' — Delord,  Hist,  du  Second  Empire,  i.  282. 

-  Delord,  Hist,  du  Second  Bmpire,  i.  309-323. 

3  Ibid.  335,  336,  34-4  et  seq.  3G3. 

*  Kinglake,  Invasion  of  the  Crimea,  i.  251,  253.  '  Ibid.  390. 


COUP  d'etat,  decembee  2,  1851.  317 

the  violations  of  the  constitution,  which  it  vv^as  its 
function  to  restrain,  was  interrupted  by  the 
police,  and  was  closed  by  force.^  Every  con-  c.mrtot- 
stituted  authority  was  silenced ;  and  sca,ttered 
deputies  and  journalists  vainly  attempted  to  arouse  a 
popular  insurrection  against  the  president.  The  hour- 
geoisie  and  the  people  were  divided,  the  assembly  was 
unpopular,  and  the  president  still  professed  his  fidelity 
to  the  republic.  There  was  no  common  ground  of  re- 
sistance to  the  coiij)  d^etat.  Parties  and  classes  were 
disunited  and  surprised :  while  the  executive  wielded 
the  army,  the  police,  and  the  civil  administration  of 
the  State.  The  red  republican  party  had  been  shot 
do%^Ti  in  the  street  fights  of  June,  1848,  imprisoned, 
and  transported ;  and  their  surviving  leaders  had  just 
been  captured. 

The  troops,  among  whom  the  president  had  dis- 
tributed fifty  thousand  francs — the  last  rc- 

»    ,  .  •       1        c      1  9  I  •  1    The  massa- 

manis    oi   his   private   lortune''  —  continued  ere  on  the 

r    •  ,^  P    1    ,       -i  •  1  t         ,1      '  boulevards. 

laithiui  to  his  cause;  and  under  their  pro- 
tection he  rode  through  the  streets  of  Paris.     He  was 
received  with  acclamations :  but  the  people,  -^^^  „ 
taken  by  surprise,  and  uncertain  as  to  the 
true  purport  of  the  startling  events  of  the  morning, 
were  curious  and  wondering  rather  than  demonstra- 
tive.^   The  capital  was  commanded  and  held  in  check 
by  an  overwhelming  force  :  yet  several  barricades  were 
raised,  which  for  a  long  time  were   not   assailed  by 

'  Delord,  Ilist.  du  Second  Empire,  i.  325-328,  254-355  ;  Annuaire, 
p.  373. 

*  QranifT  do  Cassagnac,  ii.  431. 

^  Mr.  Kinglake  says,  'Upon  tlie  wliolo,  th(3  reception  lie  met  with 
seems  to  liave  l»een  neither  friendly  nor  violently  liostii(!,  but  chill- 
ing, and  in  a  quiet  way  .scorni'ul.' — Iwoasiua  of  Ike  Critaca,  i.  245. 


318  FRANCE. 

i 

tlie  troops,  but  at  lengtli,  on  December  4,  tliey  were 
easily  carried.     All  wlio  were  found  upon  the 

Dec  4  . 

barricades  were  put  to  death:  no  quarter 
was  given  to  insurgents.  But  the  gravest  incident  of 
this  day  was  the  firing  of  the  troops  upon  the  win- 
dows of  the  houses  on  the  boulevards,  and  upon  the 
loiterers  on  the  pavement.^  In  vindication  of  this 
murderous  fire,  it  was  alleged  that  the  houses  were 
occupied  by  insurgents,  who  threatened  the  passing 
troops :  but  the  assertion  is  contradicted  by  the  best 
contemporary  evidence.  The  extent  of  the  slaughter 
may  have  been  partly  due  to  misapprehension  and 
panic:  but  there  is  too  much  reason  to  believe  that 
the  assault  was  designed  to  strike  terror  into  the 
people,  and  to  display  the  resolution  of  the  troops. 
The  contrivers  of  the  couiJ  d'etat  were  almost  discon- 
certed by  the  tame  submission  of  the  people.  Where 
was  the  danger  which  had  justified  these  daring  vio- 
lations of  the  law?  This  unwarrantable  massacre  at 
once  magnified  an  abortive  insurrection,  and  proved 
the  vigour  of  the  usurper.  Charles  X.  and  Louis 
Philippe  had  quailed  before  the  populace  of  Paris: 
but  Louis  Napoleon  had  no  pity  upon  insurgents. 
The  capital  was  subdued  and  terror-stricken,  and  the 
spirit  of  resistance  was  trampled  out  in  blood.  No 
act  during  the  numberless  conflicts  in  the  streets  of 
Paris  was  remembered  with  so  much  bitterness  and 
resentment.  The  couj:)  d'etat  was  successful:  but  it 
was  stained  with  innocent  blood,  the  shedding  of 
which  was  never  forgiven.^ 

'  Delord,  Hist,  du  Second  Empire,  i.  367-384 ;  Kinglake,  Hist,  of 
the  Crimean  War,  i.  265-274 ;  Ann.  Beg.  1851. 

^  See  the  account  of  the  coup  d'etat  in  the  Times  of  December  11, 
1851,  writteu  by  M.  de  Tocqueville,  who  was  one  of  the  deputies 


COUP  d'etat,  DECEMBER  2,   1851.  319 

Great  numbers  of  citizens  were  known  to  be  faith- 
ful to  the  republic.  They  had  taken  no  part  Measures  of 
in  the  street  fights :  they  had  not  opposed  '^"'''■*^*°"- 
the  irresistible  forces  of  the  coujj  d'etat :  but  they  were 
dangerous,  and  must  be  disabled.  All  men  who  had 
been  members  of  secret  societies  were  declared  liable 
to  transportation  to  Algeria  or  Cayenne  ;  ^  and  for  this 
cause  thousands  of  active  citizens  were  transported 
without  a  triah  Within  a  few  weeks  after  December 
2  no  less  than  26,500  persons  were  transported  as 
guilty  of  divers  offences  against  the  State.^  About 
two  thousand  republican  journalists,  lawj^ers,  physi- 
cians and  other  educated  men,  w^ere  imprisoned  until 
all  fear  of  popular  movements  had  passed  away.  The 
revolution  had  been  wholly  the  work  of  the  rulers  of 

arrested  on  December  2. — Reeve,  Royal  and  Republican  France,  ii. 
136,  137.  Also  letter  of  Captain  Jesse  to  the  Times,  December  13. — 
Ann.  Register.  De  Tocqueville  says,  in  one  of  liis  letters,  '  This  gov- 
ernment has  established  itself  by  one  of  the  greatest  crimes  recorded 
in  history.' — Ibid.  ii.  138. 

'  II  faut  qu'on  le  sache  bien,  en  eilet,  nulle  transaction  avec  I'esprit 
rcvolutionnaire,  avec  ce  detestable  esprit  de  violence  et  de  fraude 
dont  I'attentat  du  2  dCcembre  a  ete  la  plus  odieuse  manifestation 
parmi  nous,  ne  saurait  etre  de  nature  a  nous  assurer  la  paix.' — 
Dunoyer,  Le  Second  Empire,  1.  115. 

'  II  est  manifeste  pour  tout  hom.me  de  bon  sens  qui  prend  la  peine 
d'examiner  les  faits,  que  cette  acte  d'insigne  felonie  n'l'tait  ncces- 
saire,  ni  pour  la  conservation  des  pouvoirs  k'gaux  du  prt'sident,  nl 
pour  la  di'fense  de  la  socic'te  contre  la  demagogie  socialistc,  ni  pour 
la  conciliation  des  partis  modert's.' — Ibid.  i.  145. 

One  of  the  best,  but  most  severe,  accounts  of  this  grievous  inci- 
dent is  to  be  found  in  Mr.  Kinglake's  Invasion  of  the  Crimea,  i.  2G5- 
274  (4th  edition).  Mr.  Jerrold  justifies  this  and  every  other  incident 
of  the  coup  d'i'tat  more  boldly  than  any  French  writer  {Life  of  Na- 
poleon  III.  iii.  B.  8). 

'  Decree  of  December  8,  1851, 

'  Qranier  de  Cassagnac,  ii.  438  ;  Delord,  Hist,  da  Second  Empire, 


320  FRANCE. 

France :  it  liad  met  wita  a  feeble  resistance  :  yet  tlie 
proscription  which  ensued  was  as  merciless  as  if  the 
people  had  risen  in  arms  against  a  lawful  govern- 
ment. In  any  other  country,  such  deeds  would  have 
been  followed  by  the  execrations  of  Europe :  but 
in  this  land  of  revolutions,  where  force  had  long 
been  the  arbiter  of  laAvs  and  liberty,  they  were  too 
easily  condoned  by  Frenchmen,  and  by  European 
opinion. 

The  capital  was  subdued  by  force,  and  the  j)ro- 
vinces  were  under  controL  Twelve  dejjartments 
round  Paris  were  in  a  state  of  siege:  thirty-two  depart- 
ments were  placed  under  martial  law  ;  and  elsewhere, 
the  prefects,  the  mayors,  and  all  other  functionaries 
were  ordered,  under  pain  of  instant  dismissal,  to  se- 
cure the  adhesion  of  the  people  in  the  approaching  pU- 
hiscite.  In  overthrowing  the  assembly  and  the  consti- 
tution, the  president  was  everywhere  proclaimed  as  the 
champion  of  order,  and  the  unrelenting  enemy  of  so- 
cialists and  red  republicans.  By  supporting  his  au- 
thority good  citizens  would  put  down  socialism  and 
anarchy.  Commissaries  were  despatched  into  the 
provinces  to  overawe  resistance,  and  the  priests  were 
active  in  leading  their  flocks  to  the  poll.  No  meet- 
ings were  permitted  :  the  press  was  silenced  :  the  dis- 
tribution of  negative  voting-papers  was  forbidden :  the 
The  pie-  army  had  already  voted  '  Yes,'  and  few  out 
of  the  mass  of  affrighted  electors  ventured  to 
say  *  No.'  They  had  but  to  say  *  Yes '  or  *  No  ; '  and  in 
this  form  the  acts  of  the  president  and  the  new  con- 
stitution were  ratified  by  the  votes  of  7,439,216  elec- 
tors ;  and  Louis  Napoleon,  absolute  master  of  France, 
was  left  to  choose  his  own  time  for  the  restoration  of 
the  empire. 


AFTEn  THE  GOUT  d'eTAT.  321 

His  aims  were  soon  disclosed.  Ho  immediately 
rej^laced  the  Eoman  eagle  upon  the  national  j^^^j^ 
standards,  and  took  up  his  residence  at  the  fft^°th°e" 
Tuileries.^  His  new  presidency,  or  dictature,  '^'^"^  '^'^''«'- 
was  celebrated  at  Notre  Dame,  with  a  pomp  which  re- 
called the  glories  of  the  First  Napoleon.^  His  powers, 
under  the  new  constitution,  were  little  less  than  im- 
perial.^ He  was  president  for  ten  years:  he  com- 
manded all  the  forces  of  the  State,  by  land  and  sea  : 
he  made  treaties  with  foreign  powers  :  with  him  rested 
the  initiation,  the  sanction,  and  the  execution  of  the 
laws ;  justice  was  administered  in  his  name ;  he  exer- 
cised the  prerogative  of  mercy.  The  legislature  was 
stripped  of  every  inconvenient  privilege.  It  could 
neither  initiate  laws,  nor  ask  questions  of  ministers. 
No  amendments  could  be  discussed  without  the  pre- 
vious approval  of  the  Conseil  cVEtat.  The  budget  was 
no  longer  voted  in  chapters,  or  articles,  but  in  minis- 
terial departments.*  The  president,  in  truth,  was 
already  emperor,  save  in  name ;  and  this  consumma- 
tion was  not  long  delayed.  In  all  his  proclamations 
and  addresses,  the  empire  was  held  up  as  the  ideal 
of  national  happiness  and  glory.^  And,  while  gratify- 
ing the  army,  and  the  natural  pride  of  Frenchmen,  by 

'  January  1,  1872. — Delord,  Uist.  du  Second  Empire,  i.  397. 

"^  Ibid. 

'  '  In  the  making  of  such  laws  as  he  intended  to  give  the  country, 
Prince  Louis  was  highly  skilled,  for  ho  knew  how  to  enfold  the  crea- 
tion of  a  sheer  oriental  autocracy  in  a  nomenclature  taken  from  the 
polity  of  free  European  States.' — Kinglako,  Invasion  of  the  Crimea, 

i.  ?,on. 

"  'Par  ministf-re.'— Delord,  i.  401,  402. 

'  In  distributing  eagles  to  the  anny,  on  May  10,  he  said  : — '  L'aigle 
romaine,  adoptre  par  roinj)crour  Najjoleon  au  conimeiicemcnt  do  co 
sii";cle,  fut  la  signification  la  i)lus  eclatanto  de  la  regeneration  et  de 
la  grandeur  de  la  France.' — Ibid.  4J7. 
14* 


322  FRANCE. 

recollections  of  the  military  prowess  of  the  first  em- 
pire, he  ap23ealed  to  the  prudence  and  sobriety  of  the 
middle  classes,  and  the  susceptibilities  of  foreign 
powers,  by  proclaiming  the  forthcoming  empire  as  the 
inauguration  of  peace.  '  L'empire,  c'est  la  paix,'  he 
said  at  Bordeaux  ;  and  his  words  were  accepted  as  a 
pledge  that,  in  succeeding  to  the  throne  of  Napoleon  I., 
he  renounced  his  policy  of  war  and  aggression.  The 
State  functionaries  and  the  Bonapartist  press  were 
busy  in  preparing  public  opinion  for  the  impending 
change  :  conspicuous  demonstrations  in  honour  of  the 
coming  Csesar  were  concerted :  he  was  greeted  with 
enthusiastic  cries  of  '  Vive  I'Empereur ! '  and  at  length 
he  announced  that  the  signal  manifestation,  through- 
out France,  in  favour  of  the  restoration  of  the  empire, 
imposed  upon  him  the  duty  of  consulting  the  senate. 
That  body  was  devoted :  the  people  accepted  a  |)Zt'Z/is- 
cite  restoring  the  imperial  dignity  by  7,821,129  votes  ; 
December  ^^^  Louis  Napoleon  accepted  the  proffered 
1, 1853.         crown  as  Napoleon  III.^ 

The  second  empire  was  proclaimed  with  becoming 
The  second  ccrcmonies,  and  an  imperial  court  was  formed 
empire.  Qf  ^q^^q  magnificence.  The  scattered  mem- 
bers of  the  Bonaparte  family  appeared  again  upon 
the  scene,  as  princes  and  princesses  of  the  empire. 
The  authors  of  the  coup  cVetat,  and  other  friends  and 
followers  of  the  emperor,  were  rewarded  with  dignified 
and  lucrative  offices.  The  imperial  household  was 
graced  by  numbers  of  stately  functionaries,  with  high- 
sounding  titles.  The  representation  of  the  empire 
was  arranged  upon  a  scale  of  splendour  and  extrava- 
gance, which  recalled  the  times  of  Louis  le  Grand. 

'  His  title  was  '  Napoleon  III.,  by  tlie  grace  of  God,  and  by  tlie  will 
of  tbe  people,  Emperor  of  the  French.' 


THE   SECOND  EMPIEE.  323 

But  tliis  grandeur  was  incomplete  without  a  consort 
to  preside  over  the  society  of  the  court ;  and 
the  dynasty  was  insecure  without   an   heir  emperor's 
to  the  crown.     The  emperor,  having  vainly 
sought  a  bride  in  the  royal  houses  of  Baden  and 
Hohenzollern,  hastened  to  offer  his  hand  to  the  beau- 
tiful Spaniard,  Eugenie  de  Montego.    She  could  boast 
of  no  royal  lineage  :  but  the  Austrian  alliance  of  the 
First  Napoleon  had  proved  the  worthlessness  of  such 
a  union  to  a  revolutionary  throne ;  and  the  fair  lady 
of  his  choice  was  well  fitted,  by  her  graces  and  vir- 
tues, to  adorn  the  new  imperial  court. 

After  the  coup  d'etat,  Louis  Napoleon  had  already 
restored  titles  of  honour ;  and  he  now  en- 
deavoured to  surround  himself  by  the  most 
illustrious  nobles  of  France.  The  nobility  of  the  first 
empire  were  naturally  the  chief  ornaments  of  his 
court :  but  the  old  Legitimist  and  Orleanist  nobles 
generally  held  themselves  aloof  from  the  Bonapartist 
circle,  and  affected  the  more  select  society  of  their 
own  friends  in  the  Faubourgs  St.  Germain  and  St. 
Honore.^  But  if  the  old  nobility  were  absent  from 
the  Tuileries,  there  was  no  lack  of  aspirants  for  new 
honours  and  distinctions.     Military  dukedoms,  and 

'  At  first  '  la  majorite  du  parti  legitimiste  semblait  plus  disposee 
u  Kuivrerexcmpledu  clergo,  devenu  ardent  Bonapartiste,  qu'sl  se  ral- 
lier  a  la  voix  de  I'huritier  des  lis.' — Delord,  Hid.  du  Second  Empire,  ii, 
122.  Several  accepted  public  employments  :  but  they  became  more 
and  more  estranged  from  the  empire,  and  the  greater  part  absented 
themselves  from  the  court.  '  In  France,  for  the  most  part,  the  gen- 
tlemen of  the  country  resolved  to  stand  aloof  from  the  government, 
and  not  only  declined  to  vouchsafe  their  society  to  the  new  occupant 
of  the  Tuileries,  but  even  looked  coldly  upon  any  stray  i)erson  of 
their  own  station,  who  suffered  himself  to  be  tempted  thither  by 
money.' — Kinglake,  Invasion  of  the  Crimea,  i.  333. 


324  FBANCE. 

otlier  titles  of  nobility,  were  created,  as  iu  tlie  first 
empire.  Plebeian  names  were  dignified  by  the  en- 
nobling prefix,  so  mucb  cherished  in  French  society ; 
and  the  legion  of  honour  was  lavished  with  such  pro- 
fusion, that  to  be  without  its  too  familiar  red  ribbon 
was,  at  length,  accounted  a  mark  of  distinction. 

A   court   so   constituted    could   not  represent   the 

highest  refinement  of  French  society.  It 
imperial       was    gay,   luxurious,   pleasure-seeking,   and 

extravagant  :^  but  adventurers,  speculators, 
and  persons  of  doubtful  repute,^  were  in  too  much 
favour  to  win  for  it  the  moral  respect  of  France  or  of 
Europe.  Nor  did  it  gain  lustre  from  the  intellect  of 
the  age.'^  Men  of  letters  were  generally  faithful  to 
the  fallen  monarchies  or  to  the  republic ;  and  were 
not  to  be  won  over  by  the  patronage  of  the  empire. 
They  had  been  cruelly  scourged  by  Louis  Napoleon, 
and  neither  the  principles  of  his  rule,  nor  the  charac- 
ter of  his  associates,  attracted  the  intellectual  classes.* 

'  '  La  cour  donne  un  bal  aujourd'hui :  demain  c'est  le  ministre, 
apres-demain  le  directeur-general  :  la  semaine  prochaine  le  chef  de 
bureau.  Le  luxe  sevit  d'un  degre  a  I'autre  de  I'eclielle  des  families 
comme  une  epidemie.  Ce  fleau  moral  epuise  la  nation  :  depenser 
plus  que  Ton  ne  gagne,  voila  I'economie  politique  du  luxe  :  tous  les 
moyens  sont  bons  pour  gagner  de  I'argent,  telle  est  sa  morale.' — 
Delord,  Hist,  du  Second  Empire,  i.  508. 

*  '  Un  pouvoir  cree  par  la  force,  avec  la  rapidite  d'un  changement 
de  decor  a  vue,  ne  groupe  autour  de  lui  que  des  hommes  assaillis 
d'embarras  d' argent,  prets  a  embrasser  la  premiere  cause  que  leur 
offre  une  chance  de  se  delivrer  de  leurs  creanciers.' — Ibid.  ii.  2. 

^  '  There  is  an  absolute  divorce  between  the  political  system  and 
the  intellectual  culture  of  the  nation.' — Lord  Lytton,  The  PaHsians, 
i.  187. 

*  '  La  presse,  I'academie,  les  salons,  I'universite,  toutes  les  forces 
intellectuelles  du  pays,  sauf  le  clerge,  etaient  tous  en  hostilite, 
ouverte  ou  cachee,  coutre  le  gouvernement,  reduit  a  les  comprimer 
pour  assurer  son  existence.' — Delord,  Hist,  du  Second  Empire,  ii.  872. 


THE  SECOND  EMPIRE.  325 

Material  force,  wealtli,  aud  splendour  were  tlie  idols 
of  his  court,  and  the  j)oet  and  philosopher  were  ill  at 
ease  in  such  a  companj^ 

The  empire  was  now  firmly  established,  and  Louis 
Napoleon  wielded  a  power  as  great  as  that 

„„  ,.  T->i_i  11    Pi'inciples 

of  any  former  king  or  emperor,  i^ut  ne  ruled  of  govern- 
by  a  different  title,  and  upon  other  principles 
of  government.  His  empire,  founded  upon  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  people,  was  a  strange  development  of 
democracy.  He  had  been  chosen  by  universal  suf- 
frage, yet  he  wielded  a  power  all  but  absolute  and  ir- 
responsible. He  ruled  by  the  voice  of  the  people : 
but  he  forbad  the  expression  of  their  sentiments  in 
the  press  or  at  public  meetings.  The  chamber  of 
deputies  was  elected,  like  himself,  by  the  whole  peo- 
ple. An  assembly  so  popular  in  its  origin  ought  to 
have  been  a  check  upon  the  will  of  the  emperor :  but 
it  did  not  hesitate  to  accept  his  policy  and  approve 
his  acts.  Enjoying  a  freedom  of  discussion  unknown 
beyond  its  walls,  it  was  able  to  give  expression  to 
public  opinion  :  but  it  never  aspired  to  independence. 
Yet  the  democracy  of  France  was  not  ignored :  the 
emperor  was  sensitively  alive  to  the  national  senti- 
ments, which  he  was  always  striving  to  propitiate :  he 
never  forgot  the  democratic  origin  and  basis  of  his 
throne.  Political  liberties  were  repressed  :  but  pub- 
lic opinion,  so  far  as  it  could  be  divined  without  free 
discussion,  was  deferred  to  and  respected. 

To  satisfy  this  public  opinion,  and  to  win  the  suji- 
port  of  various  sentiments,  interests  and  par-  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^ 
ties,  the  policy  of  the  emperor  assumed  many  empire, 
forms.   He  had  proclaimed  the  empire  as  peace  :^  but, 

'  Speech  at  Bordeaux,  October  8,  1852  : — '  L'empirfs  c'ci  t  la  i)aix.' 


326  rE-\NCE. 

to  gratify  tlie  susceptibilities  of  Frenclimen,  lie  after- 
wards declared  that  'not  a  gun  should  be  fired  in 
Europe  v.'ifcliout  the  consent  of  the  Tuileries  ;'  and  he 
desired  to  revive  the  military  glories  of  France,  to  re- 
store his  influence  in  the  councils  of  Europe,  and  to 
gratify  the  army,  to  whom  he  mainly  owed  his  crown. 
Hence   his    forwardness   in  bringing  about 

1854.  . 

the  Crimean  war.     Urged  by  the  same  mo- 
tives, he  esjDoused  the  cause  of  Italy,  against  Aus- 
tria,  while    he    conciliated   the    republican 
party  and  their  confederates,  the  carbonari, 
by  fighting  the  battles  of  Italian  liberty.     He  was  no 
soldier :  but  in  the  Italian  war  he  took  the  lead  of 
French  armies,  and  strove  to  emulate  the  military  re- 
nown of  the  First  Napoleon.     His  warlike 
ambition  was  allied  to  a  greed  of  ten-itorial 
aggrandisement;^  and  his  services  to  Italy  were  re- 
warded by  the  cession  of  Savoy  and  Nice.     This  ad- 
venturous policy  was  popular ;  and  it  diverted  the 
thoughts  of  Frenchmen  from  the  loss  of  their  liber- 
ties :  but  it  was  fraught  with  dancjers.^    New 

lSo9-61.  _  ~  o 

enterprises   were   planned :    French    armies 

'  '  La  France  seule,  avait  dit  NapoU'on  III.,  combat  pour  une  idee. 
Cette  idee,  pour  le  second  empire,  comme  pour  le  premier,  n'etait- 
elle  que  I'augmeatation  de  sou  territoire.' — Delord,  H^st.  du  Second 
Empire,  ii.  664. 

-  De  Tocqueville  forecast  these  dangers  eighteen  years  before  the 
fall  of  the  second  empire.  He  wrote  : — '  This  government,  which 
comes  by  the  army,  which  can  only  be  lost  by  the  army,  which  traces 
back  its  popularity  and  even  its  essence  to  the  recollections  of  mili- 
tary glory, — this  government  will  be  fatally  impelled  to  seek  for 
aggrandisement  of  territory  and  for  exclusive  influence  abroad  ;  in 
other  words,  to  war.  That  at  last  is  what  I  fear,  and  what  all  rea- 
sonable men  dread  as  I  do.  War  would  assuredly  be  its  death,  but 
its  death  would  perhaps  cost  dear.' — Reeve,  Royal  and  Eepublican 
France,  ii.  139. 


THE   SECOND  EMPIEE.  327 

were  despatclied  to  Morocco,  to  Cliina,  and  to  Syria ; 
and  a  wild  sclieme  of  intervention  in  the  affairs  of 
Mexico,  in  order  to  extend  the  influence  of  France  in 
America,^  resulted  in  conspicuous  failure  and 
liumiliation.^     This  failure  was  the  turning- 
point  in  the  fortunes  of  his  reign ;  and  at  length  he 
was  hurried  into  a  still  graver  error.     Jealous  of  the 
victories   and  aggrandisement  of  Prussia,  and  pos- 
sessed by  the  passionate  faith  of  his  coun- 
tr}Tnen,  that  the  Khine  was  the  natural  fron- 
tier of  France,'^  he  brooded  over  schemes  of  conquest, 
and  annexation,  until  he  plunged  into  the 

-  1870 

fatal  war  with  his  too  powerful  neighbour, 
which  was  to  be  his  ruin. 

In  his  military  ambition  Louis  Napoleon  followed 
the  traditions  of  the  empire.     In  his  domes-  j)„n,cgtic 
tic  policy,  he  took  examples  from  the  empire,  p^'icy-     ^ 
the  reign  of  Louis  Philippe,  and  the  republic  of  1848. 
Wliile  yet  president,  he  had  propitiated  the  clergy, 
and  outraged  the  republicans,  by  assisting 
the    Pope,    against    the    Eoman    republic. 
Wlien  he  threw  himself  into  the  Italian  wars,  he  con- 

'  '  M.  Michel  Chevalier,  membre  du  senat,  en  annonc/ant,  dans  un 
recueil  important,  le  choix  do  rarchiduc  Masimilien,  "diJsignc  pour 
la  lourdo  taclie  d'inaugurer  la  couroime  mesicainn,"  dt'clarait  quo 
I'exix'dition  du  Mexique  avait  pour  but  d'assurer  la  pn'ponderance 
de  la  France  sur  les  races  latines,  et  d'augmenter  rinfiuence  de  ces 
derniores  en  Arai'rique.' — Delord,  Uist.  du  Second  Empire,  iii.  349. 

'  Ibid.  iv.  169,  et  neq.  America  declared  '  qu'il  ne  convient  pas  a  la 
politique  des  Etats-Unis  de  reconnaitre  un  gouvernement  monar- 
chique  61ev('  en  Ami'rique  snr  les  mines  d'un  gouvernement  rrpubli- 
cain,  et  sous  les  ausjnces  d'un  pouvoir  europLen  quel  qu'il  soit.' 
The  Emperor  Maximilian  was  sacrificed,  and  the  French  scheme  of 
Latin  domination  collai)sed. — Ibid.  iv.  241. 

=  Ibid,  iv,  478^80. 


328  FRANCE. 

tinuGcl  his  patronage  to  his  Holiness,  and  by  other 
measures  strove  to  secure  the  good  will  of  the  clergy 
and  the  Catholic  laity.  He  was  not  less  rigorous  than 
the  First  Napoleon  in  restraining  the  liberty  of  the 
press,  and  of  political  association.  He  even  inter- 
dicted a  banquet  to  celebrate   the   three   hundredth 

anniversary  of  Shakespeare.^  Not  less  reso- 
^^*^'  lule  v/as  he  in  maintaining  his  personal  rule, 

and  swaying  ministers  and  senates,  in  obedience  to 
his  will.     The  imperial  court  was  maintained  in  un- 
exampled splendour  and  profusion.      In  all  things, 
he  revived  the  memories  of  the  first  empire. 
Nor   was   he   unmindful   of  the   lessons   of  Louis 

Philippe.  That  monarch's  power  had  rested 
ornip  ion.  ^^^^^  ^i^^  Commercial  and  middle  classes. 
The  rule  of  the  emperor  was  founded  upon  a  far 
wider  basis  :  but  he  studied  the  interests  of  the  bour- 
geoisie with  even  greater  care  than  the  citizen  king 
himself.  He  gave  encouragement  to  every  commer- 
cial and  industrial  enterprise.  He  developed,  with 
signal  success,  the  material  resources  of  the  country. 
The  activity  of  the  Bourse — mischievous  in  many  ways 
— afforded  evidence  of  the  abounding  energies  of 
French  commerce.  By  international  exhibitions,  he 
stimulated  invention,  and  attracted  rulers  and  people 
of  all  nations  to  his  capitaL  Notwithstanding  an  ever- 
increasing  taxation,  the  people  were  growing  rich. 
Not  without  economic  errors,  his  policy  was  so  far 

statesmanlike  ;  and  in  his  commercial  treaty 

I860.  ,  '  .         -^ 

with  England  he  encouraged  free  trade,  m  an 
enlightened  spirit,  far  in  advance  of  French  opinion. 
But,  further,  he  practised  the  arts  of  corruption  upon 

'  Delord,  Hist,  du  Second  Empire,  iii.  517. 


THE   SECOND  EMPIEE.  329 

a  far  larger  scale  than  Louis  Philippe.  By  couces- 
sions  of  railways  and  other  public  works,  he  -put 
riches  into  the  hands  of  eager  capitalists  and  specu- 
lators. He  gratified  the  municipalities  and  the  in- 
habitants of  provincial  towns  with  costly  palaces  of 
justice,  markets,  and  other  public  buildings,  not  un- 
worthy of  a  capital.  He  multiplied  places,  with  a 
lavish  hand ;  and  the  legion  of  honour  adorned  the 
button-holes  of  thousands  of  faithful  citizens.  Black 
was  their  ingratitude,  if  they  proved  unfaithful  to  the 
empire. 

The  republic  had  recently  tried  the  dangerous 
experiment  of  national  workshops,  which 
had  resulted  in  failure  and  insurrection,  mentof 
But  the  emperor  found,  in  that  communist 
scheme,  suggestions  for  an  imperial  design,  which 
united  with  public  employment  a  monumental  work  to 
the  honour  and  glory  of  France.  The  working  classes 
had  proved  a  chronic  danger  to  the  State :  and  he  re- 
solved to  associate  them  with  his  policy  and  his  am- 
bition. It  had  been  the  boast  of  the  Emperor  Augus- 
tus that  he  had  found  Borne  brick,  and  had  left  it 
marble  ;^  and  the  French  Caesar,  emulous  of  his  fame, 
determined  to  rebuild  his  capital,  upon  a  scale  of 
costly  magnificence.  In  this  enterprise  his  chosen 
agent  was  Haussmann,  the  bold  and  spirited  Prefect 
of  the  Seine.  The  work  of  reconstruction  was  under- 
taken :  large  numbers  of  workmen  were  maintained  in 
constant  employment :  the  narrow  and  crooked  streets 
of  the  ancient  city  were  replaced  by  broad  thorough- 

'  '  Urbera,  neque  ])ro  majestate  imperii  ornatam,  nt  imnidationibus 
in<;endiis(jue  obnoxiaiii,  excoluit  adoo,  ut  juro  sit  f^doriatus,  iiinnuo- 
roam  so  rclinquerc,  quam  latericiam  acccpissct.' — yuetouius,  i.  2:^7 
(Delph). 


330  FRANCE. 

fares  and  stately  boulevards  ;  and  a  ne"W  capital  arose, 
which, — if  somewhat  monotonous  in  its  uniformity, 
and  wanting  in  the  picturesque  features  of  old  Paris, 
— was  distinguished  for.  its  architectural  grandeur. 
Nor  was  this  scheme  of  reconstruction  confined  to 
Paris.  The  municipal  glories  of  the  capital  were  em- 
ulated in  the  j)rovinces :  and  Lyons,  Marseilles,  and 
Bordeaux  vied  with  the  Prefect  of  the  Seine  in  archi- 
tectural enterprise.  A  vast  scheme  of  national  work- 
shops was  established,  without  the  taint  of  commu- 
nism, while  founded  upon  its  evil  principles.  What  if 
these  costly  enterprises  should  be  interrupted,  or 
brought  to  a  close?  What  if  financial  difficulties 
should  arrest,  or  zealous  haste  too  speedily  comj)lete 
them?  The  spectres  of  hungry  crowds,  and  barri- 
cades, hovered  over  the  vast  creations  of  Haussmann. 
And  while  architects  were  designing  broad  streets, 
and  boulevards,  generals  were  planning  how  they 
could  be  swept,  from  end  to  end,  with  grape-shot. 
Meanwhile,  municipal  extravagance  kept  pace  with 
the  profusion  of  the  State.  France  was  living  fast  in 
those  days,  and  was  not  yet  reckoning  the  cost  of  her 
ambition.  The  empire  prospered  ;  and  its  superficial 
admirers,  in  English  society,  were  heard  to  lament 
that  their  own  country  lacked  the  fostering  care  of  the 
wonder-working  emperor. 

But  the  end  was  approaching.     In  the  midst  of  liis 
magnificence,  the  emperor  was  ill  at   ease. 

The  war  . 

with  Like   the  First    Napoleon,  and  Louis  Phi- 

lippe, he  had  been  exposed  to  the  plots  of 
assassins.  He  was  further  disturbed  by  an  increasing 
pressure  for  constitutional  reforms.  So  great  and 
cultivated  a  society  as  that  of  France,  could  not  live 
contentedly  under  the   repressive  policy  of  the   em- 


THE   SECOND  EMPIRE.  331 

pire ;  and  the  race  of  republicans  and  revolutionists, 
tliougli  subdued,  were  not  extinct.  To  satisfy  public 
opinion,  he  resolved  to  introduce  ministerial  respon- 
sibility, to  defer  to  the  judgment  of  a  majority  of  the 
chambers,  and  to  restore  a  large  measure  of  freedom 
to  the  press.  He  "was  driven  to  entrust  his  imperial 
powers  to  the  hands  of  a  Liberal  ministry,  under 
Emile  OUivier.  Forced  to  make  concessions  to  the 
popular  movement,  the  emperor  once  more  resorted  to 
the  familiar  expedient  of  a  plebiscite,  which  revealed 
the  repugnance  of  the  towns  to  the  imperial  rule,  and 
no  less  than  50,000  adverse  votes  in  the  army.  He 
had  entered  upon  the  perilous  experiment  of  com- 
bining imperialism,  and  personal  rule,  with  constitu- 
tional freedom,  and  democracy.  Many  Frenchmen, 
not  unfi'iendly  to  the  empire,  murmured  at  the  loss  of 
French  influence,  in  the  councils  of  Europe,  since  the 
Mexican  catastrophe,  and  the  sudden  ascendency  of 
Prussia.  While  still  smarting  under  the  failure  of 
abortive  negotiations  with  his  great  rival,  for  an  ex- 
tension of  the  frontiers  of  France,  his  hostility  was 
suddenly  provoked  by  the  candidature  of  a 
prince  of  the  house  of  Hohenzollern  for  the 
crown  of  Spain.  Notwithstanding  the  withdrawal  of 
the  prince's  claims,  the  emperor,  urged  on  by  long- 
cherished  jealousies,  and  warlike  ambition,  and  misled 
by  headstrong  advisers,  and  by  a  false  estimate  of 
public  opinion,  and  of  the  sentiments  of  the  j„iy  lo, 
German  States,  persisted  in  his  quarrel,  and 
rushed  blindfold  into  a  war  with  the  King  of  Prussia. 
The  fatal  issue  of  this  conflict  was  soon  declared. 
The  French  had  been  excited  by  boastful  jt^fatai 
assurances  of  a  victorious  march  to  Berlin  :  ''^'*"'^- 
but  they  were  met  with  crushing  defeats  and  disasters. 


332  FRANCE. 

The  emperor's  throne  was  shaken  by  his  first  reverses, 
the  State  being  placed  under  the  regency  of  the 
empress ;  and  when  the  astounding  intelligence  of 
Sedan  Sep-  ^^^^  Capture  at  Sedan,  with  the  whole  of  his 
tember  1.  army,  reached  Paris,  he  was  at  once  deposed, 
emperor       His  Overthrow  was  accomplished,  like  many 

deposed.  .  -^  .  •' 

former  revolutions,  by  a  mob.  While  the 
legislative  body  was  deliberating  upon  the  measures 
to  be  taken  at  this  crisis,  the  populace,  fi'om  the 
streets,  forced  their  way  into  the  chamber,  and  de- 
manded the  dethronement  of  the  emperor,  and  the 
proclamation  of  a  republic.  The  supporters  of  the 
government  were  overborne  by  the  rioters ;  and  the 
greater  part  of  the  deputies  retired  :  when  the  mem- 
bers of  the  opposition  who  remained,  supported  by 
the  clamours  of  the  mob,  declared  the  emperor  de- 
posed. These  members,  headed  by  Gambetta,  then 
proceeded  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  where  they  proclaimed 
the  republic,  and  appointed  a  provisional  government, 
or  government  of  national  defence. 

The  second  empire,  like  the  first,  had  perished 
Fite of  the  ^^^clsr  military  failures.  The  First  Napoleon, 
fhe^ecoiid  li^viug  lost  liis  crowu,  was  conve^^ed  by  his 
cwupmcd.     conquerors,   as   a   prisoner,   to   St.   Helena. 

Napoleon  III.  was  now  a  captive  in  the  castle . 
of  Wilhelmshohe.  Both  had  been  raised  to  power, 
and  both  had  fallen,  by  the  sword.  In  the  one  case, 
the  Bourbons  had  been  restored  by  the  conquerors  : 
in  the  other,  the  unfortunate  emperor,  having  brought 
a  fearful  calamity  upon  his  country,  was  judged  by 
his  own  people.  His  first  judges,  indeed,  were  the 
mob  of  Paris, — or  'gentlemen  of  the  pavement,'^  as 

'  '  Messieurs  du  pave.' 


EEPUBLic  OP  1870.  333 

they  wero  contemptuously  called  by  Count  Bismarck: 
but  tlieir  judgment  was  accepted  by  France.  Military 
failures  are  never  forgiven  by  Frenchmen ;  and  men 
of  all  parties, — however  opposed  to  a  republic, — 
agreed  that  the  *Man  of  Sedan'  could  no  longer  rule 
over  them.^ 

France  was,  once  more,  under  a  republic,  in  pre- 
sence of  a  terrible  national  danger  ;  and,  to  The  Kovcm- 
the  credit  of  a  country  so  often  stained  with  miionai 
blood,  it  must  be  recorded  that  public  order  ^  ^"*^'^' 
was  maintained  in  the  midst  of  revolution.^  Politi- 
cal passions  were  calmed,  in  presence  of  a  calamity 
which  demanded  the  united  action  of  all  Frenchmen 
against  their  common  enemy.  The  King  of  Prussia 
had  declared  that  he  made  war,  not  against  France, 
but  against  the  emperor.  The  emperor  had  fallen ; 
and  hopes  were  cherished  that  an  honourable  peace 
might  now  be  obtained.  But  these  hopes  were  quick- 
ly dispelled.  Jules  Favre,  the  minister  for  foreign  af- 
fairs, in  his  circular  to  the  foreign  representatives  of 
France,  said,  *  We  will  not  cede  either  an  inch  of  ter- 
ritory, or  a  stone  of  our  fortresses ; '  and  upon  this 
declaration,  victorious  Prussia,  at  once,  took  issue. 
In  vain  the  veteran  Thiers  hastened  from  court  to 
court,  to  solicit  help  or  mediation.    Concessions  might 

'  Jules  Favre,  in  his  circular  to  the  foreign  representatives  of 
France,  said  the  population  of  Paris  '  has  not  pronounced  the  depo- 
sition of  Napoleon  III.  and  liis  dynasty  :  it  has  registered  it  in  the 
name  of  right,  justice,  and  public  saf«;ty  ;  and  the  sentence  was  so  well 
ratified  beforehand  by  tlie  conscience  of  all,  that  no  one,  even  among 
the  noisy  defenders  of  the  power  that  was  falling,  raised  his  voice 
to  ui)hold  h.'—Ann.  llcrj.  1850,  p.  174. 

''  The  same  circular  says  : — '  Order  has  not  been  disturbed  for  a 
single  moment.' 


334  FRANCE. 

still  liavo  secured  a  peace,  of  wliicli  tlie  odium  would 
liave  been  laid  upon  the  late  emperor.  But  the  lead- 
ers of  the  republic  determined  upon  a  desperate 
resistance.  Their  main  forces  had  been  routed,  cap- 
tured, or  invested  in  their  own  fortresses.  The  victo- 
rious armies  of  Prussia  could  only  be  encountered  by 
raw  levies,  and  by  scattered  forces,  already  defeated 
and  disorganised.  Prudence  dictated  peace :  but, 
when  a  hopeless  struggle  was  continued  under  the 
guidance  of  the  brave,  impetuous,  and  indefatigable 
Gambetta, — the  heroic  bravery  and  sacrifices  of  the 
French  went  far  to  redeem  the  dishonour  which  had 
fallen  upon  their  arms,  at  the  beginning  of  the  war. 
Bvit  all  their  efforts  were  in  vain :  they  were  in  the 
relentless  grasp  of  their  enemy.  Their  forces  were 
everywhere  defeated  ;  and  Paris,  after  five  months  of 
suffering,  was  starved  into  submission  to  the  con- 
queror, who  dictated,  from  Versailles,  the  rigorous 
terms  of  a  disastrous  peace. ^ 

The  government  of  national  defence  was  of  neces- 
sity provisional,  and  in  the  negotiations  at 
national       Versailles  it  was  insisted  that  the  conditions 

asscnil)ly 

atBor-  of  peace  should  be  ratified  by  a  national 
assembly,  more  fully  representing  France. 
It  was  accordingly  decreed  that  such  an  assembly 
February  shoiild  be  immediately  elected  by  universal 
13, 1871.  suffrage  ;  and  on  February  13  it  met  at  Bor- 
deaux. Its  mission  was  to  resolve  the  question  of 
peace  or  war.  At  the  elections  the  Bonapartists,  who 
had  commenced  the  war,  had  not  ventured  to  brave 
the  popular  wrath  :   the  republicans,  who  had  pro- 

'  On  January  28,  1871,  an  armistice  for  three  weeks  was  signed, 
which  was  continued  from  time  to  time.  On  February  26,  the  pre- 
liminaries of  peace  were  signed. 


INTERNAL  TKOUBLES.  335 

tractecl  it,  to  the  bitter  end,  fouud  little  favour,  save 
iu  Paris  and  other  great  cities.  Hence  the  Legiti- 
mists, who  had  long  been  excluded  from  public 
affairs,  formed  a  majority  of  the  new  assembly.  Be- 
longing to  the  first  families  in  France  ;^  commanding 
great  influence  in  the  several  provinces,  and  being 
blameless  of  the  recent  calamities,  they  were  trusted 
by  the  people,  at  this  crisis.  80  indestructible  are 
parties  in  France,  that  the  adherents  of  the  Bour- 
bons were  again  in  the  ascendent. 

Before   the   meeting  of   the  assembly  the   govern- 
ment of  defence  resigned,  and  the  eminent  ujgorons 
statesman  Thiers  was  appointed  head  of  a  of'lte'"''^ 
new  executive    administration.     By  his    ad-  ^^''""'^' 
vice,  the  assembly  ratified  the  preliminaries  of  the 
treaty  which   had,   at   length,  been   agreed  upon — a 
cession  of  Alsace   and  Lorraine,   Metz   and  jjarchi, 
Strasburg,  a  ruinous  indemnity,  a  prolonged  ^^"^• 
occupation  of  French  soil  by  foreign  armies,  and  an 
entry  of  German  troops  into  Paris  to  assert  their 
conquest  of  the  capital.     The  assembly,  while  forced 
to  accept  these  deplorable  conditions,  voted  j)e,oj,ition 
by  acclamation  the  deposition  of  Napoleon  emperor 
IIL  and  his  dynasty,  declaring  him  to  be  re-  confirmed, 
sponsible  for  the  ruin  and  dismemberment  of  France. 
Six  Bonapartist  deputies  only  refused  to  concur  in 
this  decisive  resolution. 

The  horrors  of  foreign  invasion  were  now  coming  to 
an  end  ;  but  internal  troubles,  not  less  terri-  r^,,,, 
ble,  were  impending.     The  jjopulace  of  Paris  <^'"'nm"nc. 
had  been  armed  during  the  siege  ;  and  the  national 

'  It  was  said  by  tho  Due  do  Brop^lio  tliat  lio  liafl  never  met  so  many 
dukes  iu  his  life,  as  he  fouud  assembled  at  Bordeaux. 


336  FEANCE. 

guard,  many  of  whom  had  already  proved  rebellious, 
had  been  allowed  to  retain  their  arms.^  The  entire 
disorganisation  of  labour,  the  prolonged  sufferings 
and  privations  of  the  people,  and  the  disorders  of  a 
beleaguered  city,  had  demoralised  the  population  of 
the  capital, — at  all  times  abounding  in  dangerous  ele- 
ments. Red  republicans  and  communists  had  been 
busy  in  fomenting  discontents,  and  organising  their 
forces ;  committees  of  vigilance  and  revolutionary  clubs 
had  been  sitting ;  violent  harangues  had  been  deliv- 
ered ;  and  when  the  siege  was  raised,  the  firm  hold  of 
civil  and  military  authority  was,  for  a  time,  relaxed. 
No  sooner  had  the  Prussian  troops  marched  out  of 
Paris,  than  the  capital  was  found  to  be  in  the  hands 
of  insurgents.  They  held  Belleville,  La  Yillette,  and 
Montmartre :  they  had  upwards  of  400  cannon,  and 
were  supported  by  100,000  national  guards.  Parley 
with  them  was  tried  in  vain ;  and  an  attempt  to  re- 
cover the  cannon  miscarried.^  Some  of  the  troops  re- 
fused to  fight,  and  even  joined  the  insurrection.  Two 
generals,  Clement  Thomas  and  Lecomte,  were  taken 
prisoners,  and  shot  by  a  file  of  national  guards.  On 
March  18,  the  whole  city  was  in  the  hands  of  the  in- 
surgents ;  and  a  central  committee  proclaimed,  from 
the  Hotel  de  Ville,  the  immediate  election  of  a  com- 
mune for  the  government  of  Paris. 

'  '  Une  partie  de  la  garde  nationale,  la  plus  dangereuse,  la  plus  re- 
doutee,  celle  qui  pendant  le  siege  n'avait  pas  craint,  en  presence  de 
I'etranger,  sous  ses  yeux,  sous  ses  bombes,  de  cbercher  il  renverser 
par  des  coups  de  main  le  gouvernement  de  la  defense  nationale,  cette 
portion  baiueuse  et  fievreuse  de  la  milice  citoyenne  n'avait  point 
rendu  les  amies,  et  sommec  de  le  faire,  arait  repondu  par  un  refus 
formel  aus  injonctions  de  I'autorite.' — De  Beaumont- Vassy,  Hist,  de 
la  Commune  en  1871 ,  16. 

"  De  Beaumont-Vassy,  Hist,  de  la  Commune,  28-39. 


THE  COMMUNE.  337 

Communist  working  men  were  the  leaders  of  this 
movement,  intent  upon  carrying  out  their 
principles  of  social  revolution.^  The  Com-  the  com-° 
mune  was  an  oflfshoot  of  the  International 
Society  of  Workmen,^  and  its  chief  aims  were  to  tram- 
ple upon  property  and  the  employers  of  labour,  and 
to  exalt  workmen  into  the  place  of  masters.  Many 
of  its  members,  and  most  active  confederates,  were 
foreigners.  Prince  Bismarck  estimated  that  amongst 
them  were  8,000  English,  Irish,  Belgians,  and  Italians.^ 
Their  designs  were  favoured  by  the  political  discon- 
tents of  the  moment.  They  could  declaim  against  the 
surrender  of  Paris  to  the  enemy  ;  the  shameful  peace, 
and  the  royalist  assembly  which  frowned  upon  repub- 
lican deputies,  and  had  resolved  to  sit  at  Versailles 
instead  of  Paris.  So  formidable  was  the  insurrection, 
and  so  crippled  the  strength  of  the  government,  that 
it  was  found  necessary  to  parley  with  the  insurgent 
leaders.  But  these  attempts  at  conciliation  were 
vain ;  and  the  movement  was  gathering  force  by  delay. 
The  new  commune  was  elected,  and  orfijan-  ,,  ,  „,. 
ised;^  and  at  once  began  to  issue  decrees  ^*^'^- 
and  proclamations,  like  an  established  government. 
Meanwhile,  the  authorities  at  Versailles  were  prepar- 
ing to  reduce  the  insurgent  city.  But  the  French 
forces  were  disabled  by  the  late  war :  a  great  many 

'  'Quels  t'taient  cos  liomrnes?  c'e^t  que  chacun  se  dcmandait ; 
comine  les  "  liommes  noirs  "  du  porte  Bt' ranger,  cos  hommes  rouges 
sortaient  de  dessous  ti;rre.' — Ibid.  50. 

•■  Ibid.  8. 

'  Speech  in  the  German  Parliament,  May  2,  1871. 

*  '  Ces  homines,  x)armi   lesciuols  on  retrouvait  j)resqao   tous  les 
niembres  du  comit';  central,  etaient  d'ancieus  ouvriers,  ou  des  ora- 
teur.s  de  clubs,  ou  d'anciens  journalistes  et  gens  do  lettres  de  second 
ordre.' — De  Beaumont-Vassy,  80. 
VOL.  ri.— 15 


338  FRANCE. 

were  prisoners  in  Germany ;  and  Prussia  liad  insisted 
upon  a  reduction  of  the  military  forces  of  tlie  State. 
Hence  tlie  progress  of  tlie  siege  was  slow;  and  the 
new  commune  had  time  to  reveal  its  princij^les  and 
the  character  of  its  administration. 

Socialist  principles  had  been  known  from  time  im- 
Progressof  memorial.^  They  are  to  be  traced  in  the 
socia  ism.  aucieut  institutes  of  Menu.^  They  were  re- 
cognised in  the  laws  of  Crete,  of  Sparta,  and  of  Car- 
thage.^ Plato  propounded  them  in  his  celebrated 
*  Kepublic ; '  ■*  Diogenes  of  Sinope,  in  his  teaching ; 
and  Sir  Thomas  More  in  his  '  Utopia.'  The  Anabap- 
tists reduced  them  to  practice.^  And  they  have  been 
found  in  the  primitive  customs  of  some  barbarous 
and  half-civilised  races.^    In  France   the   genius  of 

'  '  Les  idees  de  la  republique  sociale  ne  sont  point  nouvelles.  Le 
monde  les  connait  depuis  qu'il  existe.  II  les  a  vues  surgir  au 
milieu  de  toutes  les  graudes  crises  morales  et  sociales,  eu  Orient 
comme  en  Occident,  dans  I'antiquite  comme  dans  les  temps  mo- 
dernes.  Les  deusieme  et  troisieme  siecles  en  Afriqiie,  et  speciale- 
ment  en  Egypte,  pendant  le  travail  de  la  propagation  du  cliris- 
tianisme,  le  moyeu-age  dans  sa  fermentation  confuse  et  orageuse, 
le  seizicme  siucle,  en  Allemagne,  dans  le  cours  de  la  rt-forme  re- 
ligieu:7e,  le  dix-septieme,  en  Angleterre,  au  milieu  de  la  revolution 
politique,  ont  eu  leurs  socialistes  et  leurs  comraunistes,  peasant, 
parlant  et  agissant  comme  ceux  de  nos  jours.' — Guizot,  Da  la  Demo- 
cratic, en  France,  31. 

^  Book  i.  sec.  100 ;  Book  viii.  sec.  37,  416 ;  Book  ix.  sec.  44. 
Franck,  Le  Communisme,  33. 

*  Supra,  vol.  i.  pp.  31,  68 ;  Aristotle,  Pol.  Book  ii.  cli.  7,  8,  9 ; 
Strabo,  Book  x.  ;  Plutarch  (Lycurgus) ;  Sudre,  Uist.  du  Commu- 
nisme, eh.  2. 

*  See  Plato,  by  Jowett,  and  Grote.     Aristotle,  Pol.  Book  ii.  ch.  1. 

*  Catron,  Hifit.  des  Anahaptistes ;  Micbelet,  Mem.  de  Luther;  Sudre, 
Hist,  du  Communisme,  cb.  8. 

"  See  an  interesting  account  of  the  Eskimo,  in  the  Quarterly  Be- 
mew,  Oct.  1876,,  Art.  2. 


TKOGKESS  O?  SOCLMJSM.  339 

Rousseau  made  them  attractive  and  popular.^  Mo- 
rell}",^  Mabl}',^  and  Babceuf  *^  laboured  to  reduce  them 
to  a  practical  scheme  of  social  life.  The  leaders  of 
the  first  revolution  avowed  the  doctrines  of  this 
school,  and  partially  carried  them  into  effect.^  In 
the  Jacobin  club,  in  1792,  Robespierre,  Danton,  and 
Billaud  -  Varennes  proclaimed  that  the  governing 
j)ower  rested  with  the  sovereign  citizens  alone,  and 
that  to  them  should  be  given  the  property  of  the 
rich.  Marafc  preached  an  entire  subversion  of  soci- 
ety. After  August  10,  1792,  socialist  principles  were 
still  more  generally  proclaimed.  '  The  rich,'  ex- 
claimed Marat,  '  have  so  long  sucked  the  marrow 
of  the  people,  that  they  are  now  suffering  retribu- 
tion.' The  cry  of  the  working  men  was  to  raise  the 
condition  of  the  poor,  by  relieving  the  rich  of  their 
superfluities.  '  Everj^thing  belongs  to  the  people,  and 
nothing  to  the  individual,'  said  Isore,  one  of  the  com- 
missioners of  the  convention,  at  Lille.^ 

In  1793,  the  convention  decreed,  on  the  motion  of 
Barere,  the  right  of  every  man  to  employ-  com- 
ment, graduated  taxation  upon  the  rich,  and  ^|".|!jj"i8 
the  division  of  the  municipal  lands  of  Paris  ^""^• 
among  the   poor.     And   much  of  the   legislation  of 
this  period  was  leavened  by  the   same   principles.' 

'  Discours  sur  Vinegalite  parmi  les  hommes ;  L' economic  politique  ; 
Contrat  social.  "  Code  de  la  Nature,  1755  ;  La  Basiliade. 

'  De  la  Legislation,  Amsterdam,  1776. 

*  Pieces  saisies  a  I'arrestation  de  Baboeuf. 

'  '  Co  contrat  social,  qui  dissout  les  societes,  fut  le  Coran  des  dis- 
coureurs  appn'tc's  de  17'89,  des  Jacobins  de  1790,  des  n'publicains  de 
17!Jl,  et  des  forcenes  les  plus  atroces.' — Mallet  Dupin. 

"  Ison'  to  Bouchotto,  November  4,  171);3  ;  Legros,  cited  by  Von 
Sybel,  iii.  229. 

'  De  Martel,  Etude  sur  Fouche,  et  sur  le  Communisme  dans  la  xira- 


3-iO  PRANCE. 

Later  writers^  continued  to  maintain  the  like  doc- 
trines, wliicli  became  more  and  more  popular  with  the 
ouvriers.  Disputes  with  the  employers  had  embit- 
tered their  feelings  ;  and  while  in  the  revolution  of 
1789  the  nobles  and  the  clergy  had  been  the  objects 
of  democratic  fury,  in  the  later  revolutions  of  1830  and 
1848  the  bourgeoisie  had  become  the  aristocrats,  and 
capital  was  regarded  as  the  worst  form  of  tyranny. 
In  1818,  the  principles  of  socialism  had  been  partly 
carried  into  practice ;  ^  and  since  that  time  they  had 
been  further  extended  by  the  International  Societ}^^ 
and  by  French^  and  German  writers.^  But  1871  was 
the  first  occasion  upon  which  socialism  gained 

Socialism  In     . ,  i        j_         a       n  ±i 

the  ascun-     the  asceudaut.    And  even  now  tne  commune, 
" '    '  ■     engrossed  with  the  defence  of  the  cit}',  and 
embarrassed  by  prodigious  difiiculties,  was  unable  to 
give  practical  effect  to  its  principles. 

Their  scheme  of  government  was  the  extension  of 

independent  communes  throughout  France ; 

of  tiie  while  the  unitv  of  the  State  was  to  be  main- 

Couiinune.       ,     •        -<    -i  "^   t        .  •     ■  •  e 

tamed   by  a  voluntary   association  oi   com- 

tique,  m  1793.  (1873.)  Von  Sybel,  ITisL  of  the  Fr.  Rev.  i.  250,  iii.  230 
et  seq.  ;  Stein,  OcscJdchte  der  Socinlen  Beicegung  in  Frankreich,  1850. 

'  Fourier,  TJieorie  de  I'unite  universelle,  &c.  ;  Cabet,  Voyage  en 
Icarie.  ■  Supra,  p.  294. 

"  L' Internationale,  par  Oscar  Testut,  3.  Debate  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  April  12,  1872  ;  Correspondence  with  Spain,  presented  to 
Parliament,  1872. 

■*  Proudhon,  Qu'est-cc  que  la  propHtte :  Theorie  de  la  propri'te ;  St. 
Beuve,  Ftudes  sur  Proudhon ;  Blanqui,  De  VEeonomie  politique  de- 
puis  les  anciens  jusqu'd  nos  jours ;  Reybaud,  Etudes,  &c.  ;  Pierre 
Leroux,  L'Egalite,  De  Vhumanite,  &c.  ;  Louis  Blanc,  Organisation  de 
Travail,  &c.  ^ 

^  Diebueck,  1847  ;  Scbulze  -  Delitzsch  (H.),  Associationsbuch  filr 
dcutsche  Handwerker  und  Arheiter,  1853  ;  Dr.  Jacobi,  1850  ;  Karl 
Marx,  1862  ;  Das  Kapital,  1867. 


COMMUNIST  OUTILVGES.  341 

munes.^  Nor  -were  these  communes  to  be  simple  mu- 
nicipalities. Tliej  were  designed  to  carry  out  the 
principles  of  socialism, — the  confiscation  of  individual 
property,  community  of  goods,  and  the  organisation 
of  labour.  The  communists  wished  to  divide  their 
fair  country  into  37,000  little  sovereign  states,  or  com- 
munes. In  each,  the  property  of  the  rich  was  to  be 
appropriated  for  the  use  of  the  community :  in  each, 
the  individual  citizen  was  to  be  merged  in  the  State. 
Frenchmen  would  have  exchanged  their  country  for 
their  commune.  The  intellect,  the  arts,  the  industry 
of  her  people,  all  brought  into  the  common  stock, 
would  have  been  lowered  to  the  baser  function  of 
providing  mere  subsistence  for  the  community.  Her 
high  civilisation  would  have  been  followed  by  another 
age  of  darkness  and  slavery.^  The  leaders  of  the 
movement  further  advocated  the  suppression  of  re- 
ligious worship.^ 

To  meet  their  immediate  exigencies,  the  Commune 
exacted  loans  from  the  Bank  of  France,  and  communist 
from  otlior  administrative  departments,  and  outrages. 
appropriated  the  receipts  of  the  octroi.     Their  con- 

'  Proclamation,  April  19,  1851. 

'  Of  communism,  M.  Franck  says  : — '  II  supprime  la  propriete,  il 
supprime  la  libftrtt'  taut  civile  que  politique,  il  supprime  la  famillc. 
Onpeut  dire  qu'il  supprime  la  personne  humaine,  et,  parconso(iuent, 
la  conscience  morale  de  I'liomme,  pour  mcttre  a  sa  place  la  toute- 
puissance,  la  tyrannie  collective  et  ni'cessairement  irnisponsable 
de  I't'tat.' — Le  Cfrmmunismc  jvge  par  I'Imtoire,  pref.  And  again  : — 
'  L'otat  sera  le  maitre  unique,  absolu,  des  liommes  et  des  clioses,  des 
biens  et  dos  personnes.  Nous  serons  en  ])lein  comraunisme,  et  le 
communismo  lui-meme  ne  pourra  s'etablir  et  so  conserver  que  sous 

la  regie  du  despotisme Demeurc  le  seal  entrepreneur,  le 

seul  capitaliste,  l'otat  sera  tout,  et  I'individu  ne  sera  rien,  co  qui 
est  la  manjue  distinctive  du  communismo.' — Il)id.  pref, 

*  De  Beaumont- Vassy,  82,  BU. 


3i2  FR^YNCE. 

federates  and  followers  were  among  the  poor :  their 
enemies  were  the  rich  and  the  hourgeoisie  ;  and  to  gra- 
tify one  of  these  classes  at  the  expense  of  the  other, 
they  decreed  that  the  rents  of  all  lodgers,  between 
October  and  April,  should  be  remitted.  The  sale  of 
articles  deposited  at  the  mont-de-jnete  was  also  sus- 
pended. At  first  there  were  no  signs  of  a  ferocious 
spirit ;  and  the  guillotine  was  publicly  burned  in  the 
cause  of  humanity.  But  as  the  siege  advanced,  a 
sj)irit  of  fury  and  vengeance  took  possession  of  the 
combatants.  Denouncing  one  another  as  bandits  and 
assassins,  they  waged  war  without  truce  or  pity.^  The 
insurgents  were  treated  as  rebels ;  and  Duval,  one 
of  their  generals,  being  taken  prisoner,  and  shot, 
the  Commune  threatened  the  most  terrible  reprisals. 
They  decreed  that  for  every  communist  prisoner  exe- 
cuted by  the  government  of  Versailles,  three  hostages 
should  be  put  to  death.  They  arrested  the  arch- 
bishop of  Paris,  his  two  grand  vicars,  and  several 
priests  and  other  persons,  whom  they  detained  in 
prison  as  hostages.  They  declared  their  enmity  to 
the  memory  of  the  great  Napoleon,  by  the  destruc- 
tion of  his  celebrated  column  in  the  Place  Vendome, 
as  a  '  monument  of  barbarism,  and  a  symbol  of  brute 
force  and  false  glory  : '  ^  they  demolished  the  house  of 
M.  Thiers,  and  confiscated  his  books  and  works  of 
art :  they  despoiled  churches ;  and  when  their  ene- 
mies were,  at   length,   closing   in   upon    them,  they 

'  The  Marquis  de  Gallifet,  in  an  order  of  the  day,  said  : — '  War 
has  been  declared  by  the  bandits  of  Paris  ;  yesterday,  the  day  be- 
fore, and  to-day  they  have  assassinated  my  soldiers.  It  is  a  war 
without  truce  or  pity  that  I  wage  against  those  assassins.'  The 
Commune  called  their  enemies  'the  banditti  of  Versailles.' 

^  Journal  Officid,  April  13. 


OVEr-THROW  OF  THE   COMMUNE.  343 

resolved  upon  a  desperate  vengeance.  The  city  wliicli 
they  could  no  longer  defend,  should  be  destroyed  ;  the 
conquerors  should  fmd  nothing  but  a  heap  of  ruins. 

The  word  was  given ;  and  the  Tuileries,  the  Palais 
Eoyal,  the  Hotel  de  Yille,  the  Ministry  of       .  . 
Finance,  the  Hotel  of  the  Quai  d'Orsay,  the  names. 
Palace  of  the  Legion  of  Honour,  and  other    ^^ 
public  buildings,  and  private  houses,  were  in  flames. 
The  unoffending  Dominicans  at  Arceuil  were  massa- 
cred.     The  venerable    archbishop,  and  the 
other  hostages,  were  hastily  brought  before     ^^ 
a  court  martial,  and  shot.     Numbers  of  priests,  gen- 
darmes,   and  other   obnoxious  persons,  were    seized 
and  slaughtered.     Ruffians  were  let  loose  to  feed  the 
raging  conflagration  with  petroleum.^    The  commimists 
had  done  their  worst  during  their  term  of  power ;  and 
it  was  now  their  turn  to  suffer  the  vengeance  of  their 
conquerors.      Overpowered   by    the    troops 
from  Versailles,  under  Marshal  MacMahon,   of  the"°^^ 
they  were  shot  down  without  trial,  and  with- 
out mercy.     Numbers  of  wretched  women,  accused  of 
incendiarism,  shared  their  fate.     About  10,000  insur- 
gents lost  their  lives ;  and  the  prisons  were  filled  to 
overflowing.     The  trials  of  communist  prisoners  were 
continued  when  their  crimes  had  been  almost  forgot- 
ten.    It  has  been  the  unhappy  destiny  of  France  that 
most  of  her  political  conflicts  have  been  stained  with 
blood ;  and  this — the  latest  of  a  deplorable  series — 

'  'On  a  trouvii  sur  les  ft'dtTcs  tut's  au^  barricades,  et  on  a  saisi 
dans  les  perquisitions  faites  apres  la  chute  dc  la  Commune,  beau- 
Cfmp  d'ordres  aussi  formels  que  laconiques,  ne  laissant  aucun  douto 
sur  les  terribles  intentions  des  homraes  de  I'Hotcl  do  Villo,  relativc- 
ment  a  la  destruction  par  le  feu  de  la  malboureuse  cite,  qu'ils  avaient 
Cimdamnc'e  d'avance,  en  cas  do  defaito,  a  uu  complet  anCantisse- 
ment.' — De  Beaumont-Vassy,  225. 


344  FKANCE, 

was  as  cruel  and  merciless  as  any  in  the  dreadful 
annals.^ 

The  reign  of  the  Commune  had  been  maintained  for 

two  anxious  months ;  and  the  republic  was 

lie  under      now  free  to  conclude  its  negotiations  with  its 

Thiers. 

conquerors,  and  to  restore  order,  and  a  set- 
tled government  to  the  distracted  country.  It  was  a 
republic  without  a  constitution,  and,  as  it  was  said, 
without  republicans.  The  assembly  was  monarchical; 
and  the  legitimists  and  Orleanists,  if  united,  were 
masters  of  the  State.  But  Thiers,  the  chief  of  the  ex- 
ecutive,— a  monarchist  in  principle,  and  by  his  ante- 
cedents,— had  become  convinced  that  a  republic  was 
then  the  only  possible  government  for  France.  Such 
being  the  political  situation,  the  majority  of  the  as- 
sembly were  bent  upon  two  main  purposes, — a  fusion 
of  the  royalist  parties,  and  the  prevention  of  a  defini- 
tive constitution  of  the  republic.  The  reimblic  might 
be  a  present  necessity  :  but  they  hoped  that  it  would 
soon  give  way  to  a  restored  monarchy.  They  elected 
the  distinguished  chief  of  the  executive,  who  had  per- 
formed conspicuous  services  to  the  State,  as  president  of 
the  republic ;  and  accepted  him  as  a  provisional  ruler, 
until  their  scheme  of  a  monarchy  was  ripe  for  execution. 
And  this  scheme  would  assuredly  have  been  accom- 
Thero  ai-  plished,  if  the  head  of  the  house  of  Bour- 
ComTe'de^^  bou, — for  wliom  the  crown  was  destined, — 
chambord.    j^^^j  jjq^  frustrated  all  their  efforts.     But  the 

'  De  Beauraont-Vassy,  Hist,  de  la  Commune  ;  Dauban,  Le  fond  de 
la  Societe,  1873;  Sudre,  Hist,  du  Communisme ;  Leighton,  Paris 
during  the  Commune ;  Reybaud,  Etudes  sur  les  Rfformateurs,  ou  So- 
cialistes  Modernes  ;  Maxime  du  Camp,  Les  prisons  de  Paris  sous  la 
Commune;  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  i.-iv.  1877. — De  Pere,  Paris  sous 
la  Commune. 


THE  BEPXJBLIO.  345 

Comte  de  Cliambord  was  every  inch  a  Bourbon, — un- 
clianged  and  uncliangeaLle.     He  still  clung  to  the  di- 
vine right  of  kings  :  he  would  concede  nothing  to  mod- 
ern ideas  :  he  refused  to  parley  with  the  revolution. 
He  lost  no  time  in  proclaiming  that  if  called  j„ij.  5, 
by  France,  he  would  come  with  his  principles  ^'^'^' 
and  his  flag, — '  that  white  flag  which  had  been  the 
standard  of  Henry  lY.,  of  Francis  I.,  and  of  Joan  of 
Arc'     Some  months  later  he  declared  that  January 
*  no  one  would,  under  any  pretext,  obtain  his  ^^'~' 
consent  to  become  the  legitimate  ^m^  of  revolution.' 
Notwithstanding  these  discouragements,  the  moderate 
royalists  were  not  without  hopes  of  the  ultimate  tri- 
umph of  their  cause.     The  republicans  were  gaining 
ground,  and  the  president  seemed  to  be  inclined  to 
their  side.     The  imperialists,  recovering  from   their 
prostration,  were  giving    signs    of  renewed  activity. 
The  republicans  were  demanding  a  dissolution  of  the 
assembly  ;  and  a  revision  of  the  constitution  was  im- 
pending, which  might  permanently  establish  the  re- 
public.     The  situation  was   critical  for  the  royalist 
cause ;  and  fi-esh  efforts  must  be  made  to  promote  it. 
The  death  of  the  ex-emperor,  which  checked  jj^^nary  9 
the  immediate  designs  of  the   imperialists,  ^^"^• 
revived  the  hopes  of  the  royalists.     One  pretender  to 
the  throne  had  been  removed ;  and  if  the  claims  of  the 
two  royal  princes  could  be  reconciled,  tLeir  united 
parties  were  still  strong  enough  to  restore  the  monar- 
chy.    The  Orleanist  princes  humbled  themselves  at 
the  shrine  of  the  Chaj^eUe  Expiataire  of  Louis  jj,n„ary  21 
XVI.,  in  commemorating  the  martyrdom  of  ^'^''^• 
the   Bourbon  king ;  and   submissive  overtures   were 
made  to  the  Comte  de  Cliambord. 

Meanwhile,  discussions  upon  the  new  constitution 
15* 


340  FRANCE. 

were  procoeding,  wliicli  led  to  tlie  resignation  of 
Marshal  ^^®  j)resident.  He  was  succeeded  by  Marshal 
mesideuT'^  MacMahon, — once  a  legitimist,  and  lately  in 
tlie  confidence  of  tlie  emperor, — wliose  sym- 
pathies were  certainly  not  with  the  republic.  A 
May  24  supremo  effort  was  now  made  to  effect  a  fusion 
1873.  Qf  |;]^0  royal  houses.    The  Comte  de  Paris  j^aid 

homage  to  the  Comte  de  Chambord  at  Frohsdorf,  and 
withdrew  his  claim  to  the  throne,  in  favour  of  his 
August  5,  royal  cousin.  The  cousins  embraced ;  and  the 
^^'^'  desired  fusion  seemed  assured.     Throughout 

France,  the  royalists  and  the  clergy  were  elated,  and 
a  restoration  was  thought  to  be  at  hand.  But  as 
yet,  the  Bourbon  prince  had  been  silent  or  ambigu- 
ous. Negotiations  were  continued ;  and,  at  length,  M. 
Chesnelong,  who  had  waited  upon  him,  at  Salzburg, 
with  a  deputation,  reported  his  acceptance  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  liberty  of  conscience,  equality  before  the  law, 
the  right  of  all  parties  to  public  employment,  uni- 
versal suffrage,  and  liberty  of  the  press  ;  the  critical 
question  of  the  flag  being  reserved  for  future  consid- 
eration. Encouraged  by  these  politic  concessions,  the 
royalists  were  preparing  resolutions  to  submit  to  the 
assembly,  at  its  meeting  on  November  5,  for  calling 
the  Comte  de  Chambord  to  his  hereditary  throne, 
when  all  their  hopes  were  suddenly  extinguished. 
The  Bourbon  prince  disclaimed  his  supposed  conces- 
sions.^ He  had  been  misunderstood :  he  would  not 
become  the  legitimist  king  of  a  revolution  :  he  would 
not  renounce  the  white  flag  of  France — the  standard 
of  Arques  and  Ivry  :  he  would  submit  to  no  conditions. 
The  Comte   de  Paris  had  waived  the  claims  of  the 

'  Letter  to  M.  Chesnelong,  dated  Salzburg,  Oct.  27. 


EEPUELICxVN  CONSTITUTION  COMPLETED.  347 

house  of  Orleans  in  his  favour :  and   now  ho  stub- 
bornly renounced  the  crown. 

The  royalists  now  turned  to  the  president  as  the 
only  safeguard  of  their  cause.     He  promised  „     , ,. 

•'  c     _  _  -t^  Republican 

a  conservative  policy,  while  they  promoted  t'i'o"^''co!'". 
the  extension  of  his  powers ;  and  at  length  p''^'*''^- 
the  septennate  was  decreed. 

The  president  v/as  secured  in  his  rule  for  seven 
years ;  and  such  were  his  powers,  and  such  ^j^^  g 
the  relations  of  parties,  that  he  was  more  pecemter 
like  a  constitutional  king  than  the  chief  of  ^^'^^rs. 
a  republic.  The  strife  of  rival  parties  continued :  and 
it  was  not  until  late  in  1875  that  the  new  constitution, 
embracing  a  senate  and  a  chamber  of  deputies,  was 
finally  agreed  upon.  But  the  septennate  afforded 
a  salutaiy  pause  in  the  momentous  political  issues 
which  still  excited  France.  The  cause  of  royalty  was 
in  abeyance.  The  heir  of  Najioleon  III.  was  in  his 
minority ;  and  time  was  yet  required  to  revive  his 
cause  and  consolidate  his  j^arty  :  but  his  adherents 
were  active  and  confident.  The  republicans  were 
gaining  strength,  and  hoped  to  prevail  over  all  pre- 
tenders to  the  crown.  At  the  dissolution,  in  January'- 
1876,  they  secured  a  majority  in  the  chamber  of  depu- 
ties ;  and  the  most  powerful  section  of  that  party, 
under  the  leadership  of  Gambetta,  have  since  dis- 
played a  remarkable  moderation.  To  all  these  par- 
ties tlie  septennate  continues  to  oflfer  hopes  of  future 
victory ;  and,  in  the  meantime,  the  President,  secured 
in  the  possession  of  his  powers,  has  been  able  to 
maintain  public  order  and  security.  The  State  had 
been  spared  from  the  fear  of  coitps  (Vctat,  or  Mnyio, 
popular  revolutions,  until  May  10, 1877,  when  ^*^^"' 
Franco  was  again  thrown  into  confusion  by  the  sudden 


348  FRANCE. 

dismissal  of  tlie  republican  ministry  of  M.  Jules  Simon, 
followed  by  the  dissolution  of  the  chamber  of  depu- 
ties, and  a  vigorous  policy  of  reaction. 

And  still  the  destinies  of  France  are  hanging  in  the 

balance.     After  ninety  years  of  revolutions, 

futme  of       without  liberty  :  after  bloody  civil  wars  and 

Frauce.  ^     '' ^  .       .     , 

cruel  proscriptions  :  after  multiplied  experi- 
ments in  republican,  imperial,  and  monarchical  insti- 
tutions, who  shall  venture  to  forecast  her  political 
future  ?  Her  democratic  excesses  have  discredited 
the  cause  of  popular  government  :  the  usurpations 
and  bad  faith  of  her  rulers  have  shaken  confidence  in 
law  and  order.  She  has  advanced  the  liberties  of 
other  states,  without  securing  her  own.  She  has 
aimed  at  social  equality  :  but, — save  in  the  levelling 
spirit  of  her  people, — she  is  as  far  from  its  attain- 
ment as  ever.  The  fearful  troubles  through  which 
she  has  passed  have  checked  her  prosperity,  de- 
moralised her  society,  and  arrested  the  intellectual 
growth  of  her  gifted  people.  Yet  is  she  great  and 
powerful ;  and  high — if  not  the  first — in  the  scale  of 
civilised  nations.  Blessed  with  recuperative  powers, 
beyond  those  of  any  other  state,  she  is  rapidly  effacing 
the  scars  of  war  and  revolution ;  and,  profiting  by  the 
errors  of  the  jjast,  she  may  yet  found  a  stable  gov- 
ernment, enjoying  the  confidence  of  all  classes,  and 
worthy  of  her  greatness  and  her  enlightenment. 


CHAPTEE  XVin. 

ENGLAND. 

CHAKACTER  OF  THE  COTJNTRY — RACES  BY  WHICH  IT  WAS  PEOPLED — 
CELTS,  ROMANS,  ANGLO-SAXONS,  DANES,  AND  NORMANS — GROWTH 
OF  ENGLISH  LIBERTIES — INCREASING  POWER  OP  PARLIAMENT — 
SOCIAL  CHANGES — REACTION  UNDER  THE  TUDORS — THE  REFORMA- 
TION— THE  PURITANS — THE  REIGN  OF  ELIZABETH  THE  TURNING 
POINT  IN  THE  POLITICAL  FORTUNES  OP  ENGLAND. 

Let  us  now  turn  from  France  to  England, — her  neigh- 
bour and  ancient  rival.     The  history  of  the  History  of 
one,  in  modern  times,  is  the  history  of  demo-  Suft'of'^ 
cracy,   not   of  liberty  :    the   history   of  the  ot'ciemc^"' 
other  is  the  history  of  liberty,  not  of  demo-  "^'^^' 
cracy.     It  is  the  history  of  popular  rights  and  fran- 
chises   acquired,   maintained,   extended,   and    devel- 
oped, without  subverting  the  ancient  constitution  of 
the  State.     It  is  the  history  of  reforms,  and  not  of 
revolutions.^     It  is  the  history  of  a  monarchy,  under 
which  the  people  have  acquired  all  the  freedom^  of  a 

'  '  II  en  est  de  mc'rae  dans  tout  le  cours  de  I'histoire  d'Angleterre  ; 
jamais  aucun  t'h'mcnt  ancicn  ne  porit  completement,  jamais  aucun 
«'l''ment  nouveau  ne  triomphe  tout-a-fait,  jamais  aucun  principe 
special  ne  parvient  il  une  domination  exclusive.  II  y  a  toujours  de- 
veloppcment  siraultane  des  diffurentes  forces,  transaction  entre  leurs 
pn'teniions  ot  leurs  int<'rCts.' — Quizot,  Hint,  de  la  Civ.  3;]5. 

'^  Thiers,  speaking  in  the  National  Assembly,  at  Versailles,  on 
Juno  8,  1871,  declared  'that  he  found  greater  liberty  existing  in 
London  than  in  Washington.' — Times,  June  10,  1871.     In  a  recent 


350  ENGLAM). 

republic.  It  is  the  history  of  a  country  in  which  the 
forms  of  a  monarchy,  an  aristocracy,  and  a  republic, 
have  been  combined  in  a  manner  and  to  an  extent 
without  example  elsewhere.^ 

,     Britain  has  been  marked  out,  by  nature,  as  the  home 
of  a  maritime  and  industrial  people.    Her  in- 

Character  .    .  •!•       •  i 

of  the  sular  position  familiarises  a  larce  part  of  her 

country.  ^  ^     ^ 

population  with  the  sea  ;  and  her  shores,  in- 
dented with  bays,  creeks,  estuaries,  and  natural  har- 
bours, are  singularly  favourable  to  navigation.  Her 
geographical  position  commands  an  extended  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  other  nations.  On  the  east, 
she  stretches  out  towards  the  Netherlands,  and  the 
north  of  Europe.  On  the  south,  she  approaches  the 
shores  of  France  and  Spain.  On  the  west,  the  broad 
Atlantic  opens  to  her  the  commerce  of  the  world. 

Her  climate,  less  genial  than  that  of  France,  is 
The  temperate,  healthful,  and  invigorating.    Vari- 

able, humid,  and  often  inclement,  it  is  ex- 
empt from  the  extremes  of  heat  and  cold,  which  affect 
many  lands  otherwise  more  favoured.^  It  is  such  as 
to  promote  the  strength,  vigour,  and  activity  of  the 
stalwart  races  who  at  different  times  have  peoj^led 
the  country.  This  northern  land  was  not  destined  to 
be  the  retreat  of  ease  and  luxury :  but  was  fitted  for 
war  and  the  chase,  for  deeds  of  daring  and  hardship), 
for  bold  enterprises,  for  struggles  with  man  and  na- 

political  satire,  the  constitutional  monarchy  has  been  irreverently 
described  as  '  a  democratic  republic,  tempered  by  snobbism  and 
corruption. ' — Prince  Florcstan. 

'  M.  le  Play  says  England  '  is  patriarchal  in  the  home,  demo- 
cratic in  the  parish,  aristocratic  in  the  country,  and  monarchical  in 
the  state.' — La  Constitution  d'Angleterre,  1876. 

"  'Ccelum  crebris  imbribus,  ac  nebulis  fcedum  :  asperitas  f rigoriim 
abest.' — Tacitus,  Agricola,  12. 


CHAEACTER  OE  THE   COUNTRY.  351 

ture,  for  stubborn  resolution,  for  an  earnest  faith,  and 
for  a  manly  spirit  of  freedom. 

The  soil  is  generally  fertile.     Not  blessed  with  the 
rich   and   varied   abundance  of  France,  its  ^. 

.  The  soil. 

pastures  are  renowned  for  the  rearing  of 
Hocks  and  herds,  and  for  the  breeding  of  horses  :  its 
tillage  yields  a  fair  return  to  the  skill  and  labour  of 
the  husbandman.  The  products  of  the  earth  are  not 
to  be  won,  as  in  more  favoured  climes,  by  an  easy  re- 
liance upon  the  bounties  of  nature  :  but  are  earned 
by  skill  and  watchful  husbandry,  and  by  the  sweat 
of  the  brow.  The  tiller  of  the  soil  must  be  no  slug- 
gard, if  he  would  prosper  in  his  work. 

The  natural  aspects  of  the  country  are  varied  and 
attractive.    Hill  and  dale,  and  woodland,  the  ^ 

'    _        _  ^  '  lis  scenery. 

picturesque  glade,  the  winding  river,  the 
spangled  meadow,  the  breezy  down  and  common, — 
such  are  its  characteristic  features.  Nature  has  made 
it  tlie  fitting  homo  of  a  people  who  delight  in  a  coun- 
try life.  The  Teutonic  races,  even  in  the  most  inhos- 
pitable regions  of  the  north,  shrank  from  the  con- 
finement of  towns  ;  and  in  Britain  they  found  a  land 
which  invited  them  to  dwell  in  the  midst  of  its  cheer- 
ful scenes.  They  loved  it,  and  helped  to  make  it 
what  it  is.  They  built  their  homesteads  on  sunny 
slopes,  and  in  smiling  valleys ;  and  sought  pleasure 
in  the  chase,  and  in  tlie  manly  pursuits  and  duties  of 
rural  life.  In  no  other  country,  is  the  rustic  home  so 
redolent  of  comfort  and  contentment.  Nowhere  has 
the  careful  art  of  the  husbandman  and  gardener  done 
such  justice  to  the  gifts  of  nature.  In  every  genera- 
tion, the  laud  has  been  improved  and  beautified  by 
culture,  and  the  loving  taste  of  its  iuhabitaiits ;  and 
while   trade    and    manufactures    have   mussed    large 


352  ENGLAND. 

populations  in  the  towns,  the  ideal  home  of  the  English- 
man is  ever  in  the  country.  The  Frenchman  is  never 
so  haj^py  as  in  a  town :  the  Englishman  pines  in  the 
narrow  street,  and  exults  in  the  free  air  of  the  hill-side, 
the  river,  and  the  sea-coast.  And  this  abiding  love  of 
country  life  has  exercised  a  remarkable  influence  upon 
the  society,  and  the  political  destinies  of  England. 

Another  physical  characteristic  of  Britain  is  her 
mineral" wealth.  No  country  in  Europe  is  so 
rich  in  coal  and  iron,  in  tin,  lead  and  coj^per. 
Nature,  which  had  made  her  a  maritime  State,  had 
also  destined  her  to  be  the  seat  of  mining  and  manu- 
facturing industry.  But  the  treasures  of  the  earth 
could  only  be  acquired  by  labour,  by  dangers,  and  by 
endurance.  The  perils  of  the  mine  are  no  less  fearful 
than  the  perils  of  the  deep.^  Whether  at  sea,  or 
on  land,  it  has  been  the  lot  of  great  numbers  of 
our  countrymen  to  brave  hardships,-  exhausting  toil, 
and  the  loss  of  life  and  health,  in  pursuit  of  their 
useful  callings.  And  in  every  form  of  labour,  their 
strength  and  steadfastness  have  made  them  the  fore- 
most workers  of  the  world.  Such  has  been  the  fibre, 
and  such  the  moral  force,  of  the  British  people,  that 
they  have  steadily  advanced  in  civilisation,  in  social 
development,  and  in  political  freedom. 

It  is  not  among  the  earlier  Celtic  races  who  peopled 
the  land,^  that  we  need  search  for  the  germs 
of  British  freedom.     But,  though  little  ad- 

'  Her  Majesty  has  lately  been  graciously  pleased  to  include  miners, 
and  other  workers  on  land,  in  the  honours  of  the  Albert  medal, 
Avhich  had  previously  been  confined  to  the  reward  of  acts  of  heroic 
courage  in  saving  life  at  sea. — London  Gazette,  May  1,  1877. 

'^  They  are  enumerated  and  described  in  Wright,  The  Celt,  tJie  Bo- 
man,  and  the  Saxon,  39-44. 


THE  EOMANS.  353 

vanced  in  civilisation,  tliey  already  gave  promise  of 
the  industrial  destinies  of  England,  their  productive 
tin-mines  being  known  to  the  PhcBnicians,  the  Cartha- 
ginians, and  the  Romans. 

The  conquest  of  Britain,  by  the  Romans,  introduced 
a  higher  civilisation,  a  vigorous  administra-  rj,^^ 
tion,  and  some  free  institutions,  which  sur-  ^*'b^c°-^- 
vived  their  rule.  To  build  and  inhabit  forti-  ^is  a.d. 
fied  cities  had  been  the  custom  of  that  great  people, 
in  Italy,  and  in  every  country  conquered  by  their 
arms.  In  Britain  they  founded  walled  towns,  through- 
out the  land  and  on  the  coasts,  as  centres  of  military 
defence,  association,  and  trade.  London,  Canterbury, 
Dover,  Winchester,  York,  Chester,  and  many  other 
cities  and  towns,  which  have  since  risen  to  impor- 
tance, owe  their  origin  to  the  civilising  genius  of  the 
Romans.  They  had  come  as  conquerors,  but  settled  as 
colonists.  Military  conquest  was  followed  by  immi- 
gration :  Roman  citizens  from  many  lands, — Germans, 
Belgians,  Gauls,  Spaniards,  and  Thracians,^ — men  of 
different  races,  but  all  subject  to  the  laws,  and  speak- 
ing the  language  of  Imperial  Rome, — flocked  to  this 
northern  land,  which  offered  them  a  new  field  for  con- 
quest and  enterprise.  Britain  was  reduced  to  a  Roman 
province  ;  and  Roman  laws,  institutions,  and  customs 
were  everywhere  established.  In  the  towns,  Ro„,„n 
municipalities  were  founded  upon  the  repub-  ^°'''"'- 
lican  model  of  Rome  and  the  Italian  cities ;  ^  and  as 
the  towns  increased  in  population,  and  were  recruited 
by  the  continued  immigration  of  Teutonic  and  other 
races,  they  became  almost  independent  communities.' 

»  Wright,  T/ie  Celt,  the  Roman,  and  the  Saxon,  253-257,  and  ch.  v. 
'  Ibid.  ch.  xii.     See  svpra,  vol.  i.  IGO. 
2  Wright,  391. 


354  ENGLAND. 

If  these  institutions  did  not  survive  the  overtliro-w  of 
the  Roman  power,  their  traditions  were  not  wholly 
lost:^  while  town  life,  with  which  they  were  asso- 
ciated, was  encouraged  among  the  Saxons,  whose 
tastes  were  otherwise  rural. 

The  life  of  a  highly  civilised  people,  who  dwelt  in 
iiuiiience  the  land  for  four  centuries,  cannot  be  effaced 
upou'laLcr  from  the  history  of  England.  Supplanted 
timos.  -j^y  yg^ggg  jggg  advauccd,  their  ancient  civil- 

isation was  trodden  down :  their  arts  and  learning 
were  lost :  even  Christianity,  which  was  taking  root 
among  them,  relapsed  into  Paganism.  The  Romans 
left  fewer  traces  of  their  rule  in  Britain  than  in  some 
other  lands  :  biit  in  the  social  revival  of  later  times, 
their  continued  influence  is  not  to  be  ignored.  We 
may  even  be  allowed  to  speculate  how  far  the  admix- 
ture of  Roman  blood,  and  the  character  and  example 
of  that  great  people,  may  have  moulded  the  political 
destinies  of  England.  The  characteristics  which  dis- 
tinguished ancient  Rome, — a  stern  love  of  liberty,  a 
j)rolonged  constitutional  development,  a  strong  and 
steadfast  purpose,  world-wide  conquests,  and  a  pecu- 
liar power  of  governing  subject  races, — have   since 

'  '  We  trace  here  and  there  the  preservation  of  Roman  power,  and 
Roman  principles,  and  we  trace  still  more  distinctly  almost  every 
municipal  right,  and  municipal  power,  which  were,  at  a  later  period, 
guaranteed  by  royal  or  other  charter,  and  which,  by  comparison 
with  the  privileges  and  government  of  corporate  towms  in  France 
and  Italy,  and  elsewhere  on  the  continent,  we  learn  to  have  been 
derived  from  the  political  constitution  of  the  Romans.' — Ibid.  454 
On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Freeman  says:  'The  municipal  institu- 
tions of  the  Roman  towns  utterly  perished  :  no  dream  of  ingenious 
men  is  more  groundless  than  that  which  seeks  to  trace  the  fran- 
chises of  English  cities  to  a  Roman  source,' — Hist,  of  Norman  CoU' 
quest,  i.  17. 


THE  ANGLO-SAXONS.  355 

been  illustrated  in  the  history  of  England.  No  other 
modern  State  has  presented  so  many  points  of  resem- 
blance ;  ^  and  Englishmen  may  proudly  ascribe  to 
Roman  ancestry  and  tutelage,  some  part  in  the  his- 
toric glories  of  their  country. 

The  Roman  legions,  weakened  by  the  decay  of  the 
Western  Empire,  by  revolts,  and  by  internal  ^pj^^  Ano-io- 
divisions,  were  at  length  overcome  by  the  ^axous. 
Picts  and  Scots  ;  and  the  Celts  were  once  more  su- 
preme in  their  ancient  home.  But  they 
soon  found  new  masters  in  the  Angles,  the 
Saxons,  and  the  Jutes.  In  their  earlier  emigrations 
these  Teutonic  races  appear  to  have  found  friends 
and  allies  in  kindred  tribes,  who  had  already  settled 
under  the  protection  of  the  Romans.^  But  they  after- 
wards descended  upon  the  shores,  as  enemies  and 
conquerors  ;  and  pushed  on  their  conquests,  by  fire 
and  sword,  throughout  the  land.  They  came  from 
the  north  of  Europe,  from  Schleswig,  Holstein,  and 
Friesland,  from  the  countries  between  the  Rhine  and 
the  Oder,  and  from  Jutland.  Akin  to  the  hardy  races 
that  had  peopled  the  Netherlands,  they  were  natural- 
born  seamen,  and  braced  to  adventures  by  the  hard- 
ships and  dangers  of  their  northern  homes. 

While  the  towns  were  thus  being  peopled  by  the 

mixed  races  of  the  Roman  and  Anglo-Saxon   .    , 

^o  Anglo- 

migrations,  the  country  was  occupied  by  the  ^",^""^3^3 
new  invaders.     They  drove  out  or  slew  the 
Celtic    inhabitants,    or    reduced   tliem   to    slavery ;  ^ 
and  the   chiefs  took  possession   of  the   land,  upon 

'  See  rnpra,  vol.  i.  p.  140  n.         '  Wriglit,  The  Celt,  &c. ,  393-396. 

"  Tho  Anglo-Saxon  conquest  is  generally  described  as  one  of  ex- 
termination :  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  extinction  of  the 
Celts  in  tho  conquered  districts,  was  so  complete  as  tho  testimony 


353  ENGLAND. 

wliicli  tliey  settled  witli  their  households  and  follow- 
ers. For  three  centuries  they  continued  to  press 
forward  their  settlements,  driving  the  Celts  further 
to  the  north  and  to  the  west, — to  Scotland,  to  Wales, 
and  to  Cornwall^  In  no  other  parts  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  had  Teutonic  races  achieved  so  complete  a 
conquest.  They  made  the  land  their  own,  in  name, 
in  language,  in  nationality,  and  in  freedom.  They 
changed  a  Roman  province  into  a  fi-ee  Teutonic  State. 
Everywhere  the  Anglo-Saxons  carried  with  them 
their  own  Teutonic  laws  and  customs;'^  and 
laws  a"  d  it  is  to  these  that  we  must  mainly  look  for 
the  origin  of  English  institutions.  Their 
society  was  as  primitive  as  that  of  the  ancient  Greeks. 
Their  kings  ^  and  princes  claimed  descent  from  the 

of  historians,  confirmed  by  tlie  evidence  of  language,  would  imply. 
It  must  be  remembered  tliat  the  invaders  came  in  boats,  ill-suited 
for  the  transport  of  entire  families,  and  that  the  greater  part 
were  probably  young  adventurers,  without  incumbrance.  After 
the  earlier  invasions,  a  more  complete  emigration  followed  ;  but 
there  are  some  grounds  for  believing  that  the  English  have  more 
Celtic  blood  in  their  veins  than  is  usually  supposed. — See  Nicholas, 
The  Pedigree  of  the  English  People,  third  edition.  'The  women 
would  doubtless  be  largely  spared :  but  as  far  as  the  male  sex  is  con- 
cerned, we  may  feel  sure  that  death,  emigration,  or  personal  slavery, 
were  the  only  alternatives  which  the  vanquished  found  at  the 
hands  of  our  fathers.'— Freeman,  Hist,  of  Normnn  Conquest,  i.  18. 

'  The  occupation  of  Cumberland  and  Westmoreland,  in  the  north, 
and  of  Somersetshire,  Devonshire,  Cornwall,  Herefordshire,  and 
Shropshire,  being  effected  at  a  later  period,  when  the  rage  of  con- 
quest had  somewhat  subsided,  and  the  hostility  of  the  two  races 
had  been  abated  by  the  common  profession  of  the  Christian  faith, 
the  Celts,  or  Welsh,  as  they  were  called,  were  not  driven  out. 

''  See  supra,  vol.  i.  p.  234-236. 

^  '  The  Saxons  had  no  kings  at  home  ;  but  they  create  kings  in 
Britain.' — Stubbs,  Const.  Hist.  i.  G6.  See  also  Freeman,  .Hi«^.  of  Nor- 
man  Conquest,  i.  73,  and  App.  K. 


THE  ANGLO-SAXONS.  357 

god  Woden  :  the  nobles,  or  *  eorls,'  were  tlie  cliiefs  of 
their  tribes,  in  war  and  peace  :  the  priests  presided  at 
the  pagan  sacrifices  ;  and  the  people  were  divided  into 
freemen  and  slaves.^  Their  customs  were  remarkable 
for  the  important  place  assigned  to  the  community. 
The  king's  title  was  hereditary  in  certain  families,  but 
subject  to  personal  election  by  the  witenagemut,  by 
whom  he  could  also  be  depo-sed.  He  enjoyed  many 
prerogatives  and  privileges,  and  extensive  possessions  : 
but  he  was  a  constitutional  sovereign,  bound  to  govern 
justly,  and  according  to  the  laws.  Of  the  nobles,  some 
derived  their  rank  from  descent,  but  the  greater  part 
from  service  under  the  crown,  as  ealdormen  and 
thegns.  And,  when  the  Anglo-Saxons  had  accepted  the 
Christian  faith,  their  bishops  and  abbots  took  their 
places  among  the  nobles,  as  councillors  of  the  king, 
and  members  of  the  local  and  national  assemblies. 

In  the  mark,  the  township,  the   tithing,  and   the 
parish,  the  principles  of  local  representation  p^^.^  ^^^^^^^_ 
and  self-government  were  maintained  in  the   t"t'"»^- 
gemot.'"^    Every  village  was  a  little  commonwealth.    In 

'  Of  these  there  were  two  classes, — the  cultivating  serf  and  the 
absolute  slave. 

'  '  The  vestry  is  the  representative  of  the  gemot,  with  which  it  was 
once  identical.' — Ptnbbs,  Const.  Uist.  i.  91. 

The  mark  or  township  '  was  an  organised  and  self-acting  group  of 
Teutonic  families,  exercising  a  common  proprietorship  over  a  definite 
tract  of  land,  its  mark,  cultivating  its  domain  on  a  common  system, 
and  sustaining  itself  by  the  produce.  It  is  described  in  Tacitus,  in 
the  "Germany,"  as  the  "  Vicus  :"  it  is  well  known  to  have  been  the 
proprietary  and  even  the  political  unit  of  the  earliest  English  society.' 
— Maine,  Villar/e  Communitifs,  10. 

'Tlie  village  community  of  India  exhibits  resemblances  to  the 
Teutonic  township  which  are  much  too  strong  and  numerous  to  bo 
accidfntal.  .  .  It  has  the  same  double  aspect  of  a  group  of  families 
united  by  the  assumption  of  common  kinsliip,  and  of  a  compimy  of 


358  ENGLAND. 

tlie  burli-gemot,  tlie  liundred-moot,  and  the  sLire- 
moot,  tlie  freeliolders  bore  tlieir  part  in  local  adminis- 
tration and  judicature ;  and  in  tlie  several  kingdoms  of 
tlie  lieptarcliv,  and  afterwards  in  the  united  realm,  there 
was  the  supreme  witenagemot,  or  meeting  of  the  wise, 
by  whose  advice  and  consent  the  king  made  laws  for 
his  people,  levied  taxes,  exercised  supreme  judicature, 
and  made  grants  of  land.  These  assemblies  delibe- 
rated upon  affairs  of  State,  and  questions  of  war  and 
peace.  They  were  not  representative  :  but  the  free- 
men assisted  at  their  deliberations,  according  to  the 
j)rimitive  customs  of  their  race  ;  and  shouted  approval 
or  dissent.  The  Saxon  witenagemot  has  been  univer- 
sally accepted  as  the  origin  of  the  parliaments  of  later 
times.^  But  as  the  kingdom  extended,  the  voice  of  the 
freeman  was  rarely  heard  in  the  national  councils. 
He  could  still  attend  the  moot  of  the  hundred  or  the 
shire  :  but  without  representation,  the  distant  assem- 
bly of  barons,  prelates,  and  thegns  was  far  beyond  his 
reach. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  had  long  been  masters  of  the 
The  Danes,  couutiy  :  their  society  was  advancing  in  se- 
i8r-95s.  curity  and  civilisation  :  they  had  been  en- 
lightened and  refined  by  the  Christian  Church ;  and 
their  institutions  had  assumed  a  national  character, 
when  they  were  threatened  with  the  same  fate  as  that 
of  the  Celtic  races  whom  they  had  overthrown.     The 

persons  exercising  joint  o-wTiership  over  land.' — Ibid.  12.  See  also 
ibid.  61,  62,81,  82,  120,  133.  Freeman,  Hist.  Norman  Conquest,  i.  83. 
'  'Alone  among  tbe  political  assemblies  of  tlie  greater  States  of 
Europe,  tbe  Parliament  of  England  can  trace  its  unbroken  descent 
from  tbe  Teutonic  institutions  of  tbe  earliest  times.  .  .  No  otber 
nation,  as  a  nation,  can  sbow  tbe  same  unbroken  continuity  of  politi- 
cal being.' — Freeman's  Comp.  Pol.  46,  47. 


THE  DAXES.  359 

ScandinaYian  Danes,  from  Denmark  and  Norway,  de- 
scended upon  their  coasts,  and  overran  tlieir  peace- 
ful to'WTLS  and  villages.  Tliej  'weve  pirates  and  ma- 
raudersf  and  they  were  heathens.  They  burned  and 
plundered  churches  and  monasteries  :  they  destroyed, 
with  the  brutal  ignorance  of  barbarians,  the  cher- 
ished treasures  of  a  more  civilised  peoj)le  ;  and  they 
pushed  on  their  conquests,  till  more  than  half  of  Eng- 
land had  fallen  under  their  rule.  The  civilisation  of 
the  Romans  had  perished  under  the  conquering  Sax- 
ons ;  and  now  the  civilisation  of  the  Saxons  was  endan- 
gered by  the  ruder  Danes.  But  the  Danes,  arrested 
in  their  conquests  by  Alfi-ed  the  Great,  accepted  the 
Christian  faith.  They  were  of  kindred  northern  races : 
they  were  governed  by  the  like  customs  and  tradi- 
tions ;  and,  gradually  mingling  with  the  earlier  set- 
tlers, they  formed  part  of  the  great  Eng- 
lisli  people.  At  a  later  period  they  renewed 
tlieir  conquests,  and  Danish  kings  ruled  over  the  fair 
realm  of  England :  but  the  laws  and  customs  of  the 
Saxons  were  little  changed  ;  and  when  the  old  line  of 
native  kings  was  restored,  in  the  person  of  Edward 
the  Confessor,  the  Danes  had  left  few  traces  of  their 
rule,  save  in  the  names  of  places  in  which  they  dwelt, 
and  in  the  mixture  of  their  northern  blood,  with  that 
of  the  races  which  they  had  overcome.  Their  fibre 
was  even  harder  than  that  of  the  Saxons :  their  in- 
dependence was  no  less  resolute  ;  and  in  the  sturdy 
races  of  Yorkshire,  Lancashire,  Northumberland,  and 
other  northern  counties,  which  have  since  been  for- 
ward in  the  industrial  and  political  development  of 
England,  we  may  recognise  the  descendants  of  Danish 
conquerors. 

The    Norman     conquest    wrought    more     serious 


860  ENGLAND. 

changes  in  tlie  social  and  political  destinies  of  Eng- 
rpjjg  land.    The  Normans,  descended  from  a  strong 

conJfue"t  northern  stock, — akin  to  the  Saxons  and  the 
1066.  Danes, — had  been  civilised  by  their  settle- 

ment in  a  more  genial  clime,  and  by  intercourse  with 
their  polished  neighbours  in  France.  They  were 
more  advanced  than  the  Saxons,  in  the  arts  of  peace 
and  war  :  but  in  their  laws  and  customs,  liberty  found 
scant  recognition.  They  ruled  England  as  conquer- 
ors, and  wherever  they  met  with  resistance,  they  pur- 
sued their  enemies  with  merciless  severity.  But  Wil- 
liam the  Conqueror  accepted  the  crown  as  successor 
to  the  English  kings  :  he  strove  to  maintain  the  laws 
of  Edward  the  Confessor ;  and  it  formed  no  part  of  his 
design  to  overthrow  the  institutions  of  his  new  do- 
main. Yet  the  conquest  introduced  essential  changes 
in  the  social  and  political  relations  of  the  rulers  and 
the  people,  and  in  the  administration  of  the  laws.  Of 
these,  the  greatest  was  effected  by  the  appropriation 
and  tenure  of  the  lands.  William  rewarded  his  fol- 
lowers by  prodigious  grants  of  the  conquered  territo- 
ries :  he  retained  large  possessions  as  the  property  of 
the  crown :  and  where  he  spared  native  owners,  he 
brought  them  into  subjection  as  vassals  to  himself,  or 
other  feudal  superiors  of  the  Norman  race. 

Military  service  was  the  condition  under  which  the 
Norman  entire  soil  of  England  was  henceforth  to  be 
feudalism.  gi;^JQye(j  }yj  i^g  owners.  This  strict  feudalism 
at  once  increased  the  power  of  the  crown,  and  of  the 
nobles.  The  great  landowners  were  the  king's  vassals : 
while  their  own  feudal  rights  made  them  complete 
masters  of  the  people.  Feudalism  under  the  Saxons 
had  been  patriarchal :  it  had  grown  out  of  the  rela- 
tions of  the  family  and  the  tribe :  but  feudalism  under 


N0RMA2?  FEUDALISM — POLITICAL  CHANGES.         361 

tlie  Normans  was  a  stern  military  organisation,  wliicli 
bound  all  the  subjects  of  the  realm  to  serve  under  the 
standards  of  the  king  and  his  barons.  The  most  ob- 
noxious characteristics  of  continental  feudalism  were 
now  displayed.  The  Saxon  nobles  had  lived  in  simple 
dwellings,  in  the  midst  of  their  kinsmen  and  people. 
The  Normans  dwelt  in  fortified  castles,  defended  with 
fosse  and  drawbridge,  with  battlements  and  loopholes  ; 
they  surrounded  themselves  with  armed  retainers,  and 
dominated  roughly  over  their  neighbours.  They  were 
foreigners  ;  and  they  lived  as  in  an  enemy's  country. 
They  plundered  the  peasants :  they  waged  war  upon 
one  another  ;  and  they  laid  waste  the  land  with  vio- 
lence and  rapine. 

This  social  change  was  naturally  accompanied  by 
political  innovations  no  less  notable.  To  political 
weaken  the  nobles,  the  Conqueror  continued  ^  '"'^*^^' 
the  gemots  of  the  hundred  and  the  shire  :  but,  the 
scheme  of  government  being  purely  feudal,  the  wite- 
nagemot  gave  place  to  a  great  council  of  barons,  pre- 
lates, and  abbots,  who  were  summoned  as  tenants- 
in-chief  of  the  crown.  The  people  had  no  voice  in 
their  deliberations  :  the  realm  belonged  to  the  king 
and  his  vassals ;  and  the  commons  were  no  longer 
within  the  pale  of  the  constitution.  All  the  high  of- 
fices were  filled  with  foreigners  ;  and  Englishmen  were 
treated  as  a  conquered  race. 

But  the  Norman  rule,  however  adverse  to  popular 
liberties,  was   not  long  maintained  w'ithoiit  ^, 

/  P  _   .  The  crown 

serious  inroads  upon  its  scheme  of  military  »"'•  V"-' 

"■  ^  ^  -J      people. 

government.      The   king   found   his   vassals 
too  powerful  for  the  security  of  his  crown ;  whilst  tho 
barons  were  ever  struggling  against  his  prerogatives. 
Neither    power    singly   could    overcomo   the    other, 
vor.  II. — 10 


362  ENGLAND. 

Hence  botli  alike  looked  to  tlie  people  for  support. 
William  Kufus  overcame  liis  unruly  barons  by  the  aid 
of  liis  subjects,  to  whom  be  promised  a  redress  of 
grievances.  Henry  I.  gave  the  people  a  charier  of 
liberties,  and  promised  to  restore  the  laws  of  Edward 
the  Confessor.  To  London,  and  many  other  towns, 
he  granted  municipal  charters.  Henry  11.  also  fa- 
voured the  commonalty.  He  reduced  the  power  of 
the  barons,  by  judicial  and  administrative  reforms : 
he  demolished  their  dreaded  castles  :  he  overcame 
them  by  force  of  arms  ;  and,  while  enlarging  the  pre- 
rogatives of  the  crown,  he  extended  the  privileges  of 
tlie  people.  By  commuting  military  services  for  scu- 
tage,  he  was  enabled  to  raise  forces  independently  of  the 
barons  ;  and,  by  the  '  assize  of  arms,'  he  superseded  the 
baronial  levies,  by  a  national  militia  under  his  ovm 
direct  command.  By  these  measures  the  domination 
of  feudalism  was  arrested.  And  in  his  reign,  the  fusion 
of  the  Normans  with  the  English  was  nearly  com- 
pleted ;  and  the  rule  of  the  foreigner  was  no  longer  a 
scourge  to  the  people.  England  was  restored  to  the 
English ;  and  their  social  freedom  and  political  influence 
were  extended  by  the  absorption  of  the  dominant  race.^ 
So  far  the  crown  had  received  support  from  the  peo- 
ple against  the  barons.  At  a  later  period, 
and  the'^°'^^  the  barous  and  the  Church  were  aided  by  the 
peop  e.  people,  in  extorting  the  Great  Charter  from 
King  John.  Hitherto  the  barons  had  fought  for  them- 
selves alone  :  now  they  became  the  national . 
charta.  leaders  in  maintaining  the  liberties  of  Eng- 
land.     But  society  was  not  yet  sufficiently 

'  Mr.  Freeman  says  :  '  The  older  and  stronger  elements  still  sur- 
vived, and,  in  the  long  run,  they  again  made  good  their  supremacy.' 
— Hist.  Norman  Conquest,  intro.  1. 


THE  GEOWIv,  THE  BABONS,  AND  THE  PEOPLE.   363 

advanced  to  ensure  tlie  enjoyment  of  liberties  so  ex- 
tended. Tiie  crown,  tlie  nobles,  and  tbe  Cburcb  were 
powerful :  tlie  country  was  disturbed  by  disorders  and 
civil  wars  ;  and  the  people  were  still  too  weak  to  as- 
sert their  rights.  But  the  Great  Charter  was  aj^pealed 
to  as  the  basis  of  English  freedom  :  it  was  confirmed 
again  and  again  ;  *  and,  while  often  violated,  its  prin- 
ciples were  accepted  as  the  constitutional  law  of  Eng- 
land. 

Further  contests  between  the  crown  and  the  barons 
continued  to  advance  the  rights  of  the  peo- 
ple ;    and  it  was  to  Simon  de  Montfort,  who  sentation 
led  the  armed  barons   against  Henry  HI.,  commons. 
that  the  commons  first  owed  their  represen- 
tation in  parliament. 

In  the  reign  of  Edward  I.,  the  commons  acquired  a 
more  settled  place  in  the  le^jislature :  knights  . 
of  the  shire  being   regularly  summoned  to  ]i!^")hmint 
represent  the  counties,  and  citizens  and  bur-  ^*-^^- 
gesses  to  represent  the  cities  and  towns.     But  as  yet 
their  influence  was  little  felt.     They  Siccepied  their 
mission  with  reluctance,  and  shrank  from  the  costly 
lionour  of  obeying  the  royal  summons  to  appear  and 
be  duly  taxed.     The  barons  still  took  the  load  in  re- 
sisting abuses  of  the  king's  prerogative.    To  them  was 
mainly  due  a  renewed  confirmation  of  the  Great  Char- 
ter, and  the  denial  of  the  king's  claim  to  raise  taxes 
otherwise  than  with  the  consent  of  the  realm.     The 
parliaments  of  Edward  II.  insisted  upon  the 
dismissal  of  obnoxious  ministers,  upon  the 
redress  of  grievances  before  the  granting  of  subsidies 

'  '  II  y  en  eut  plus  de  trente  confirmations  entre  le  xiii.  et  lo  xvi. 
Biucles.' — (iuizot.  Hint,  de  la  citilization  en  Europe,  314. 


364  ENGLAND. 

to  the  crown,  and  upon  the  legislative  rights  of  the 
commons.     And,  further,  a  parliament  of  this 

1S27  •  •  • 

reign  assumed  the  right  of  deposing  the 
king,  for  the  violation  of  his  coronation  oath,  and 
other  offences,  —  a  precedent  to  be  followed  in  the 
case  of  Richard  II.,  and  again,  on  a  more  memorable 
occasion,  in  1688.  These  spirited  acts,  though  mainly 
the  work  of  the  barons,  extended  the  constitutional 
rights  of  parliament.  Under  Edward  TIL,  the  two 
houses  assumed  their  present  form;  and  the  House 
of  Commons  acquired  an  independent  place  in  the 
councils  of  the  realm.  It  denounced  abuses,  it  im- 
peached ministers,  it  insisted  upon  the  an- 
nual calling  of  parliaments,  it  re-affirmed 
the  principle  that  to  raise  money  without  the  consent 
of  parliament  was  illegal,  and  it  maintained  the  free- 
dom of  elections.  It  was  now  fully  established  that 
every  law  required  the  concurrence  of  king,  lords,  and 
commons,  and  that  it  was  the  undoubted  right  of  par- 
liament to  advise  the  king  in  matters  concerning  peace 
and  war.  The  principles  of  political  freedom  were 
established. 

Under  Eichard  II.,  the  commons  insisted  upon  their 
right,  not  only  to  vote  subsidies,  but  to  limit  tlieir 
appropriation,  and  to  examine  public  accountants  ; 
and  they  exercised  their  right  of  inquiring  into  public 
abuses,  and  impeaching  ministers  of  the  crown.  The 
Parliament  also  deposed  the  king  himself,  for  his  '  no- 
torious demerits;'  and  furnished  another  precedent 
for  the  revolution  of  1688.  The  same  bold  and  inde- 
pendent spirit  was  displayed  by  the  commons,  under 
Henry  lY.  and  Henry  V. 

The  parliamentary  history  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury foreshadowed  the  momentous  movements  of  the 


POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS.  365 

seventeentli.     Liberties  w^ere   then  acquired    wliich 
could    never  be   wholly   overthrown.      The  poijtjp^ 
prerosatives  of  the  crown,  and  the  privileges  ^^"^  ^°^^'^} 

^  ^  ,  in"    progress  in 

of  parliament,  were  defined ;  and  the  mon-  tyentr*^" 
arcliy  was  limited  and  constitutional.  These  century. 
political  changes  were  accompanied  by  a  remarkable 
development  of  English  society.  The  commons  were 
enabled  to  assume  a  more  important  place  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  State,  by  the  increasing  influence  of 
the  commonalty,  throughout  the  country.  The  ranks 
of  the  barons  were  thinned  by  civil  wars,  and  failures 
in  the  succession ;  while  the  number  of  country  gen- 
tlemen, yeomen,  and  tenants  was  continually  on  the 
increase.  The  towns  were  making  rapid  advances 
in  wealth  and  prosperity :  the  burgesses  had  been 
trained  in  the  arts  of  self-government,  and  emboldened 
by  civic  freedom.  At  the  same  time,  England  was 
sharing  in  the  revival  of  learning,  for  which  the  age 
was  remarkable,  throughout  Europe :  her  language  was 
assuming  a  national  character;  and  the  universities 
were  stimulating  a  taste  for  classical  literature  and 
philosophy.  In  every  aspect,  society  vras  advancing ; 
and  its  claims  to  political  power  were  maintained  by 
the  increasing  boldness  of  the  House  of  Commons. 

Meanwhile,  religious  and  social  changes  were  ad- 
vancing, which  gravely  affected  the  political  wyciine 
destinies  of  England.     The  bold  spirit  and  rtTurious 
genius  of  Wycliffe  were  laying  the  founda-  i"^i"'''>'- 
iionH  of  the  Protestant  reformation.     He  stirred  the 
minds  of  scholars,  churchmen,  and  citizens  to  a  new 
religious   thought  :    he    exposed   the   abuses   of  the 
Church  of  Homo,  and  shook  its  traditional 
doctrines  and  authority.     His  followers,  the 
Lollards,  began  the  long  strife  between  nonconformity 


366  ENGLAND. 

and  the  united  forces  of  Cliurcli  and  State ;  and  the 
people  were  awakened  to  controversies  which  have 
not  yet  ceased  to  disturb  the  minds  and  consciences 
of  Christians.  The  faith  of  considerable  numbers  was 
already  severed  from  that  of  the  State  Church.  The 
Lollards, — the  parents  of  Puritanism, — by  inveighing 
against  the  Church,  and  exposing  the  abuses  of  the 
clergy,  promoted  the  spirit  of  religious  revolt  which, 
in  another  age,  was  the  support  of  the  Reformation. 
Their  creed,  founded  upon  the  lives  of  the  early 
Christians,  and  affected  by  the  social  discontents  of 
the  time,  was  not  without  the  taint  of  communism. 
They  were  punished  without  mercy,  and  their  sect 
was  repressed  with  an  iron  hand  :  but  the  conflict  be- 
tween civil  and  ecclesiastical  power  on  one  side,  and 
nonconformity  on  the  other,  was  to  be  resumed  here- 
after, upon  less  unequal  terms. 

While  society  was  aroused  to  religious  thought,  it 
Decny  of  "^^^  couvulsed  by  the  decay  of  feudalism,  and 
feiuiiiiism.  ^]-^q  j.jgQ  ^f  j^g^  agricultural  classes.  Serf- 
dom had  gradually  given  way  to  improved  social  re- 
lations ;  and  the  soil  was  beginning  to  be  cultivated, 
as  in  modern  times,  by  tenant  farmers,  by  freeholders, 
and  copyholders,  and  by  free  labourers.  Changes  so 
important  in  the  relations  of  landowners  to  the  cultiva- 
tors of  the  soil,  could  not  be  effected  without  serious 
disturbance.  The  fourteenth  century  was  marked,  in 
other  countries,  by  collisions  between  feudalism  and 
a  growing  society;^  and  the  like  conflicts  arose  in 
England.  The  gradual  emancipation  and  es- 
cape of  serfs  had  caused  a  great  scarcity  of 
labourers,  which  was  aggravated  by  the  depopulation 

^  Supra,  ^.  92-95. 


DECAY  OF  FEUDzVIISM.  oG7 

of  tlie  country, — in  common  witli  tlie  rest  of  Europe, 
— by  the  plague,  or  '  black  deatli.'     Tlie  landowners 
were  not  prepared  to  submit  to  tlie  operation  of  these 
natural  causes:  but  took  vigorous   measures  for  the 
recovery    of  their    feudal    rights,    and   the    securing 
of  forced  labour.     Serfs  v/ho  had  been   set 
free,  or  had  taken  refuge  in  the  towns,  were  labourers. 
again  reduced  to  servitude  ;  and  free  labour- 
ers, forbidden  to  leave  their  own  parish,  were  bound 
to  serve  their  employers,  at  wages  fixed  by  statute. 
These   high-handed   measures,  to   restore    the   hate- 
ful yoke  of  feudalism,  provoked  a  passionate  resis- 
tance. 

Stung  with  a  sense  of  oj)pression  and  wrong,  and 
suffering  from  the  harsh  rule  of  their  mas-  pop„]j,r  dis- 
ters,  the  orderly  and  patient  peasantry  were  contents. 
goaded  into  a  formidable  revolt.  For  the  first  time, 
in  our  history,  we  discover  a  fierce  hatred  of  nobles 
and  gentlemen,  and  a  startling  assertion  of  levelling 
principles.  John  Ball,  a  Kentish  priest,  preached 
doctrines  of  social  equality,  as  bold  as  any  which 
were  taught,  four  centuries  later,  by  the  revolutionists 
of  France.  The  popular  feeling  of  the  time  was  ex- 
pressed in  the  familiar  couplet: 

'  When  Adam  delved,  and  Eve  span, 
\Vlio  was  then  the  gentleman  ? ' 

The  gentlemen  of  England  were  oppressing  the  poor; 
and  their  claims  were  rudely  questioned.  These  dis- 
contents were  influenced  by  an  iniquitous  poll-tax; 
and  at  length  an  alarming  insurrection  burst  out 
under  the  leadership  of  the  celebrated  Wat 
Tyler.  This  revolt  against  feudalism,  and  in-uncc- 
tho  injustice  of  feudal  law-givers,  was  marked 


368  ENGLAND. 

by  some  of  tlie  excesses  of  tlie  French  Jacquerie.* 
Manor-houses  were  burned :  manorial  records  were 
destroyed:  obnoxious  lawyers  were  murdered:  the 
primate,  and  two  of  the  chief  officers  concerned  in 
the  levy  of  the  poll-tax,  were  beheaded  on  Tower 
Hill.  But  neither  in  the  revolt  itself,  nor  in  its  sup- 
pression, was  there  an  approach  to  the  savagery  of 
contemporary  France. 

Throughout  these  times,  the  commons  had  been 
advancing  in  influence ;  and  had  maintained 
a-ainst  the  the  duc  authority  of  their  order  in  the  coun- 
cils of  the  State.  But  a  period  of  reaction 
was  at  hand,  when  the  power  of  the  commons  sensibly 
declined.  Several  causes  contributed  to  this  reaction. 
The  commons  were  still  the  weakest  estate  of  the 
realm ;  and  they  were  at  the  mercy  of  the  crown,  the 
nobles,  and  the  church.  Whichever  of  these  powers 
happened  to  be  in  the  ascendent,  the  commons  inevi- 
tably suffered,  except  when  their  aid  was  sought  by 
one  of  these  rival  powers.  In  the  reign  of  Henry  VI., 
the  barons  had  recovered  much  of  their  former  domi- 
nation :  they  were  jealous  of  the  growing  influence  of 
the  commons ;  and  such,  for  a  time,  was  the  weakness 
of  the  crown,  and  of  the  church,  that  they  had  no 
need  of  an  alliance  with  the  popular  forces.  By 
J430  narrowing  the  old  freehold  franchise  of  the 

counties  to  40.s.  freeholders,  and  by  disfran- 
chising the  leaseholders  and  copyholders,  they  became 
masters  of  the  county  representation.  Meanwhile  a 
similar  reaction  was  at  work  in  the  boroughs.  The 
franchises  of  the  burgesses  had  been  gradually  re- 
stricted; and  their  municipal  and  electoral  privileges 

^  Supra,  91. 


POLITICAL  REACTION.  369 

were  monopolised  by  select  oligarcliies.  Everywliere, 
barons  and  landowners  were  acquiring  a  dominant 
influence  in  elections.  The  commons  were  becoming 
the  creatures  of  the  crown  and  the  nobles,  rather 
than  representatives  of  the  people.  Armed  barons 
dominated  in  the  country,  and  in  the  Parliament, 
That  there  were  grave  discontents  among  1450. 
the  people  was  betrayed  by  the  insurrection 
under  Jack  Cade :  but  the  commonalty  were  held  in 
safe  subjection. 

The  rivalries  of  the  houses  of  York  and  Lancaster, 
however,  entirely  changed  the  balance  of  po-  ^^.^^^  ^^  ^j^^ 
litical  power.  In  the  wars  of  the  White  and  ^^"'''^'^• 
Ked  Eoses,  all  England  was  convulsed  by  the  bloody 
strife :  the  barons  were  divided  into  hostile  camps ;  and 
the  flower  of  the  English  nobility  perished  on  the  bat- 
tle-field, or  on  the  scaffold.^  Feudalism  was  crushed; 
and  the  crown  reigned  supreme  over  a  prostrate  realm. 
The  armed  barons,  who  alone  could  hold  it  in  chock, 
were  no  more;  and  the  people  were  not  yet  suffi- 
ciently strong  to  assert  their  rights.  Accustomed  to 
rely  upon  the  barons,  as  leaders,  they  were  without 
union  or  force,  in  opposition  to  the  power  of  the  crown. 
The  landowners,  who  had  succeeded  the  barons  in  ter- 
ritorial influence,  were  engaged  in  a  bitter  strife  with 
their  discontented  peasantry,  and  were  in  no  mood  to 
become  popular  leaders :  but  looked  to  the  crown  for 
support.     And  the  Church,  alarmed  by  heresies  and 

'  '  I  take  it,  after  the  battle  of  Tewkesbury,  a  Norman  baron  was 
almost  a.s  rare  a  being,  in  England,  as  a  wolf  is  now.' — Coningsby. 

'  Of  tlio  shattered  uristocracj'  of  England,  only  twenty-nine  pre- 
sented themselves  when  Henry  called  his  first  Parliiinient ;  and 
many  of  these  were  recent  creations.' — Forster  :  The  Grand  Remon- 
strance, 08. 


370  ENGLAND. 

by  lier  own  unpopularity,  was  glad  to  link  her  for- 
tunes with  those  of  the  ruling  power.  The  liberties 
of  England,  acquired  by  so  many  struggles,  seemed 
to  have  been  suddenly  lost  in  the  absolutism  of  Ed- 
ward IV.  Throughout  Europe,  the  kingly  power  was 
rising  at  this  period,  upon  the  ruins  of  feudalism; 
and  the  prospects  of  freedom  appeared  to  be  no  more 
promising  in  England,  than  in  Spain,  in  France,  or  in 
Germany.  The  authority  of  Parliament  was  now  set 
at  naught.  It  was  rarely  assembled :  confiscations  had 
made  the  king  comparatively  independent  of  subsi- 
dies; and,  with  the  advice  of  his  council,  he  assumed 
to  make  laws,  and  levy  taxes.  Benevolences  and  forced 
loans  again  formed  part  of  the  royal  finance :  arbi- 
trary imprisonments,  and  judicial  murders,  marked 
the  rule  of  an  absolute  king.  The  popular  preten- 
sions of  Richard  III.  caused  a  brief  revival  of  the 
influence  of  Parliaments :  but  Henry  YII.  confirmed 
the  absolutism  of  Edward  IV.  Parliaments  were  put 
aside ;  and  the  royal  miser  relied  upon  prerogative  to 
fill  his  treasury  with  benevolences,  fines,  and  other 
exactions. 

The  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  was  no  less  opposed  to 
.^  ,  ,.       public  liberty.     The  character  of  the  king. 

Absolutism     ^  -^  ^  _  .         . 

of^Henry  ajj^j  ^j^q  pecuHar  circumstances  of  his  time, 
alike  impelled  him  to  strain  his  prerogatives. 
By  nature  a  tyrant,  his  strife  with  the  Church  of 
Rome,  and  his  own  unruly  passions,  gave  full  sway  to 
his  despotism.  Other  kings  had  renounced  the  inter- 
ference of  parliaments :  but  they  had  been  controlled 
by  a  council  of  prelates  and  nobles.  Henry  put  aside 
his  council  and  exercised  his  vast  prerogatives,  in 
Church  and  State,  with  the  aid  of  a  single  confiden- 
tial minister.     Yet  he  could  not  always  prevail  over 


ABSOLUTISIil  OF  HEInTvY  YIIL  371 

the  rights  and  liberties  of  liis  subjects.  While  served 
by  the  politic  Wolsey,  he  never  summoned  a  parlia- 
ment save  for  the  raising  of  subsidies :  but  he  found 
the  commons  stubborn  in  resisting  extravagant  de- 
mands ;  and  when  he  resorted  to  the  old  ex- 
pedient of  benevolences,  he  was  threatened 
by  the  resistance  of  the  people.  The  traditions  of 
liberty  were  still  able  to  prevail  over  absolutism. 

But  when  the  king  was  heated  by  opposition  to 
his  divorce,  by  his  fierce  conflict  with  the 
Church  of  Eome,  and  by  his  singular  matri-  the  Re- 

•    1     •  .  •  .-,  ini  T  1    formation. 

monial  inconstancies,  the  semsh  and  cruel 
tyrant  was  revealed.^  Queens,  nobles,  prelates,  and 
faithful  statesmen  perished  on  the  scafibld  :  no  power 
could  withstand  his  lust  or  his  anger :  the  church  was 
struck  down :  laws  and  liberty  bowed  before  the  will 
of  the  despot.  In  rej)elling  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Pope,  the  royal  supremacy  was  estab- 
lished, which  made  the  king  absolute  master  of  the 
church.  He  was  at  once  king  and  pope.^  By  nomi- 
nating the  bishops,  and  claiming  to  depose  them,  he 
made  them  his  creatures :  he  bridled  the  convocation: 
he  dictated  the  preaching  of  the  clergy :  he  curbed  them 
in  his  ecclesiastical  courts  :  he  assumed  to  determine 
the  religion  of  the  State  and  of  his  people.  No  longer 
afraid  of  parliaments,  he  invited  them  to  act  as  con- 
venient instruments  of  his  will.  They  passed  the  Act 
of  Supremacy :  they  sanctioned  the  suppression  of 
the  monasteries :  they  registered  acts  of  attainder : 
they  created  new  treasons  and  felonies  :  they  clothed 

'  Mr.  Froude's  able  defence  of  Henry  has  not  affected  the  judg- 
ment of  history,  upon  his  true  character. 

'  In  the  vulgar  phrase  of  the  time,  he  was  '  a  king  with  a  po])e  in 
his  belly.' 


372  E!S'GL.VND. 

the  royal  mandates  in  tlie  recognised  forms  of  Eng- 
lish law.  They  were  associated  with  the  king  in  every 
act  of  the  great  reformation.  But  while  doing  his 
bidding,  they  shared,  and  represented,  the  religious 
feelings  of  considerable  numbers  of  their  countrymen, 
who,  scandalised  by  the  abuses  of  the  clergy,  and 
stirred  by  the  religious  controversies  of  the  time,  were 
prepared  to  accept  the  ecclesiastical  changes  which 
their  rulers  were  bringing  about.  The  independence 
of  parliament  was  overborne  in  the  excitement  of  so 
great  a  crisis. 

The  power  of  the  crown  was  increased  by  the  pro- 
digious  wealth   of  the   church,  which   was 
powerof       now  at  its  disposal.     The  great  nobles  who 

the  crowu.  ^ ,      -i  •        ,     ,-i  c  ,•  ^     • 

revolted  against  the  reiormation  were  slam, 
or  brought  to  the  block  ;  and  the  last  representatives 
of  the  old  feudalism  were  destroyed.  The  new  nobles 
were  creatures  of  the  king,  enriched  by  the  plunder 
of  the  church,  and  ready  instruments  of  the  royal 
will.  The  lords  spiritual,  already  Henry's  humble 
servants,  were  bound  up  with  him  in  the  great  work 
of  reforming  the  church,  and  changing  the  religion  of 
the  country.  The  commons,  in  great  part,  nominees 
of  the  crown,  were  also  led  to  support  prerogative,  by 
their  earnestness  as  reformers.  The  courts  of  justice 
were  as  ready  as  the  parliament  to  uphold  the  king's 
strong  measures ;  while  the  royal  council  was  usurp- 
ing an  extraordinary  judicature,  untrammelled  by  the 
liberal  doctrines  of  the  common  law.  Everywhere 
prerogative  was  paramount.  Koyal  proclamations  as- 
sumed the  force  of  statutes ;  and  loans  and  benevo- 
lences were  levied  like  lawful  subsidies. 

Throughout  the  further  course  of  the  religious  revo- 
lutions of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  passionate  im- 


THE  BEFOEMATION.  373 

pulses  of  tlie  movement  continued  adverse  to  civil 
and   reli";ious  liberty.     The   reformation  of  ^, 

O  -^  Course  of 

Henry  was    completed    under  Edward  YL   t'"^  ^e- 

«'  _  ^  formation. 

Some     of    his    absolute    powers    were    re- 
nounced :  but  the  reforms  of  the  church  were  carried 
out  with  no  less  violence  and  disregard  for  law ;  while 
the  zeal  of  the  reformers  hurried  them  into  the  de- 
plorable policy  of  persecution.     The  Catholic  reac- 
tion under  Queen  Mary  was   marked  by  the   same 
arbitrary  power,  and  by  a  more  resolute  per- 
secution.    Parliament,  which  had  concurred  chungesof 
in  the  reformation,  was  now  prompt  to  undo 
its  own  work.     The  Catholic  faith  was  restored :  the 
State  humbled  itself  before  the  Holy  See  :   but  the 
parliament,  while  lending  itself  to  this  sudden  reac- 
tion, resisted  the  more  violent  and  bigoted  measures 
of  the  queen,  and  displayed  a  spirit  of  independence 
which  had  been  rarely  shown  in  the  two  last  reigns. 
Happily  this  bloody  reign  was  short.     Hundreds  of 
Protestants  perished  at  the  stake  :  but  before  their 
faith  could  be  utterly  cast  down,  another  Pro- 

.  .  1531-1559 

testant  queen  was  preparing  to  restore  it  for 
ever;  as  the  religion  of  the  State.     For  the  fourth 
time,  within  the  life  of  a  single  generation,  the  na- 
tional faith  was  changed  by  the  crown  and  the  par- 
liament, without  the  general  consent  of  tlie  people. 

But  the  long  reign  of  Elizabeth  proved  tlie  turning 
point  in  the  political  fortunes  of  England.  ij,.ij,„„f 
Not  less  resolute  than  her  predecessors  in  ^''^"'j^'"'- 
maintaining  her  prerogatives,  she  found  herself  op- 
posed l)y  popular  forces  to  which  she  was  sometimes 
constrained  to  submit.  When  parliaments  had  done 
their  work  in  the  religious  revolutions  of  the  age,  the 
queen,  dreading  their  intrusion  in  aflairs  of  State, 


374  ENGLAND. 

called  them  togetlier  as  rarely  as  possible.  She  levied 
taxes  by  prerogative  :  slie  raised  money  by  the  grant 
of  monopolies  :  she  invaded  the  province  of  the  legis- 
lature by  royal  proclamations.  By  the  creation  and 
revival  of  boroughs,  the  influence  of  the  crown  had 
been  largely  increased.  But  when  she  was  forced  to 
meet  her  parliaments,  they  displayed  a  temper  long 
since  unknown.  The  commons  asserted  their  privi- 
leges,— freedom  of  speech,  freedom  from  arrest,  the 
determining  matters  of  election,  and  the  right  to  dis- 
cuss affairs  of  State.  They  successfully  resisted  the 
grant  of  monopolies.  For  more  than  a  hundred  years, 
their  political  powers  had  been  in  abeyance ;  and  now 
they  were  about  to  be  recovered  and  extended.  Pre- 
rogative was  safe  in  the  strong  hands  of  Elizabeth : 
but  new  social  forces  were  rapidly  changing  the  bal- 
ance of  political  power. 
With  the  decline  of  feudalism,  English  society  had 
acquired  an  extraordinary  development.    The 

Social  ,  1  .       .  „  .        .  ,,  .    .- 

changes.  nooles,  eujoymg  lew  invidious  privileges, 
country  Were  raised  little  above  the  country  gentle- 
men :  their  sons  and  daughters  married  freely 
into  the  families  of  their  country  neighbours ;  and 
their  descendants  were  soon  lost  in  the  ranks  of  the 
commonalty.  As  an  estate  of  the  realm,  they  formed 
a  support  to  the  crown  :  but  they  also  gave  importance 
and  strength  to  the  people.  Country  gentlemen  had 
succeeded  the  feudal  barons,  as  a  proprietary  class, 
and  their  relations  with  the  people  were  essentially 
changed.  No  longer  relying  upon  feudal  services  for 
their  support,  and  for  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  they 
lived  upon  the  rental  of  their  estates,  while  the  soil 
was  tilled  by  farmers,  yeomen,  and  free  labourers. 
The  gloomy  castles  of  feudal  times  were  succeeded  by 


COUNTRY  GENTIxEI-IEN.  375 

clieerful  and  elegant  country  bouses.  New  leaders  of 
tlie  people  were  multiplied  tlirougliout  tlie  land.  En- 
riched by  the  division  of  the  old  baronial  estates,  and 
by  the  spoils  of  the  cliurch,  they  were  wealthy  and 
prosperous.  But  they  were  not  set  up  above  the 
people,  like  the  feudal  lords  of  the  soiL  They  were  ^ 
at  the  head  of  a  free  society,  and  were  associated  with 
its  duties  and  interests.  In  other  countries  they  would 
have  been  ennobled :  but  here  they  cast  in  their  for- 
tunes with  the  commons.  As  sheriffs,  and  justices 
of  the  peace,  they  were  active  in  the  administration 
of  the  law :  they  took  the  lead  in  all  local  affairs : 
they  encouraged  the  agriculture  and  the  sports  of  the 
neighbourhood :  they  were  welcomed  as  the  leaders  of 
society.  They  loved  the  country  :  they  devoted  their 
fortunes  to  the  supj)ort  of  the  ancestral  hall,  or  manor- 
house,  the  park,  the  pleasaunce,  and  the  preserves, 
and  to  fi'ee-handed  hospitalities,  and  charity :  but  tliey 
found  little  attraction  in  the  distant  capital.^  No 
class  has  contributed  so  much  to  the  social  and  poli- 
tical stability  of  England.  Their  instincts  were  in 
favour  of  the  traditions  of  English  liberty ;  and  they 
were  prepared  to  maintain,  with  honest  resolution,  the 
legal  rights  of  the  people.  But  they  were  conservative 
and  unchanging.  Not  easily  moved  by  impulses  or 
theories,  they  were  ready  to  resist  innovations,  whether 
proceeding  from  the  king,  the  church,  or  the  people. 

'  '  Pogf^k),  in  his  travels,  wrote,  three  centuries  ago,  this  sentence 
BO  full  of  truths  and  of  conseciuonces  :  "Among  the  English,  the 
nobles  think  it  shameful  to  sojourn  in  cities  ;  they  inhabit  retired 
parts  of  the  country  among  woods  and  pastures  ;  they  consider  him 
the  most  noble  who  has  the  largest  revenue  ;  they  addict  themselves 
to  field  affairs,  sell  their  wf)ol  and  their  cattle,  and  do  not  consider 
rural  profits  disgraceful."' — Taine,  Notes  on  EiKjland,  170. 


376  ENGLAND. 

Sucli  men  -were  returned  to  parliament  by  their  own 
counties,  and  neighbouring  boroughs,  and  were  the 
most  indejDendent  members  of  the  House  of  Commons. 
Surrounded  by  courtiers,  placemen,  and  lawyers,  their 
voices  were  raised  in  support  of  the  privileges  of  j)ar- 
liament,  and  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people.  To 
them  is  mainly  due  the  contrast  between  the  political 
destinies  of  England  and  of  France.  With  such  a 
class  of  country  gentlemen,  the  liberties  of  Frenchmen 
might  have  been  extended,  without  the  terrors  of  per- 
petual revolutions. 

While  the  gentry  were  drawn  nearer  to  the  people 
Middle  *^^^  ^^®  barons  of  old,  the  increasing  pros- 
ciasses.  perity  of  the  country  had  raised  a  numerous 
and  powerful  middle  class,  between  them  and  the 
great  body  of  the  nation.  The  forest,  the  marsh,  and 
the  moor,  were  receding  before  the  persevering  toil  of 
the  husbandman.  Agriculture,  freed  from  the  shackles 
of  feudal  service,  and  encouraged  by  the  united  inter- 
ests of  landlords  and  tenants,  had  become  more  skil- 
ful and  productive.  Farmers  and  yeomen  had  grown 
into  a  considerable  social  class. 

At  the  same  time,  manufactures,  commerce,  and 
shipping  had  enriched  the  towns  and  sea- 
aXnanu^  ports.  The  wooUeu  manufacture  had  become 
factures.  ^^  important  industry ;  and  manufacturers  in 
linen,  in  silk,  and  in  iron,  however  modest  in  their 
pretensions,  were  already  contributing  to  the  wealth 
of  the  middle  class.  Commerce  and  navigation  had 
made  prodigious  advances.  There  had  long  been  an 
active  intercourse  with  the  Netherlands ;  and  the 
wreck  of  Flemish  prosperity,  under  the  tyranny  of 
Spain,  had  driven  numbers  of  merchants,  manufac- 
turers, and  artificers  to  our  shores,  who  quickened  the 


COMMERCE  AND  MANTJFACTUEES.  377 

enterprise,  and  enlarged  the  relations  of  British  com- 
merce. Our  merchants  traded  with  the  north  of  Eu- 
rope :  with  Italy,  and  the  Mediterranean :  with  the 
East  and  West  Indies,  and  with  America.  They  were 
beginning  to  rival  landowners  in  wealth  and  influence. 
Their  dwellings,  if  less  stately  than  the  palaces  of 
Italian  princes,  and  less  picturesque  than  the  houses 
of  the  magnificent  citizens  of  Brussels,  Ghent,  and 
Antwerp,  bore  witness  to  their  riches,  taste,  and  social 
advancement.  The  smaller  traders  and  artificers 
showed  the  like  signs  of  prosperity ;  and  the  busy 
communities  of  commercial  towns  were  becoming  a 
new,  and  ever  increasing,  power  in  society,  and  in  the 
State. 

The  intellectual  progress  of  society  had  kept  pace 
■with  its  material  improvement.  The  revival  intellectual 
of  learning  in  Europe  had  borne  its  fruits  in  i""""'''''- 
England  as  elsewhere  :  the  study  of  the  classics  had 
raised  the  standard  of  thought  and  culture  :  a  new 
national  literature  appealed  to  the  tastes  and  senti- 
ments of  the  people :  the  printing  press  had  spread 
far  and  wide  the  writings  of  the  learned,  the  specu- 
lations of  philosophers,  the  fancies  of  poets  and  dra- 
matists, and  the  popular  pamphlets  and  songs  of  the 
period.  For  centuries  the  universities  had  promoted 
the  culture  of  the  country  ;  and  the  grammar  schools 
of  Edward  VI.  and  Elizabeth  at  once  proved  the 
growing  desire  of  the  middle  classes  for  improved 
means  of  education,  and  gave  a  marked  impulse  to 
their  intellectual  advancement.^ 

But  none  of  these  causes  contributed  so  much  to 

'  The  national  progross  under  tlio  Plantapencts  uii<l  Tiidois  is  ad- 
mirably descriliod  l)y  Mr.  (jlroon,  in  Li.s  rcniarkiihlc  history  of  the 
Engliwh  peojdc,  chaps,  iv.  and  v. 


378  ENGLAND. 

the  moral  and  intellectual  development  of  society, 
and  to  its  political  activity,  as  the  religious 
inovl-°"^  controversies  and  revolutions  which  had  so 
long  convulsed  the  country.  Since  the  days 
of  Wycliffe,  the  minds  and  consciences  of  the  people 
had  been  awakened  to  religious  thought ;  and  the 
furious  conflicts  of  the  reformation  had  divided  so- 
ciety into  hostile  and  irreconcilable  religious  sects. 
The  jDersecutions  which  all  in  turn  had  suffered,  had 
hardened  their  convictions,  had  exasperated  their 
zeal,  and  widened  their  divisions.  The  people,  in- 
deed, had  not  been  consulted  in  regard  to  the  suc- 
cessive changes  of  the  national  faith  :  but  they  were 
profoundly  stirred  by  all  the  religious  questions  of 
the  time.  Before  the  close  of  the  long  reign  of  Eliza- 
beth, the  great  majority  of  the  English  people  had 
renounced  the  Catholic  faith  :  but  they  were  far  from 
accepting  a  single  Protestant  creed.  The  doctrines 
and  ceremonial  of  the  Church  of  England  had  been 
founded  upon  the  moderate  principles  of  Luther,  and 
his  school  of  reformers.  The  errors  of  the  Church 
of  Rome  were  condemned,  and  her  authority  re- 
pudiated :  but  the  reformed  church  was  otherwise 
modelled  upon  the  foundations  of  the  old  establish- 
ment. 

The  State  had  determined  the  national  faith,  and 
The  exacted  a  rigorous  uniformity  of  public  wor- 

Puritans.  g}iip,  g^t  the  religious  dissensions  of  the 
age  had  advanced  too  far  to  be  composed  by  acts 
of  parliament.  Calvin  had  his  followers  as  well  as 
Luther  :  his  doctrines  and  church  polity  had  been 
embraced  in  Switzerland,  in  the  Netherlands,  and  in 
Scotland  ;  and  in  England  he  found  many  disciples. 
They  dej)lored  that  any  Romish  doctrines  and  ob- 


THE  PURITANS.  379 

servances  liad  been  retained  in  tlie  reformed  cliurcli : 
they  affected  simpler  forms  of  worship,  and  revolted 
against  the  rule  of  State  bishops.  Many  Calvinists, 
to  escape  the  persecutions  of  Queen  Mary,  had  taken 
refuge  in  Switzerland  and  Holland,  where  their  con- 
victions were  confirmed,  and  their  alienation  from  the 
Church  embittered.  The  English  Bible  was  now  in 
the  hands  of  the  whole  people  :  it  was  accepted  as 
the  rule  of  faith  :  and  every  man  interpreted  the 
sacred  book,  according  to  his  own  private  judgment. 
It  was  a  new  revelation,  which  inspired  earnest  souls 
with  reverence  and  passionate  devotion.  It  occupied 
all  their  thoughts  :  scriptural  phrases  and  imagery 
entered  into  their  familiar  speech  :  children  received 
Hebrew  names  at  their  baptism  :  the  family,  and  so- 
cial life,  were  governed  by  the  precepts  and  examples 
of  Holy  Writ.  The  politics  of  the  age  were  identified 
with  its  religion.  As  the  revival  of  classical  literature 
had,  for  a  time,  transformed  the  thoughts  and  lan- 
guage of  the  learned,  so  did  the  Bible  now  give  a  new 
direction  to  the  spirit  of  general  society. 

This  form  of  religious  thought  had  attracted  many 
of  the  clergy,  and  numbers  of  country  gentle- 
men :  but  it  was  among  the  farmers,  the  yeomen,  Puritan 

*-'  .  cliaracter. 

and  the  middle  classes,  that  its  full  force  and 
vitality  were  revealed.  Such  men,  and  all  whose  reli- 
gious views  were  more  serious  than  those  of  ordinary 
churchmen,  were  distinguished  as  Puritans.  If  wo 
could  form  our  ideal  of  the  Puritan  character,  from  so 
noble  a  gentleman  as  Colonel  Hutchinson,  as  por- 
trayed by  his  loving  biographer,  or  fi'om  so  rare  a 
genius  a^  Milton,  it  would  stand  out  as  a  model  of 
grave  and  lofty  virtues.  Nor  can  it  be  doubted  that 
the  Puritans  had  conceived  a  higher  standard  of  roli- 


380  ENGLAND. 

gious  and  moral  purity  than  tlieir  contemporaries. 
But  tlie  greater  number,  having  no  other  guide  than 
the  Bible,  which  they  applied,  after  their  own  fashion, 
to  all  the  affairs  of  daily  life,  were  stern,  narrow  and 
unsocial.  They  frowned  uj)on  the  amusements  of  the 
world  as  sinful  :  they  condemned  the  ceremonies  of 
the  church  as  idolatrous  ;  and  they  learned  to  dis- 
trust their  rulers,  as  the  patrons  of  a  system,  in 
Church  and  State,  which  was  obnoxious  to  their 
faith. 

Elizabeth  and  her  bishops  had  vainly  striven  to 
repress  divisions  in  the  church  :  the  eccle- 
sects  of  siastical  commission  had  strained  its  formi- 
dable power  to  secure  uniformity  of  doc- 
trine and  worship  :  numbers  of  pious  ministers  were 
cast  out :  but  puritanism  was  gaining  ground  in 
the  Church,  and  sectaries  were  multiplied.  The  Star 
Chamber  endeavoured  to  stifle  religious  controversies 
in  the  press  :  but  the  church  and  the  bishops  were  as- 
sailed with  increasing  boldness.  The  earlier  Puritans 
were  churchmen:  but  considerable  sects  of  noncon- 
formists were  now  growing  up,  outside  the  pale  of  the 
church.  Of  these,  the  most  powerful  were  the  Pres- 
byterians, and  the  Separatists  or  Independents. 

These  various  sects,  however  opposed  to  one  another, 
Political  were  hostile  to  the  church,  and  estranged 
views  of  from  the  ci\il  polity  which  was  identified 
Puritans.       ^-^j^  j^^^.  ^.^j^^     rpj^^  queeu  and  her  bishops 

were  supreme  in  Church  and  State  alike  ;  and  religion 
assumed  the  first  place  in  the  politics  of  the  age. 
The  republican  spirit  of  the  Presbyterians,  in  ecclesi- 
astical affairs,  shaped  their  political  views,  and  in- 
clined them  to  stubborn  resistance  to  the  civil  power. 
Other  Puritans  also,  relying  upon  the  Bible  for  guid- 


THE  PURITANS.  381 

ance  in  civil  life,  judged  tlieir  rulers  witli  the  stern 
independence  of  tlieir  austere  creed. 

Upon  tlie  most  momentous  question  of  tlie  time, 
all  Puritans,  —  whether  churchmen  or  non- 

Their 

conformists, — were   earnestly  agreed.     They  jealousy  of 

Catholics 

were  zealous  in  the  cause  of  Protestantism ; 
and  never  was  zeal  more  justified  in  a  holy  cause. 
Throughout  Europe  the  Protestant  faith  was  threat- 
ened :  the  great  work  of  the  reformation  seemed  about 
to  be  undone :  the  Church  of  Pome  was  recovering 
her  shattered  dominion.  There  was  Catholic  reaction 
in  Austria  and  Southern  Germany:  Spanish  armies 
were  trampling  upon  Protestantism  and  liberty,  in  the 
Netherlands :  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  and 
the  apostacy  of  Henry  of  Navarre,  had  crushed  the 
hopes  of  the  Huguenots  in  France.  Who  could  say 
that  the  true  faith  was  safe  in  England  ?  There  had 
been  a  fearful  Catholic  reaction  under  Mary :  there 
had  been  Catholic  insurrections  and  conspiracies 
against  Elizabeth.  Catholics  at  home  and  abroad  had 
hailed  Marj^  Stuart  as  the  coming  queen  of  Catho- 
lic England.  The  queen  herself  was  not  without 
Catholic  predilections  :  nor  had  the  reformed  church 
been  purged  of  all  Komish  superstitions :  the  most 
earnest  Protestants  were  persecuted  by  Erastian 
bishops,  and  prelacy  might  again  be  in  alliance  with 
popery. 

Elizabeth  herself  was  confronted  by  the  stubborn 
spirit  of  the  Puritans :  ^  but,  counselled  by 
able   ministers,  she  knew  how  to  avert  dan-  ami' the 

11  1       •  J    •  1      I'liiitiins. 

gerous  conflicts  ;  and  her  glorious  triumj)h 

'  riallam,  Count.  JTid.  i.  252,  rt  acq.;  l-^oudi-,  ITlxt.  of  E/if/laniJ, 
xii.  51!)  et  ser/.  ;  Forstur,  The  (jnind  Jtemonatraucc,  87  ;  Urocn, 
S/iort  Hintory  of  the  English  People,  chap.  viii. 


382  ENGLAIID. 

over  Catliolic  Spain  aroused  the  patriotic  sympathies 
of  her  Protestant  subjects.  She  left  the  power  of  the 
crown  unimpaired :  but  social  and  religious  forces  had 
arisen  within  her  realm,  which  were  about  to  change 
the  destinies  of  the  English  monarchy.  The  period 
of  reaction  against  popular  rights  had  passed  ;  and  a 
new  era  of  constitutional  freedom  was  approaching. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

ENGLAND  {continued}. 

JAMES  I. — HIS  VIEWS  OF  PREHOGATIVE — HIS  RELATIONS  WITH  THE 
PARUAMEKT,  THE  CHURCH,  AKD  OTHER  COMMUNIONS — CHARLES 
I.  AND  HIS  PARLIAMENTS — TAXES  BY  PREROGATIVE — THE  KING 
AND  THE  LONG  PARLIAMENT. 

Such    was  the  condition    of    society,   and  such  the 
state  of  religious  opinion,  when  the  Stuarts  Accession 
succeeded    to   the   throne.      l^he    commons  stuans. 
were  powerful,  and  sensitive  to  any  invasion 
of  their  liberties:   the   Stuarts   had  high  notions  of 
their  prerogatives ;  and  the  church,  while  she  went 
hand  in  hand  with  the  crown  in  temporal  affairs,  was 
becoming  reactionary  in  her  own  creed,  and  persecut- 
ing to  other  communions.^ 

It  was  not  unnatural  that  the  Stuarts  should  jeal- 
ously maintain  the  prerogatives  of  their  Character 
crown.  They  were  encouraged,  as  well  by  "^  James  i. 
the  example  of  English  kings,  as  of  foreign  monarchs. 
Throughout  Europe,  the  power  of  kings  dominated 
over  that  of  nobles,  parliaments,  and  popular  institu- 

'  For  the  reifrns  of  the  two  first  Stuarts  there  is  a  wealth  of  au- 
thorities. In  addition  to  the  histories  of  Clarendon  and  Maj',  and 
other  contemporary  writers,  considerable  light  has  been  recently 
thrown  upon  these  times  by  the  writings  of  Forster,  Gardiner,  and 
Ranke. 


384  ENGLAND. 

tions.  They  liad  assumed  to  direct  tlie  religion  and 
conscience  of  their  subjects,  no  less  than  their  civil 
duties.  They  had,  indeed,  discovered,  in  the  religious 
movements  of  the  time,  some  dangerous  elements  of 
resistance  ;  and  the  revolt  of  the  Netherlands  had 
proved  the  force  of  a  national  struggle  against  op- 
pression.  But  they  had  not  yet  learned  to  measure 
the  strength  of  a  people;  and,  in  their  eyes,  the  as- 
sertion of  public  rights  was  simple  disaffection.^ 

Elizabeth  had  carried  her  prerogatives  with  a  high 
hand,  and  often  with  much  of  a  woman's  temper  :  but 
her  own  character,  her  sex,  and  latterly  her  age,  the 
statesmanship  of  her  councillors,  her  popularity  with 
the  Protestants, — who  feared  to  disturb  the  succes- 
sion,— and  the  respect  of  her  people,  averted  a  col- 
lision between  the  crown  and  the  commons.  But 
James  I.  had  openly  asserted  doctrines  of  preroga- 
tive, which  were  strange  in  the  mouth  of  an  English 
king.  With  dull  pedantry,  he  had  already  main- 
tained, in  print,  his  startling  opinions  upon  mon- 
archy.^ In  his  view,  a  king  ruled  by  right  divine  :  he 
had  power  to  make  and  suspend  laws,  without  being 
bound  to  obey  them :  while  the  duty  of  his  subjects 
was  simply  that  of  passive  obedience  to  his  will.  And 
he  lost  no  time  in  proving  that  he  was  prepared  to 
reduce  his  theories  to  practice.  The  pedantry  of  the 
His  treat-  study  accompanicd  him  to  the  throne.  He 
comnous.  ^  was  ever  ready  with  a  lecture.  He  lectured 
the  nonconformists  in  one  proclamation :  he 
lectured  the  constituencies  in  another;   and  he  was 

'  James  himself  said  in  the  Star  Chamber,  '  It  is  presumption  and 
a  high  contempt  in  a  subject  to  dispute  what  a  king  can  do,  or  to  say 
that  a  king  cannot  do  this  or  that.' 

^  True  Law  of  Free  Monarchies,  King  James's  Works. 


JAMES  I.'S  VIEWS  OP  tREEOGATIVE.  385 

soon  at  issue  witli  tlie  commons  upon  questions  of 
privilege  and  grievance.  He  commanded  tliem  to 
hold  a  conference  with  the  judges  concerning  a  con- 
troverted election :  he  rebuked  them  for  the  freedom 
of  their  debates,  and  reminded  them  that  they  held 
their  privileges  solely  by  his  grace.  They  responded 
with  a  spirited  '  apology,'  in  which  the  rights  and  lib- 
erties of  the  commons  were  boldly  vindicated.^  Still 
he  continued  to  take  notice  of  their  debates,  and  to 
admonish  them  not  to  consider  petitions  and  griev- 
ances which  had  been  brought  before  them.  Every 
unpopular  act  was  made  more  provoking  by  the  blunt 
assertion  of  some  arbitrary  principle.  It  was  always 
made  clear  that  the  only  rule  of  government  must  be 
the  royal  pleasure. 

But    he    committed    errors    far    more   grave   and 
dangerous  than  these  wranglings  with  the  Andoftue 
commons.     Smarting  under  the  affronts  he  I'l^itans. 
had  suffered  from  his  Presbyterian  subjects  in  Scot- 
land, he  was  determined  to  show  no  mercy  to  English 
nonconformists.     He  threw  ten  clergymen  into  prison 
for  presenting  to  him  a  respectful  petition,  signed  by 
upwards  of  800  clergy,  praying  for  changes  in  the  for- 
mularies of  the  church.      He  insulted  the  j^n^j^^y 
Puritan  divines  at  the  conference  at  Hamp-  ^''•^• 
ton  Court.^     He  issued  a  haughty  proclamation  for 
enforcing  conformity,  in  which  he  declared  his  own 
judgment  to  be  the  rule  for  the  consciences  of  other 
men ;  and  commanded  the  bishops, — who  were  only 
too  ready  to  obey  him, — to  seek  out  and  punish  the 
clergy  who  neglected  any  of  the   ceremonies  of  the 

'  Commons  Journ.,  20tli  Jun(3,  1C04 ;  Hume,  Uitst.  chap.  45  ;  Oar- 
dinor,  Hut.  i.  201-208. 

"  Gardiner,  Hiiit.  of  Enfjland,  i.  1G7-173. 
VOL.  11.— 17 


386  ENGLAND. 

cliurch.  The  convocation,  in  excess  of  tlieir  jurisdic- 
tion, assumed  to  impose  civil  disabilities"  upon 
and  the  ^  all  wlio  sliould  deny  the  truth  of  any  of  the 
Thirty-nine  Articles ;  and  the  king,  v/hose 
notions  of  his  own  and  other  jurisdictions  were  con- 
fused, assented  to  these  extravagant  canons.^  The 
king  was  ever  disposed  to  support  the  pretensions  of 
the  church,  which  was  not  less  constant  in  her  zeal 
Canons  of  ^^^  prerogative.  The  bishops  and  the  high- 
i60i.  church  clergy  were  never  weary  of  exalting 

prerogative  and  abasing  civil  liberty ;  while  they 
strove,  in  alliance  with  the  king,  to  enlarge  the  spiri- 
tual power  of  the  church.  The  High  Commission 
Court,  by  its  unwarrantable  encroachments  of  Juris- 
diction, and  invasions  of  civil  rights,  displayed  the 
dangers  of  ecclesiastical  rule ;  and  increased  the  un- 
popularity of  the  church,  which  had  already  become 
obnoxious  to  the  Puritans.  This  was  no  fitting  time 
for  the  assertion  of  such  pretensions  in  Church  and 
State.  Country  gentlemen  and  lawyers  condemned 
them,  as  opposed  to  the  laws  and  liberties  of  Eng- 
land. The  Puritans,  who  could  discover  no  warrant 
for  them  in  Holy  Writ,  rejected  them  as  contrary  to 
the  Word  of  God. 

The  relations  of  the  king  to  the  various  religious 
Relations  communious  of  his  realm,  already  sufficiently 
"oreilgioul  Critical,  were  rendered  dangerous  by  this 
parties.  narrow  policy.  The  Catholic  worship  was 
already  forbidden ;  priests  saying  mass  were  subject 
to  the  penalties  of  treason;  and  heavy  fines  were 
levied  upon  Popish  recusants.  The  discon- 
tents and  fanaticism  of  the  Catholics  exploded 

'  They  were  treated  as  invalid  by  tlie  courts. 


1805, 


JA:ME3  I.   AlCD  THE  CHURCH.  387 

in  the  monstrous  Gunpowder  Plot;  and  this  des- 
perate outrage  naturally  provoked  further  severities 
against  the  followers  of  an  obnoxious  faith,  so  deeply 
stained  with  treason.  To  persecute  Catholics  was 
I^opular :  but  James  soon  aroused  the  jealousies  of  the 
Puritans  by  an  unwonted  toleration  of  Poj)ish  recu- 
sants. A  wise  scheme  of  toleration  was  beyond  the 
conception  of  this  age.  It  might  have  averted  many 
of  the  impending  j)erils  of  the  State :  but  when  con- 
fined to  a  single  creed, — and  that  at  once  the  weakest 
and  the  most  unpopular, — it  was  resented  as  part  of 
an  insidious  scheme  of  foreign  and  domestic  policy, 
adverse  to  the  Protestant  cause.  The  Puritans  were 
daily  gaining  strength  and  influence :  they  were  be- 
coming the  strongest  and  most  united  party  in  the 
country:  yet  James  scourged  them  with  unrelenting 
severity.  In  Scotland, — his  own.  native  land, — where 
a  Presbyterian  Church  had  been  founded  by  the  will 
of  the  people,^  he  vexed  his  Calviuist  subjects  with  a 
revival  of  episcopacy,  and  by  unwelcome  interferences 
with  their  national  faith.  He  had  cast  his  lot  with 
his  reactionary  bishops,  and  defied  the  English  Puri- 
tans and  Scottish  Presbyterians,  who  formed  the  most 
earnest  and  resolute  portion  of  his  subjects. 

Having  provoked   the   commons,  and  alienated  a 
powerful  body  of  his  subjects  by  religious  Levy  of 
persecution,  the  king  ventured  upon  a  still  iJrerogu^ 
more  dangerous  measure, — the  levy  of  taxes 

' '  The  Scotch  Kirk  was  the  result  of  a  rlcmocratic  movement,  and 
for  some  time,  almost  alone  in  Europe,  it  was  the  unflinching  cham- 
pion of  political  liberty.'— Lecky,  liationaliwi,  i.  146.  '  Scotland 
was  the  only  kingdom  in  which  the  Reformation  triumphed  over 
the  resistance  of  the  state  ;  and  Ireland  was  the  only  instance 
where  it  failed,  in  spite  of  government  support.'— Lord  Acton,  T/ie 
History  of  Freedom  in,  (Jhriatianity,  7. 


388  ENGLAND. 

by  prerogative.     Having  levied  an  import  duty  upon 
currants,  the  legality  of  which  was  affirmed 
by   the    Court   of   Exchequer,   he   was   em- 
boldened to  issue  a  new  tariff  of  duties  to  be 
collected,  at  the  ports,  upon  merchandise. 

Such  a  measure  struck  at  once  at  the  privileges  of 
the  commons,  and  at  the  acknowledged  liberties  of 
the  people.  If  taxes  could  be  levied  by  prerogative, 
what  property  was  safe  from  the  king's  demand  ?  The 
commons  contested  the  prerogative,  and  though  com- 
manded by  the  king  not  to  question  the  impositions, 
they  presented  a  remonstrance,  in  which 
gtrancer°°  they  firmly  maintained  their  right  of  free 
discussion,  and  condemned  the  illegal  taxes. 
They  further  passed  a  bill  to  annul  them.  Other  re- 
monstrances followed  against  the  High  Commission 
Court,  the  abuse  of  proclamations,  assuming  the  force 
of  laws,  monopolies,  and  other  grievances.  But  no 
redress  was  obtained,  and  the  first  parliament  of 
James,  which  had  so  resolutely  maintained  the  con- 
stitutional rights  of  the  people  against  prerogative, 
was  dissolved,  in  displeasure.  This  parliament  had 
represented  the  general  sentiments  of  the  country.  It 
had  upheld  the  traditional  rights  of  the  commons, 
and  a  faithful  observance  of  the  laws  by  the  king,  and 
by  the  church.  On  his  part,  the  king  had  strained 
his  prerogatives  :  he  had  asserted  principles  of  arbi- 
trary rule,  obnoxious  to  his  subjects ;  and  in  his  per- 
sonal character  he  had  exposed  himself  to  obloquy 
and  ridicule.  It  was  an  inauspicious  commencement 
of  the  rule  of  the  Stuarts. 

James,  having  vainly  endeavoured  to  support  his 
revenue,  by  loans  and  other  expedients,^  summoned 

'  Among  otliers,  by  the  creation  and  sale  of  baronetcies. 


THE  king's  contests  WITH  PiVELIAMENT.  389 

another  parliament  in  1614.    The  first  act  of  the  com- 
mons was  again  to  denounce  the  illegal  cus- 

,       .  ,       .     ,  ,  New  par- 

toms  duties  levied  at  the  out-ports.     They  I'fiment 

.       ■■■  -J     dissolved, 

voted  no  subsidy  :  and  parliament  was  soon  "'"^  ^ 

•^    '  ■■•  _  members 

dissolved  without  passiuoc  a  single   statute,  committed. 

'-  ^    '-'  _        '-'  1014. 

Immediately  after  the  dissolution,  James  fur- 
ther strained  his  prerogative,  and  outraged  the  privi- 
leges of  the  commons,  by  committing  four  members 
to  prison,  as  a  punishment  for  their  independence.  So 
strong  was  the  public  feeling  against  the  measures  of 
the  court,  that  the  country,  or  popular  party,  were 
returned  in  much  greater  numbers,  and  among  them 
Pym,  Wentworth,  and  Eliot,  who  were  to  bear  a  con- 
siderable part  in  the  future  history  of  this  time. 

For  six  years,  James  now  governed  without  a  par- 
liament. By  forced  loans  and  benevolences,  james 
by  monopolies  and  licences,  by  an  excise  wjth,mta 
duty  on  malt,  by  fines  inflicted  by  the  Star  i"^''^"""'^"'^- 
Chamber,  and  other  expedients,  he  endeavoured  to 
maintain  his  revenue,  without  the  authority  of  par- 
liament. He  was  safe,  at  present,  from  the  remon- 
strances of  the  watchful  commons :  but  it  was  an 
interval  fraught  with  mischief  to  the  crown.  The 
people  were  smarting  under  his  illegal  exactions  : 
while  the  arbitrary  judgments  of  the  Court  of  Star 
Chamber,  the  Privy  Council,  and  the  High  Commis- 
sion Court,  the  cruel  treatment  of  Lady  Arabella 
Stuart,  the  mysterious  murder  of  Overbury,  and  the 
execution  of  Raleigh,  were  making  the  king  and  his 
government  odious  in  the  sight  of  his  subjects. 

In  1G21,  James  was  obliged  to  call  another  parlia- 
ment ;  and  the  commons  soon  displayed  their  c^narreis 
energy  and  public  spirit,  by  the  impeach-  nariinmcnt 
ment  of  Mompcsson,  and  Bacon.     They  also 


390  ENGLAND. 

resented  an  ill-advised  admonition  from  the  king  not 
to  meddle  in  affairs  of  State.  Tliey  vindicated  their 
privilege  of  freedom  of  speech,  in  a  celebrated  '  pro- 
testation,' which  the  king,  with  his  own  hand,  otten- 
sively  struck  out  of  the  journal.  A  dissolution  soon 
followed  this  passionate  quarrel ;  and  again  the  privi- 
leges of  the  commons  were  grossly  violated  by  the 
commitment  of  Sir  Edward  Coke,  Sir  R.  Philips,  Mr. 
Pym,  and  others,  for  their  conduct  in  parliamejit. 
Such  measures  naturally  increased  the  unpopularity 
of  the  king,  while  the  political  vigilance  of  the  com- 
monalty was  more  than  ever  awakened.  But  when 
another  parliament  was  summoned  in  1624,  the  rup- 
ture of  the  unpopular  negotiations  with  Spain,  for 
Parliament  *^®  marriage  of  Prince  Charles  with  the  In- 
of  mu.  fanta,  had  so  far  restored  the  commons  to 
good  humour,  that  further  quarrels  with  the  king  were 
averted.  The  spirit  of  parliament  was,  however,  shown 
by  the  impeachment  of  the  Earl  of  Middlesex,  and 
the  abolition  of  monopolies  by  statute. 

Throughout  these  contests,  the  commons  were  ear- 
incrcasing  uestly  Supported  by  their  constituents.  Not- 
coSuen-  withstanding  the  limitations  of  the  franchise, 
'^"^^'  the  creation  of  dependent  boroughs,  and  tlio 

close  electoral  privileges  which  had  been  secured  by 
corporations,  the  commons  had  become  a  great  repre- 
sentative body.  The  country  gentlemen  enjoyed  tlie 
confidence  of  the  freeholders  of  their  counties,  and 
exercised  a  commanding  influence  in  the  neighbour- 
ing boroughs  ;  and  when  important  principles  were 
at  stake,  they  were  supported  by  public  opinion. 
At  this  period,  and  in  later  times,  before  the  cor- 
rection of  electoral  abuses, — however  imperfect  the 
representation,  and  however  powerful  the  influence  of 


CLOSE  OF  James's  reign.  391 

tlie  crown,  and  of  the  peerage, — the  love  of  freedom, 
•which  ever  animated  the  English  people,  made  itself 
felt  in  parliament. 

The  ill-omened  reign  of  James  was  now  drawing  to 
a  close ;  and  he  left  a  j)erilous  inheritance 
to  his  son.  With  personal  qualities  which  James's 
excited  contempt  and  aversion,  the  princi-  '^^^'^' 
pies  of  his  rule  had  been  such  as  to  arouse  the  jeal- 
ousies of  his  people  against  the  prerogatives  of  the 
crown,  the  domination  of  the  church,  and  the  arbi- 
trary judgments  of  the  courts  of  justice ;  and  to 
awaken  them  to  their  duty  of  maintaining  the  civil 
and  religious  liberties  of  their  country.  The  pre- 
rogatives of  the  crown,  and  the  rights  of  the  com- 
mons, had  been  fearlessly  discussed :  the  popular 
party  had  successfully  met  the  crown  lawyers,  upon 
their  own  ground  of  law  and  precedent,  and  had  ex- 
posed the  weakness  of  the  royal  claims.  They  had 
also  displayed  the  power  and  resolution  of  the  com- 
mons, in  defence  of  public  rights.  The  gentlemen  of 
England  had  not  quailed  before  the  displeasure  of 
the  king;  and  it  was  clear  that,  if  Tudor  kings  had 
been  able  to  overcome  the  patriotism  of  parliaDient, 
a  new  power  had  now  arisen,  with  which  the  Stuarts 
could  not  safely  trifle.  The  question  at  issue  was 
no  longer  one  of  precedents,  and  legal  dis2:)utation : 
but  whether  the  crown  or  the  people  were  now  the 
stronger  force  in  the  realm.  The  king  had  accepted 
a  policy  of  reaction  in  Church  and  State :  the  com- 
mons had  withstood  him :  but  the  decisive  contest 
was  reserved  for  the  next  reign. 

Many  of  the  errors  of  James  were  due  to  his  con- 
ceit and  pedantic  convictions,  rather  than  to  {;,,„r„ctcr 
an  arbitrary  temper.     But  Cliarles,  far  su-  "f<-'i'"rieBi. 


392  ENGLAND. 

perior  to  his  father  in  his  personal  character  and  vir- 
tues, was  more  absolute  in  his  will,  and  more  unyield- 
ing in  his  resolutions.  He  succeeded  to  the  throne 
when  grave  issues  were  pending  between  prerogative 
on  one  side,  and  law  and  parliamentary  privilege  on 
the  other,  which  were  embittered  by  his  policy,  until 
his  country  was  convulsed  by  civil  war. 

To  the  embarrassments  that  he  had  inherited,  he 

added  that  of  a  war  with  Spain  and  France. 

liiracnfof     He  distrustcd  parliaments :  but  their  help 

Charles.  •     t  tip  •  ii 

was  indispensable  lor  carrying  on  the  war. 

A  parliament  was  accordingly  summoned  :  but  as  the 

commons  were  smarting];  under  the  grievances 

1625  . 

of  the  late  reign,  none  of  which  had  yet  been 
redressed,  their  temper  was  sullen ;  and  they  were  bent 
upon  extorting  concessions  from  Charles,  before  they 
granted  him  an  adequate  revenue.  It  had  long  been 
the  custom,  at  the  commencement  of  every  reign,  to 
grant  the  duties  of  tonnage  and  poundage  for  the  king's 
life  :  but  they  now  displayed  their  distrust  of  Charles, 
and  their  determination  to  secure  their  own  rights,  by 
granting  these  duties  for  one  year  only.  The  bill,  so 
limited,  was  thrown  out  by  the  Lords  ;  and  conse- 
quently no  grant  of  these  duties  took  effect.  They 
granted  two  subsidies :  but,  before  further  arrange- 
ments could  be  made  for  meeting  the  financial  neces- 
sities of  the  State,  parliament  was  suddenly  dissolved, 
in  order  to  avert  proceedings  which  were  threatened 
against  the  king's  favourite,  the  Duke  of  Buckingham. 
Some  of  the  members  most  obnoxious  to  the  court 
were  appointed  sheriffs  of  their  counties,^  in  order  to 

'  Sir  Edward  Coke,  Sir  Robert  Philips,  Sir  Thomas  Wentworth, 
and  Sir  Francis  Seymour. 


CHARLES  L   AND  HIS  PAELIAMENTS.  393 

disqualify  them  from  sitting  in  tlie  new  parliament : 
but  this  artifice  failed  to  weaken  the  opposi- 
tion, while  it  added  another  provocation  to  the  relations 
popular  party.    The  attack  upon  the  Duke  of  new  pariia- 
Buckingham  was  about  to  be  renewed  in  the 
commons,  when  the  king  sent  a  message  forbidding 
them  to  question  any  of  his  servants  ;  and  another 
threatening  them  with  dissolution.    An  impeachment, 
however,  was  voted  ;  and  the  king  sent  two  Members 
of  the   managers,  Sir   John   Eliot   and   Sir  ^'^^"^ 
Dudley  Digges,  to  the  Tower,  for  words  spoken  in 
the  cause.     Nor  did  he  spare  the  privileges  of  the 
lords.     He   committed   the  Earl   of  Arundel  to   the 
Tower,  and  refused  a  writ  of  summons  to  the  Earl 
of  Bristol,  who  sat  by  patent.     Again  Buckingham 
was  saved  by  a  dissolution. 

The   arbitrary  measures   of   the    court  were   now 
reaching  a  climax.     The  commons  had  voted 

.     .  .  Tiixi'S 

five  subsidies,  but  had  not  passed  the  bill,  levied 
when   parliament   was   dissolved.      Yet   the  consent 
government  attempted  to  collect  them,  as  if  nu-n't. 
tlicy  had  been  granted  by  parliament.     The 
people,  however,  resisted  ;  and  the  attempt  was  too 
grossly  illegal  to  be  persisted  in.     Other  expedients, 
not  less  arbitrary,  were  now  resorted  to.     The  king 
had  already  raised  money  by  loan,  from  the  Forrea 
more    wealthy   gentlemen    of    the    different 
J  counties,  whose  names   had  been  returned  by   the 
lords-lieutenant.     And  now  a  general  loan  was  de- 
manded of  all  persons  liable  to  assessment  for  sub- 
sidies.    No  stretch  of  prerogative  so  monstrous  had 
yet  been  tried.     The  king  was  demanding  an  equiva- 
lent for  the  subsidies  that  he  had  failed  to  obtain 
from  parliament.     The   country  would,  indeed,  have 
17* 


394  ENGIAND. 

been  witliout  spirit,  if  it  had  tamely  submitted  to 
sucli  an  exaction.  Many  country  gentlemen  refused 
to  pay,  and  were  committed  to  prison  by  the  Privy 
Council.  Five  of  them,  of  whom  the  great  John 
Hampden  was  one,  sought  their  release  by  a  writ  of 
habeas  corpus  :  but,  as  they  had  been  committed  by 
special  mandate  of  the  king,^  the  court  refused  them 
relief.  This  judgment  was  opposed  to  the  most  cher- 
ished doctrines  of  English  liberty ;  and  proved  but 
too  plainly,  that  the  judges,  like  the  bishops,  were 
prepared  to  uphold  prerogative,  in  its  encroachments 
upon  the  settled  law  of  the  land. 

But  these  and  other  exactions,  no  less  unlawful, 
Another  Were  Unequal  to  meet  the  pressing  necessi- 
summoned  ties  of  the  State ;  and  another  parliament  was 
*''^"^^-  summoned  in  1628.  So  little  did  Charles 
expect  a  compliant  temper  in  this  parliament,  that 
he  was  preparing  to  bring  over  troops  from  Flanders, 
in  case  of  need.  And,  in  truth,  no  parliament  had 
ever  met  in  England,  with  more  just  causes  of  resent- 
ment against  a  king.  But  the  commons  contented 
themselves  with  a  grave  and  temperate  vindication 
of  the  just  liberties  of  the  people.  They  passed  the 
celebrated  *  Petition  of  Right,'  which  con- 

Petition  ^  o       ' 

of  Kigi>t-  demned  as  illegal,  exactions  by  way  of  loan, 
the  commitment  of  persons  refusing  to  pay, 
and  the  denial  of  their  habeas  corpus,  the  billeting 
of  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  punishments  by  martial 
law.  The  lords,  after  vainly  attempting  to  amend 
this  bill,  were  constrained  to  concur  in  it.  The  king 
endeavoured  to  escape  from  an  express  assent  to  it, 
by  evasion  and  equivocation  :  but  both  houses  took 

'  *  Per  speciale  mandatum  regis.' 


CHAELES  I.   AlH)  HIS  PAELIAMENTS.  395 

umbrage  at  this  treatment,  and,  at  length,  he  made 
the  petition  law,  by  his  royal  assent.  The  commons 
immediately  granted  five  subsidies :  thus  showing 
that,  if  grievances  were  redressed,  they  were  read}^  to 
provide  amply  for  the  service  of  the  State. 

At  this  time,  a  reconciliation  of  the  rights  of  the 
crown,  and  the  parliament,  and  mutual  con-  The  king's 
fidence  might  have  been  established  :  but 
the  king  soon  betrayed  his  duplicity  and  bad  faith, — 
qualities  which  were  ere  long  destined  to  forfeit  the 
loyalty  of  his  subjects.  He  had  resolved  that  this  re- 
strictive law  should  be  evaded  or  overruled.  Before 
his  first  equivocating  answer,  he  had  asked  the  judges 
how  far  the  law  could  be  evaded,  if  he  gave  his 
assent ;  and  when  he  had  been  obliged  to  agree  to 
it,  and  parliament  had  been  prorogued,  he  actually 
printed  the  statute  with  his  first  answer  annexed  to 
it,  as  if  it  had  not  received  the  royal  assent  in  the 
usual  form.^  He  had  received  the  subsidies  as  the 
price  of  this  statute ;  and  he  had  resolved,  by  un- 
worthy subterfuges,  and  by  evasions  of  the  law,  to 
repudiate  the  conditions  to  which  he  had  assented. 

The  commons,  meanwhile,  having  secured  the  roj-al 
assent  to  the  petition  of  right,  were  prepar-   ^^^^^.^^  ^^ 
ing  to  pass  a  bill  granting  duties  of  tonnage  ^'"\"'J^'Jj„o 
and  poundage,  the  bill  of  the  late  parlia-  jk^- 
ment  having  been  lost  by  the    dissolution. 
But  before  this  bill  was  passed,  they  prepared  a  re- 
monstrance against  the  le-^ying  of  such  duties  with- 
out the  consent  of  parliament.     The  king,  however,  to 
avoid  receiving  the  remonstrance,  aliruptly  prorogued 
parliament :  at  the  same  time  plainly  announcing  his 

'  See  further  Forster's  Life  of  Sir  J.  Eliot,  ii.  229-271. 


396  ENGLAND. 

determination  to  continue  the  collection  of  tonnage 
and  poundage,  as  his  own  rightful  revenue. 

Nor  when  this  parliament  met  again,  were  any  fur- 
ther measures  taken  to  establish  the  reve- 

Provoca- 

tion.of^^*ie  nues  of  the  crown  upon  a  legal  foundation. 
The  Puritans  were  now  exasperated  by  the 
rigours  of  the  high  church  prelates  against  them- 
selves, by  the  approaches  which  the  church  was  mak- 
ing, in  doctrines  and  ceremonies,  to  the  hated  church 
of  Rome,  by  the  indulgence  shown  to  Catholics,  and 
by  the  extravagant  doctrines  of  passive  obedience 
preached  by  high  church  divines.  Their  repugnance 
to  the  spirit  of  the  church  was  aggravated  by  the 
Catholic  reaction  abroad,  and  by  the  discomfiture  of 
their  Protestant  brethren  in  foreign  lands.  Their 
faith  was  everywhere  in  danger,  and  must  be  guarded 
against  its  insidious  foes.  When  the  commons  showed 
the  temper  in  which  they  were  preparing  to  resent 
these  grievances,  the  king  at  once  dissolved  the  par- 
liament. 

Three  parliaments  had  now  been  successively  dis- 
solved by  Charles  in  four  years ;  and,  having 
leioivesto    fouud  that  institution  intractable,  he  deter- 
wthout  a      mined  to  rule  without  it.     So  far  fi-om  dis- 

piirliament.  ..  ,,.  ^     ,'  i  t    •  i     • 

guismg  this  resolution,  he  announced  it,  m 
a  proclamation  to  his  people.  He  cast  all  the  respon- 
sibility of  this  step,  upon  those  who  had  opposed  his 
will,  and  threatened  them  with  punishment.  Nor  was 
he  slow  to  carry  out  his  threats.  In  violation  of  the 
petition  of  right,  to  which  he  had  so  recently  assented, 

he  committed  several  of  the  most  obnoxious 

Commit- 

ment  of  Sir    members  of  the  House  of  Commons, — includ- 

Jotin  Eliot  ' 

and  other      jng  gir  John  Eliot,  Denzil  Holies,  Selden, 

members.  "  [  ^  '    .  ' 

and  strode, — for  their  conduct  in  parliament. 


CHAELES  I.   AND  HIS  PARLIAMENTS.  397 

All,  however,  were  soon  released,  except  Sir  John 
Eliot,  who  was  singled  out  for  the  vengeance  of  the 
court,  Mr.  Denzil  Holies,  and  Mr.  Valentine,  who 
were  sentenced  to  imprisonment  during  the  king's 
pleasure.  Sir  John  Eliot,  the  most  eminent  of  these 
prisoners,  refused  to  make  any  submission,  and,  as  is 
too  well  known,  died  several  years  afterwards  in  the 
Tower.^  The  illegality  and  injustice  of  these  proceed- 
ings were  long  afterwards  ^  decisively  condemned  by 
both  houses  of  parliament ;  and  the  judgment  itself 
was  reversed  by  the  House  of  Lords.^ 

Meanwhile  the  king  was  ruling  without  a  parlia- 
ment, and  was  driven  to  extremities  to  sup- 
port his  revenue.     The  customs  duties  con-  preroga-^ 
tinned  to    be   levied,  by  prerogative   only : 
money  was  raised  by  compositions  for  knighthood,  by 
fines  for    encroachments    upon  the  royal  forests,  by 
grants  of  monopolies,  and  lastly  by  the  memorable 
levy  of  ship  money.     Every  class  was  ag- 
grieved,— nobles,   country  gentlemen,   mer-  mo'ney. 
chants,  and  traders.     But  it  was  the  illegal 
exaction  of  ship  money,  first  at  the  seaports,  and 
afterwards  throughout  the   country,  that   caused  an 
irreparable  breach  between  the  king  and  his  subjects. 
The  noble  resistance  of  Hampden  stirred  up  the  coun- 
try to  a  full  sense  of  its  wrongs.     The  tax  itself  was 
plainly  unlawful,  and  in  express  violation  of  a  recent 
statute, — the  petition  of  right ;  while  the  arguments 
by  whicli  the  judges  maintained  it,  distinctly  raised 
the  king's  prerogative  above  the  law,  and  placed  the 

'  The  history  of  his  (leci)]y  int(!rostinpf  life  is  told  most  effectively 
by  Forster,  in  his  remarkable  biography,  which  cTiibraces  all  the 
events  of  this  period. 

'  In  1007.  '  In  IOCS. 


398  ENGLAND. 

property  of  liis  subjects  at  his  absolute  disposal.  And, 
further,  the  king,  by  his  proclamations,  vexatiously 
interfered  with  various  trades  and  manufactures. 
The  time  had  plainly  come  when  it  must  be  deter- 
mined whether  England  should  be  governed  by  pre- 
rogative, or  by  law, — whether  the  king  should  be 
absolute,  like  the  kings  of  France  and  Spain,  or 
should  rule  according  to  the  time-honoured  consti- 
tution of  his  country. 

Another  grievance  of  this  time  was  the  severity  of 

the  Court  of  Star  Chamber  in  the  punishment 

Chamber       of   offcuces.     Ruiuous  fiues,  imprisonment, 

and  High  ^  _        ^  .        .  . 

Scourts  ^^^  pillowy*  mutilation,  whipping,  branding, 
— such  were  its  repulsive  sentences.  And  too 
often  the  fines  were  determined,  not  by  the  gravity  of 
the  offence,  but  by  the  wealth  of  the  offender,  and  the 
poverty  of  the  exchequer.  The  court  was  the  tyran- 
nous agent  of  an  arbitrary  rule.  And  while  civil  of- 
fences were  thus  cruelly  punished  by  the  Star  Cham- 
ber, offences  against  the  ecclesiastical  laws  were' 
punished,  with  no  less  cruelty,  by  the  High  Commis- 
sion Court. 

Such  grievances  as  these  were  a  sore  affliction  to 
Liud  and  *^®  people.  There  were  other  wrongs,  how- 
stiafford.  ever,  which  weighed  even  more  heavily  uj)on 
the  minds  of  the  leaders  of  the  popular  party,  and 
of  the  Puritans.  In  the  absence  of  parliament,  the 
king's  policy,  in  Church  and  State,  had  been  mainly 
directed  by  the  counsels  of  Laud  and  Strafford, — the 
one  a  narrow,  arbitrary  and  reactionary  prelate ;  the 
other  an  apostate  patriot,  and  now  a  bold  and  un- 
scrupulous statesman,  in  the  service  of  the  crown. 
The  policy  of  the  latter,  in  his  own  expressive  phrase, 
was  '  thorough.'     He  favoured  absolute  rule  by  pre- 


LAUD  AND  STILMTORD.  399 

rogative :  even  tlie  judges  of  liis  time  were  too  timid 
in  its  assertion,  and  threw  too  many  obstacles  in  tlie 
way  of  its  exercise :  lie  scorned  any  halting  or  com- 
promise. Laud,  and  his  high  church  prelates  and 
divines,  lent  the  full  authority  of  the  church  to  such 
a  policy ;  and,  in  the  government  of  the  church,  while 
exacting  from  the  Puritan  clergy  a  rigorous  con- 
formity, and  seeking  every  occasion  to  drive  them 
from  their  benefices,  were  themselves  leaning,  more 
and  more,  to  Romish  tenets  and  observances.^  No 
toleration  or  mercy  was  shown  to  Puritans:  indul- 
gence was  reserved  for  Catholics.  Toleration  formed 
no  part  of  their  policy :  but  the  court  and  the  high 
church  clergy  simply  persecuted  those  to  whom  they 
were  hostile,  and  favoured  those  with  whom  they 
sympathised.^ 

So  grievous  was  this  oppressive  rule  in  Church  and 
State,  and  so  hopeless  seemed  the  cause  of  Dc^^pMirof 
civil  and  religious  liberty  in  England,  that  tans."' 
numbers  of  worthy  Puritans  left  her  shores  CT"i!,'""ion, 
in  despair ;  and  founded,  on  the  other  side  i**^i'*30. 
of  the  Atlantic,  those  settlements  of  New  England 
which  were  destined,  in  after  ages,  to  be  the  founda- 
tion of  the  greatest  republic  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

No  party  in  England  dreamed  of  resistance  to  the 
arbitrary   rule   under  which   they   suffered.   Growing 

a  ^  L    e  1  •  li  it  discontent. 

Some  sought  freedom  m  other  lands:  some 

'  In  the  words  of  Lord  Falkland,  '  It  seemed  that  their  work  was 
to  try  how  much  of  a  Papist  might  be  brought  in  wicliout  Popery.' 
.  .  .  '  The  design  has  been  to  bring  in  an  English,  though  not  a 
Poman  Popery.  I  mean  not  only  the  outside  and  dress  of  it,  but  an 
equally  absolute  and  blind  dependence  of  the  pco])le  ujjon  the  clergy, 
and  of  the  clergy  uj)on  thenisolves.' — Dchalcx  on  the  Grand  llcmon- 
stranrr..     Forster,  208,  217, 

'■'  May,  Uvstorij  of  tlio  Parliament,  chap.  ii. 


400  ENGLAND. 

liopefiilly  awaited  redress  from  a  future  parliament : 
but  througliout  the  country,  and  among  all  classes, 
there  was  an  ever-growing  discontent. 

In  Scotland,  the  oppressive  and  vexatious  rule  of 
the  dominant  party  provoked  a  different 
in  Scot-  spirit.  Above  all  things,  the  Scots  prized 
their  Presbyterian  faith,  and  simple  cere- 
monial. The  king,  guided  by  the  evil  counsels  of 
Laud,  forced  upon  them  a  high  church  ritual,  utterly 
repugnant  to  their  religious  convictions  and  national 
habits.  They  had  ever  shown  a  stubborn  and  inde- 
pendent spirit,  especially  in  matters  of  religion ;  and 
this  last  outrage  upon  their  faith  goaded  them  to  re- 
bellion.^ With  Scotland  in  arms,  the  king  was  in 
greater  embarrassment  than  ever  :  but  rather  than 
summon  a  parliament  to  his  aid,  even  in  this  perilous 
conjuncture,  he  sought  contributions  from  Catholic 
nobles  and  gentlemen,  who  were  grateful  for  the  in- 
dulgence they  had  received,  and  expected  further  con- 
cessions from  rulers  who  showed  so  much  leaning  to 
their  faith.  But  these  small  doles  were  quite  unequal 
to  the  support  of  a  war ;  and  Charles  was  soon  re- 
duced to  make  term^s  with  the  Scots,  at  Berwick. 
The  respite  thus  obtained  was  brief:  fresh  disor- 
ders broke  out  in  Scotland:  the  treasury 
Hamentof  was  empty;  and  at  last  Charles  consented, 
against  his  own  judgment,  to  call  another 
parliament.  The  new  parliament  met  in  April  1640, 
after  a  parliamentary  interregnum  of  eleven  years, 
during  which  the  king  had  exercised  all  the  powers 
of  the  State.  He  had  taxed  his  subjects  without  the 
consent  of  parliament:  he  had  enacted  laws  in  the 

'  May,  Ilistory  of  the  Parliament,  chaps,  iii.,  iv.,  v.,  vi. 


PAELLIMENT   OF   1640.  401 

form  of  proclamations :  lie  had  dispensed  with,  and 
ignored  statutes ;  and  now  he  was  to  confi'ont  a  body 
whose  authority  he  had  usurped.  Meanwhile,  the 
commons,  whose  privileges  had  been  outraged,  had 
become  a  more  powerful  estate :  the  commerce,  indus- 
try and  wealth  of  the  peoj^jle  had  been  raj^idly  in- 
creasing; and  the  wrongs  which  they  had  suffered 
had  filled  them  with  deep  jDolitical  convictions.  They 
had  long  brooded  over  the  redress  of  their  grievances ; 
and  at  last  their  opportunity  was  at  hand. 

The  members  of  the  new  House  of  Commons  were 
grave,  temperate,  and  earnest  men :  resolute  c,,„r„,cter 
in  their  duty  of  redressing  grievances:  in-  i/o'llfyof'" 
flexible  of  purpose:  but  wholly  fi-ee  fi'om  commons. 
disloyalty  to  the  king.  They  had  no  schemes  of 
aggression  upon  his  just  prerogatives:  but  were  de- 
termined to  protect  their  own  privileges,  and  the  con- 
stitutional liberties  of  the  people.  That  much  was 
expected  of  them,  was  soon  made  evident  by  the  un- 
usual number  of  petitions  praying  for  the  redress 
of  notorious  grievances.  But  all  hope  of  useful  de- 
liberation was  soon  dispelled.  The  king  demanded 
twelve  subsidies:  but,  according  to  time-honoured 
custom, — never  so  much  needing  observance  as  at 
this  time, — the  commons  first  aj)plied  themselves  to 
the  consideration  of  grievances.  The  lords  ventured 
to  advise  them  to  vote  the  subsidies  first;  and  their 
advice  was  naturally  resented.  The  king  offered  to 
discontinue  tlie  levy  of  ship  money,  if  the  subsidies 
were  voted ;  but  the  commons  were  resolved  to  con- 
demn that  impost  as  illegal,  and  to  restrain  the 
arbitrary  exercise  of  prerogative.  The  king  sharply 
rebuked  them  for  tlieir  audacity,  and  impa- 
tiently  dissolved  parliament.     He   had   ob-      '^ 


4:02  ENGLAND. 

tained  no  subsidies  for  himself;  and  Lad  greatly 
increased  the  irritation  and  suspicions  of  his  people. 
He  further  exasperated  the  commons  by  committing 
Bellasis,  Sir  John  Hotham,  and  Crew, — members  of 
their  house, — for  their  conduct  in  parliament. 

This  sudden  rupture  with  the  parliament  left  no 
hope  of  accommodation  between  Charles  and 

Rebellion  in    ,   .  i   •       ■  tt-  i'  t 

Scotland  re-  his  suDjects.  Jlis  exactious  became  more 
general,  and  were  enforced  with  greater  se- 
verity: but  in  vain.  The  Scots  were  again  in  open 
rebellion,  and  their  forces  crossed  the  English  bor- 
ders. The  king  had  driven  one  of  his  kingdoms  into 
revolt;  and  had  forfeited  the  confidence  of  another. 
Ireland  also,  notwithstanding  the  vigorous  rule  of 
Strafford,  was  in  a  state  of  rebellion  and  disorder. 
It  was  clear  that  such  difficulties  could  only  be  over- 
come by  the  willing  aid  of  an  English  parliament,  en- 
joying the  confidence,  and  wielding  the  resources  of 
the  country.  But,  with  ruin  threatening  him,  Charles 
dreaded  another  Puritan  parliament  more  than  the 
invading  Scots.  He  knew  that  his  cherished  preroga- 
tives would  be  wrung  from  him,  and  he  recoiled  from 
the  sacrifice.  To  postpone  the  evil  day,  he  summoned 
a  council  of  peers  at  York :  but  they  could  give  him 
no  help,  and  merely  offered  the  unwelcome  advice, 
that  he  should  summon  another  parliament. 

Humbled  by  the  victorious  Scots,  and  harassed  by 
The  Long  divided  councils  and  pressing  embarrass- 
MimmSf"d,  ments,  he  assented  to  this  hateful  necessity, 
^'^'  with  a  heavy  heart.     The  memorable  Long 

Parliament  met,  and  the  struggle  between  prerogative 
and  popular  jDower  at  once  began,  which  was  destined 
to  overthrow  the  ancient  monarchy,  and  to  establish 
a  republic  upon  its  ruins.     We  are  aj)proaching  the 


THE  LONG  PARLIAMENT.  403 

most  critical  and  eventful  period  in  tlie  domestic  his- 
tory of  England. 

Tlie  Long  Parliament  was  not  a  revolutionary  as- 
sembly.    It  comprised  men  of  the  best  fami- 
lies  in  England,   loyal   country   gentlemen,  i'-MVm- 

<-'  .  ./      o  '    meiit  meets 

eminent  lawyers,  rich  merchants,  many  faith-  ^'"^ •  3. 
ful  courtiers,  and  a  large  body  of  resolute 
Puritans,  of  unflinching  purpose,  but  as  yet  aiming 
a,t  nothing  but  effectual  securities  for  liberty.^  It 
differed  little,  in  its  composition,  from  the  late  par- 
liament :  but  recent  events  had  embittered  its  rela- 
tions with  the  king  ;  and  its  leaders,  taught  by  ex- 
perience, and  encouraged  by  strong  popular  sup- 
port, were  preparing  to  grapple  with  prerogative, 
and  to  punish  evil  councillors.  Distrusting  the  king 
and  his  advisers,  who  had  set  aside  laws,  and  out- 
raged liberty,  they  determined  to  bind  them  clown, 
in  future,  by  restraints  which  they  could  not  break 
through. 

The  first  and  greatest  abuse  was  the  long  intermis- 
sion of  parliaments  ;  and  this  was  corrected  R^.n^pdj^, 
by  the  Triennial  Bill.  Ship  money  was  n>'''»s"'-c«. 
condemned  as  illegal,  and  the  iniquitous  judgment 
against  Hampden  was  annulled  by  statute.  The  levy- 
ing of  customs  duties,  otherwise  than  with  the  con- 
sent of  parliament,  was  once  more  pronounced  il- 
legal :  while  the  customary  duties  of  tonnage  and 
poundage  were  at  length  formally  granted  to  the 
crown.     The  Star  Chamber  and  the  High  Commis- 

'  For  a  list  of  the  members  of  tlie  Long  Parliament,  see  Pari. 
JJist.  ii.  597.  Among  tliem  will  be  found  such  honoured  English 
names  as  IIam])den,  Verney,  llippeslcy,  Carew,  Temple,  Doring, 
IJiiller,  Trevor,  Vivian,  ("urzon,  St^ymour,  Hnsscll,  Strode,  North- 
cute,  Htrangways,  Lumley,  Mildaiay,  KuighUcy,  and  Vane. 


dOi  ENGLAND. 

sion  Court  were  abolislied.  The  abuses  of  purvey- 
ance, of  compulsory  kniglitliood,  and  of  tlie  royal 
forests  were  corrected.  Impressment  for  tlie  army 
was  condemned.  The  privileges  of  parliament  were 
vindicated.  Sucli  were  the  principal  laws  by  v/hich 
the  Long  Parliament  recovered  and  confirmed  the 
liberties  of  England.  They  Avere  all  temperate  and 
judicious  :  they  infringed  no  constitutional  preroga- 
tive of  the  crown  :  they  followed  ancient  precedents  : 
they  were  framed  for  defence,  not  for  aggression  : 
they  secured  liberty,  but  were  not  conceived  in  the 
spirit  of  democracy.^ 

But  it  was  not  enough  to  pass  good  laws,  which 
Impeach-  Hiight  again  be  trampled  upon  by  arbitrary 
ments.  rulers  and  compliant  judges.  Prerogative 
had  been  upheld  as  superior  to  the  law  :  crimes  had 
been  committed  against  the  State  ;  and  it  was  neces- 
sary to  punish  the  offenders,  as  an  example  and  a 
warning  to  after  times.  The  commons  struck  first  at 
the  greatest  offenders.     They  impeached  the  Earl  of 

'  The  Venetian  ambassador,  Giovanni  Qiustinian,  writing  on  the 
11th  of  January,  1641,  N.  S.,  speaks  of  a  bill  for  securing  the  an- 
nual meeting  of  Parliament,  which  the  commons  had  passed  and 
sent  to  the  lords,  as  '  fraught  with  important  consequences,'  and 
says,  '  The  lords  are  apprehensive  lest  similar  diminution  of  the 
royal  authority,  coupled  with  the  frequency  of  parliaments,  may 
augment  immoderately  the  licentiousness  of  the  people  ;  and  that, 
after  throwing  off  the  yoke  of  the  monarchy,  there  is  evident  risk 
of  their  next  dispensing  with  the  nobility  likewise,  and  reducing 
the  government  of  this  realm  to  a  pure  flemocracy,  which  is  the 
sole  aim  of  the  most  seditious  of  these  politicians,  and  above  all 
of  the  Puritans.  The  king  on  his  part,  encourages  this  opinion 
to  the  utmost,  and  labours  arduously  to  prevent  the  commons  from 
succeeding  in  so  bold  a  project,  which  wounds  his  prerogative  in 
its  most  vital  part.' — MSS.  (Mr.  Rawdon  Brown),  vol.  xlvi.  (Record 
Office). 


ATTAINDER  OF  STRAETOED.  405 

Strafford  and  Arclibisliop  Laud  of  liigh  treason,  and 
the  lords  committed  them  to  the  Tower.  The  Lord 
Keeper  Finch,  and  Secretary  Windebauk,  were  also 
impeached  :  but  they  escaped,  and  fled  to  the  conti- 
nent. The  unhappy  prelate  w^as  left  to  languish  in 
prison ;  and  the  wrath  of  x^arliament  was  first  di- 
rected against  Strafford. 

To  sustain  an  impeachment  against  him,  such  a  con- 
struction of  the  laws  of  treason  and  of  evi-  Attainder  of 
dence  was  necessary,  as  was  repugnant  to  ^•^"^'^^id. 
the  principles  of  English  jurisprudence.  This  form 
of  proceeding  was  therefore  dropped;  and  a  bill  of 
attainder  was  introduced.  This  bill  was  readily  passed 
by  the  commons ;  and  the  expected  resistance  of  the 
lords  was  overcome  by  the  intimidation  of  armed 
mobs,  which  besieged  the  houses  of  parliament,  and 
clamoured  for  justice  against  Strafford.^  The  painfid 
struggles  of  Charles  with  his  own  conscience,  on  this 
critical  occasion,  have  been  often  described :  but  one 
of  his  efforts  to  save  the  life  of  his  faithful  minister 
must  not  be  passed  over  in  silence.  He  declared  his 
readiness  to  pledge  himself  never  to  employ  Strafford 
again  in  the  public  service.  Unhappily  this  proposal 
was  made  by  Charles  to  induce  the  House  of  Lords 
not  to  pass  the  bill  of  attainder ;  and,  instead  of  being 
accepted  as  a  concession,  by  the  popular  party,  was  re- 
sented as  an  interference  with  the  privileges  of  parlia- 
'  ment.'*  The  king,  assailed  by  popular  clamours,  and 
overcome  by  the  embarrassments  and  dangers  of  his 
position,  at  length  consented  to  the  sacrifice  of  his 
councillor ;  and  Strafford  expiated  his  politi-  ^^^^  jg^ 
cal  crimes  upon  the  scaffold.    In  these  peace-  ^"*'- 

'  Cliirendon,  Tlist.  i.  232,  250  ;  Iluslivvorth,  v.  248. 
'■<  llusLworth,  V.  231). 


406  ENGLAND. 

able  times,  we  condemn  tlie  severity  witli  wliicli  Straf- 
ford was  pursued  to  deatli :  but  lie  liad  committed 
crimes,  and  be  was  judged  according  to  tbe  spirit  and 
usage  of  bis  age.  Tbe  bauds  of  Englisb  kings  and 
councillors  were  red  witli  tbe  blood  of  many  innocent 
men  condemned  as  traitors  ;  and  power  was  now  pass- 
ing from  tbe  king  to  parliament.  Tbe  commons  were 
witbout  mercy  ;  but  at  tbis  crisis,  tbeir  pitiless  temper 
was  aroused  in  defence  of  tbe  liberties  of  England. 
So  far  tbe  acts  of  tbe  commons  were  constitutional, 
and  witbin  tbe  acknowledged  limits  of  tbe 

Extraor-  o 

Miliary  ^^  autliority  of  parliament.  But,  baving  en- 
the"^ariia-  tei'^^  upou  au  Unexampled  contest  witb  tbe 
ment.  j^jj^g  ^nd  bis  councillors,  tbey  did  not  besi- 

tate  to  assume  powers,  for  wbicb  tbere  was  no  warrant 
in  law  or  precedent.  Tbe  king  bad  stretcbed  bis  pre- 
rogative ;  and  now  tbe  parliament  entered  upon  a  sys- 
tematic abuse  of  its  privileges.  Not  contented  witb 
tbeir  unquestionable  rigbt  to  denounce  abuses,  witb  a 
view  to  tbe  passing  of  new  laws,  or  tbe  punisbment  of 
offences  against  tbe  law,  before  tbe  legal  tribunals,  par- 
liament claimed  to  punisb,  as  delinquents,  all  persons 
jjg,.^  wbom  tbey  adjudged  guilty  of  offences  against 

quents.  ^j^e  law.^  Reviewing  tbe  late  course  of  ad- 
ministration, tbey  condemned,  as  delinquents,  large 
classes  of  persons  wlio  ba.d  been  concerned  in  tlie 
performance  of  duties   autborised  by  tbe  executive 

'  '  This  word  "  delinquent "  was  very  much  in  use  during  this  par- 
liament. Thus,  a  great  number  of  those  who  had  been  most  noted 
for  their  adherence  to  the  maxims  of  the  court,  or  the  principles  of 
the  archbishop,  were  voted  Delinquents,  and  thereby  kept  in  awe  by 
the  commons,  who,  according  as  they  behaved  well  or  ill  to  them, 
could  prosecute  or  leave  them  unmolested.' — Rapin,  Hist.  ii.  ooG. 
See  also  Rushworth,  iv.  58  ;  Clarendon,  Hist.  i.  141,  144  ;  Hume, 
Hist.  V.  9,  10. 


PAELIAMENTARY  EXCESSES.  407 

government,  —  lieutenants  of  counties  for  executing 
the  king's  orders,  and  slieriifs  for  levying  sliip 
money  :  ^  oi3icers  of  tlie  revenue,  wlio  had  collected 
the  duties  of  tonnage  and  poundage.  The  judges 
who  had  given  judgment  against  Hampden  in  the 
great  case  of  ship  money,  were  accused  before  tlie  ^ 
House  of  Lords,  and  required  to  give  surety  for  their 
appearance.  Judge  Berkeley  was  even  seized,  by 
order  of  the  house,  while  sitting  in  his  court.^  Clergy- 
men, who  had  introduced  new  ceremonies  into  the 
church,  were  declared  delinquents,  and  committed  to 
prison.^  And  a  committee  for  scandalous  ministers 
having  been  appointed,  numbers  of  ministers,  obnox- 
ious to  the  Puritans,  were  censured  and  expelled  from 
their  livings,  by  the  sole  authority  of  the  commons.* 
They  also  made  orders  for  the  pulling  down  of  all 
crucifixes,  images,  and  altars  in  the  churches.  Even 
crosses  were  removed,  by  their  authority,  from  the 
public  streets  and  market  places.^  In  September, 
1641,  a  joint  committee  of  the  two  houses,  with  con- 
siderable executive  and  coercive  powers,  was  ap- 
pointed to  sit  during  the  recess.^  And  similar  com- 
mittees, with  unaccustomed  functions,  continued  to 
form  part  of  the  administration  of  the  parliament. 
Nor  did  they  encroach  upon  the  law  alone :  their  en- 
croachments upon  prerogative  commenced  very  early 
in  the  strife.  In  August  1641,  the  two  houses  passed 
an  ordinance,  witliout  the  assent  of  the  king,  for  dis- 

"  Clarendon,  i.  308-310. 
'  Whitlocke,  39  ;  Pari.  Hut.  ii.  917. 

»  Pari.  Hist.  ii.  078;  Clarciulon,  JHhI,.  i.  475;  liusliwortli,  v.  203, 
851. 

♦  Nalson,  Collertion,  ii.  234,  245. 
'  Whitlockn,  45. 

•  liusliwortli,  V.  387  ;  Pari  Hist.  ii.  010-915. 


408  ENGLAND. 

arming  all  tlie  papists  in  England;^  and,  in  Novem- 
ber, another  ordinance  for  raising  forces  for  the  de- 
fence of  Ireland.^  And  similar  ordinances  were  passed 
throughout  the  time  of  the  Long  Parliament.^  These 
encroachments  of  the  commons  served  to  terrify  all 
the  agents  of  the  government,  to  strengthen  the  par- 
liament, and  to  discourage  opposition  to  its  measures : 
but  they  were  no  more  defensible  than  the  excesses 
of  which  the  king  and  his  ministers  had  been  accused ; 
and  they  marked  the  commencement  of  the  revolu- 
tionary movement  upon  which  parliament  was  about 
to  enter. 

The  revolutionary  spirit  of  the  Long  Parliament 

was  further  shown  by  the  dealings  of  the 
ence  with     commous  with  the  House  of  Lords,  its  own 

members,  and  the  people.  Their  own  will 
was  the  only  law  which  they  were  prepared  to  recog- 
nise. In  December  1641,  taking  notice  that  certain 
bills  had  not  been  returned  by  the  lords,  they  desired 
their  lordships  should  be  acquainted,  at  a  conference, 
*  that  this  house,  being  the  representative  body  of  the 
whole  kingdom,  and  their  lordships  being  but  as  par- 
ticular persons,  and  coming  to  parliament  in  a  particu- 
lar capacity,  that  if  they  shall  not  be  pleased  to  con- 
sent to  the  passing  of  those  acts,  and  others  necessary 
to  the  preservation  and  safety  of  the  kingdom,  that 
then  this  house,  together  with  such  of  the  lords  that 
are  more  sensible  of  the  safety  of  the  kingdom,  may 
join  together  and  represent  the  same  unto  his  Ma- 
jesty.'*   Thus  early  was  displayed  a  determination  to 

'  Com.  Journ,  Aug.  30,  1641  ;  Clarendon,  Hist.  ii.  3. 

*  Com.  Journ.  Nov.  9,  1641. 

^  See  Husband's  Acts  and  Ordinances. 

*  Com.  Journ.  Dec.  3,  1641,  ii.  330. 


PAKLIAMENTAKY  EXCESSES.  409 

deny  tlie  lords  tlieir  lawful  rights  of  legislation.     Nor 
would  tliej  allow  debates  in  tlie  other  house,  of  which 
they  disapproved,  to  pass  without  censure.    They  pun- 
ished the  Duke  of  Eichmond  for  a  few  words,  spoken 
in  his  place  ;^  and  impeached  twelve  of  the  bishops 
for  a  protest  against  the  validity  of  proceedings  of 
the  House  of  Lords,  while  they  were  prevented  from 
attending  by  the  mob.^    In  their  own  house 
they  violently  repressed  all  freedom  of  de-  debatf  re- 
bate.   Opposition  to  the  majority  was  treated 
as  a  contempt,  and  punished  with  commitment  or  ex- 
pulsion.^  Privilege  had  become  more  formidable  than 
prerogative. 

Petitions  had  now  become  an  important  instrument 
of  political  agitation.     But  the   parliament  Andrisht 
would  not  tolerate  petitions,  however  mode-  "  P^t"ion. 
rate  and  respectful,  v/hich  opposed  their  policy,  or 
represented  the  oj)inions  of  the  minority.     Often  the 
luckless  petitioners  were  even  sent  to  prison.*    But 
petitioners,  who  approved  the  measures  of  the  ma- 
jority, were  received  with  favour,  even  when  attended 
by  mobs,  which  ought  to  have  been  discouraged  and 
repelled.^    In  our  own  time  the  multiplication  of  peti- 
tions in  support  of  popular  views  of  public  poimiar 
policy,  and  as  a  means  ot  mnuencmg  parlia- 
ment and  public  opinion,  has  become  familiar  to  us: 
but,  until  the  meeting  of  this  parliament,  it  had  been 
<  wliolly  unknown.     Now,  however,  petitions  were  pre- 

'  Com.  Journ.  ii.  400,  54:5,  &c.  ;  rarl.  Hist.  ii.  1003. 

2  Pari.  IHhL  ii.  OCp,  1092  ;  Clarendon,  Ilist.  ii.  118-121. 

3  Com.  Journ.  ii.  158,  411,  703,  &c.  ;  Pari.  IliHt.  ii.  1072. 

*  Pari.  nut.  ii.  1147,  UHO,  1188  ;  Clarendon,  imt.  ii.  :',22. 
''  K.fj.    The   BurMn'/hdritKhirc  Pctilion ;   Clurciidoii,   J[i^t.  ii.  KiO; 
Pml.  nut.  ii.  1072-1070  ;  iii.  43. 
VOL.  n.— 18 


410  ENGLAND. 

pared  complaining  of  every  grievance,  and  signed  by 
large  numbers  of  petitioners.  These  were  discussed 
in  the  house,  and  immediately  published,  for  the  in- 
formation of  the  people.  No  less  than  forty  com- 
mittees were  appointed  to  inquire  into  these  alleged 
grievances,  with  large  powers  roughly  exercised ;  and 
their  outspoken  reports,  and  the  discussions  to  which 
they  led,  fomented  the  popular  excitement.^  The 
Supported  leaders  of  the  popular  party  also  encouraged 
by  mobs.  ^]^q  assembling  of  mobs  for  supporting  their 
cause,  and  intimidating  their  opponents.  On  De- 
cember 28, 1641,  there  were  disturbances  outside  both 
houses  of  parliament,  with  cries  of  '  No  bishops ! '  and 
an  affray  arose  between  some  gentlemen  and  the  mob. 
The  lords  desired  the  commons  to  join  with  them  in  a 
declaration  against  these  disorders,  which  was  dis- 
cussed there.  Strong  observations  were  made  upon 
the  preferring  of  petitions  by  tumultuous  assemblies. 
According  to  Lord  Clarendon,  however,  some  mem- 
bers urged  'that  they  must  not  discourage  their 
friends,  this  being  a  time  they  must  make  use  of  all 
friends;'^  and  the  like  practices  were  continued 
throughout  the  troubled  period  of  this  parliament.^ 

»  aarendon,  Hist.  I  357,  &c. 

2  Clarendon,  Hist.  ii.  87  ;  Pari.  Hist,  ii,  986. 

3  On  July  26,  1647,  riotous  mobs  of  apprentices  surrounded  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  some  of  tliem  were  called  in  to  present  a 
petition.  The  apprentices  were  afterwards  very  disorderly  in  the 
lobby,  knocking  at  the  door,  preventing  a  division  from  taking  place, 
hustling  the  Speaker,  and  forcing  him  back  into  the  chair,  which  he 
had  left,  and  obliging  him  to  put  a  question.  Both  houses  were 
overawed  by  these  mobs,  and  forced  to  repeal  an  ordinance  relating 
to  the  London  militia,  and  a  declaration  lately  made  against  framing 
petitions.  Pari.  Hist.  iii.  718,  723  ;  Whitlocke,  Mem.  263  ;  Ludlow, 
Mem.  i,  191. 


THE  KING  AND  THE  LONG  PARLIAMENT.  411 

The  commons  and  the  popular  party  had  now  com- 
pletely triumphed  over  preroc;ative,  and  had    . 

.  y,  ,     ,  ir  o  5  Act  against 

Signally  avenged  the  wrongs  which  they  had  dissolution 
lately  suffered.     But  their  contest  with  the  ??">*•  ^,, 

■,   .  ,  ,  M:'y.  1641. 

kmg  could  not  rest  here.  They  held  him  in 
profound  distrust :  they  dreaded  a  dissolution,  and  a 
government  by  the  sword.  They  had  provided  against 
the  intermission  of  parliaments  :  but  how  should  they 
protect  themselves  from  the  sudden  overthrow  of  their 
own  power,  the  renewed  domination  of  the  king,  and  his 
vengeance  against  themselves  ?  Their  only  protection 
was  to  be  sought  in  a  bold  invasion  of  the  royal  pre- 
rogative. They  passed  a  bill  to  forbid  a  dissolution  of 
the  23resent  f)arliament,  without  its  own  consent ;  and 
to  this  aggressive  measure  the  king,  humbled  by  de- 
feat, was  constrained  to  give  his  assent.  It  was  the 
first  undoubted  infringement  of  the  constitutional 
rights  of  the  crown ;  and  it  secured  not  only  the  in- 
dependence, but  the  mastery  of  the  resolute  commons. 
The  parliament,  having  secured  its  own  perma- 
nence, was  more  formidable  than  ever.  But 
its  victories  over  prerogative  had  satisfied  ataawn- 
many  of  the  popular  party :  the  public  lib- 
erties had  been-  recovered  :  grievances  had  been  re- 
dressed :  unlawful  acts  had  been  condemned  and  pun- 
ished: might  not  peace  and  confidence  between  the 
king  and  the  commons  be,  at  length,  restored?  For 
a  time  such  a  result  seemed  attainable,  by  the  admis- 
sion of  some  of  the  parliamentary  leaders  to  the 
service  of  the  crowni:'  but  the  more  violent  sections  of 
the  i)arty  :  the  Presbyterians  and  Independents  :  men 

'  Tlie  Earls  of  Essex  and  Ilolliind,  Lords  Say  and  Falkland,  and 
Mr.  St.  Jolin.  Tlie  Karls  of  Hertford,  Bedford,  Bristol,  and  War- 
wick, and  tho  Lord.s  yavilo  and  Kimbolton,  wero  also  admitted  to 


412  ENGLAIO). 

who  desired  further  clianges  in  Clinrcli  and  State : 
men  who  profonndl_y  distrusted  Charles  and  his  court, 
determined  that  the  struggle  should  not  yet  be  closed. 
Nor  was  it  possible  to  embrace  all  the  leaders  of  tlie 
opposition,  or  to  persuade  the  selected  few  to  sepa- 
rate themselves  from  their  party,  and  desert  a  cause 
which  was  still  hotly  pursued  by  their  friends  and 
adherents.  The  distrust  of  the  popular  party  was 
further  inflamed  by  the  rebellion  in  Ireland.  The 
horrible  excesses  of  the  Irish  rebels  could  not  be 
suffered  to  continue  :  but  what  if  an  army,  raised  for 
service  in  Ireland,  should  be  used  for  the  coercion  of 
the  English  parliament?  In  June  1641  this  party 
carried  a  bill  to  deprive  the  bishops  of  their  votes  in 
the  House  of  Lords  :  but  it  was  rejected  by  the  other 
house.  Again,  to  keep  alive  the  strife,  in  November 
1641,  they  voted  a  grand  remonstrance  to  the  king,  in 
which  they  reviewed  the  several  grievances  under 
v/hich  the  country  had  lately  suffered,  the  progress 
made  by  parliament  in  redressing  them,  and  the  ob- 
stacles still  opposed  to  further  reforms.  It  was  a 
terrible  indictment  against  the  policy  of  the  court; 
and  was  designed  not  so  much  as  a  remonstrance  to 
the  king,  as  an  appeal  to  the  people ;  ^   and  it  was 

tlie  Privy  Council.  Clarendon,  Hist.  i.  369  ;  RusTiworth,  v.  189.  It 
was  further  proposed  to  make  Holies  Secretary  of  State,  Pym  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Exchequer,  Lord  Say  Master  of  the  Wards,  the  Earl  of 
Esses  governor,  and  Hampden  tutor  to  the  Prince  of  Wales.  Claren- 
don, Ulst.  i.  210,  211. 

1  Clarendon,  Hist.  ii.  49  ct  seq.  :  'It  is  the  most  authentic  state- 
ment ever  put  forth  of  the  wrongs  endured  by  all  classes  of  the 
English  people  during  the  first  fifteen  years  of  the  reign  of  Charles 
I. ;  and  for  that  reason,  the  most  complete  justification  on  record 
of  the  Great  Rebellion.'  (Forster,  The  Grand  Bemonstrance,  114.) 
Every  incident  connected  with  this  remonstrance  is  related,  with  ex- 
haustive fulness,  in  the  work  just  cited. 


THE  PURITANS.  413 

responded  to  with  passionate  enthusiasm.  The  city 
of  London  made  common  cause  with  the  parliament; 
and  associations  were  formed,  in  the  provinces,  for 
the  support  of  the  commons  in  their  bokl  struggles 
for  the  public  liberties. 

The  chief  political  grievances,  indeed,  had  been 
ah'eady  redressed.     But  the  Puritans  were  po,i|jp.j, 
more  inflamed  by  religious  than  by  political  ^;['.^!afi"*r'e! 
grievances.     They  detested  the  bishops  with  i''"^'»s*='i- 
as  much  fury  as  their   brethren  in  Scotland:    they 
hated  the  liturgy :  they  were  offended  by  the  ^j^^  p^^^j 
surplice:   they   objected  to  bowing  towards  ^^"^• 
the  altar :  they  disapproved  of  the  use  of  the  cross  in 
baptism,  and  of  the  ring  in  marriage;  and  of  other 
usages  and  ceremonies  of  the  church.     The  Scots  had 
rebelled  against  these  things,  and  had  recovered  their 
cherished  forms  of  worship  :    the    English  Puritans 
were  bent  upon  securing  equal  privileges  for  them- 
selves.^   The  heroic  and  successful  resistance 
of  Calvinistic  Holland  to  the  oppressions  of  Puritan 
Philip  II.,  and  the  establishment  of  Puritan 
forms  of  worship  in  that  country'-,  also  animated  the 
English  Puritans  with  a  more  active  and  aggressive 
spirit.      With  them  religion  ever  had  the  foremost 
place  in  politics ;  and  they  could  not  rest  until  their 
faith  had  prevailed. 

With  such  religious  zeal  and  hatreds   among   the 
Puritans,  the  revolutionary  spirit  was  sus-  n,.voiu- 
tained  so  long  as  tlie  royal  cause  continued  Hi'iHtTus- 
to  be  identified  with  the  church.     Such  men 
were  ready  to  assist  in  any  political  convulsions  which 
should  ensure  the  fall  of  the  church  ;  and,  from  the 

'  Clarendon,  Hid.  i.  2:3;). 


414:  ENGLAND. 

peculiar  religious  opinions  of  this  time,  Churcli  and 
State  soon  became  confounded  in  the  minds  of  zealots, 
in  a  common  hatred,  and  exalted  into  a  holy  cause.^ 
The  animosity  and  distrust  of  this  party  were  not 
allayed  by  past  successes :  the  more  violent  were  medi- 
tating further  restraints  upon  the  king,  and  renewed 
assaults  upon  the  bishops :  while  the  courtiers  pro- 
voked them  by  their  haughty  bearing  and  contemp- 
tuous language.  The  main  object  of  the  leaders,  Pym, 
Hampden,  and  St.  John,  was  to  restrain  the  undue 
exercise  of  prerogative  :  the  first  aim  of  their  Puritan 
followers, — the  most  irreconcilable  members  of  the 
party, — was  to  overthrow  episcopacy,  and  the  domina- 
tion of  the  high  church  divines,  and  to  arrest  the 
Eomish  reaction,  which  was  undoing  the  work  of  the 
reformers  of  the  last  century. 

On  one  side,  the  court  regarded  this  party  as  in- 
Rashne?sof  solcut  and  disaffected,  and  its  measures  as 
the  court,  intolerable  encroachments  upon  the  just  pre- 
rogatives of  the  crown.  On  the  other,  the  majority 
of  the  patriots  were  bent  upon  the  subversion  of  the 
existing  polity,  in  Church  and  State.  A  mortal  strug- 
gle was  still  threatening  which  could  only  be 

Arrest  of 

the  five        averted  by  restoring  some  measure  of  confi- 

niembers,  "^  ,  . 

Januarys,     deuce  between  the  king  and  the  commons, 

1642.  " 

when  Charles's  rash  and  foolish  attempt  to  ar- 
rest the  five  leaders  of  the  popular  party,^  in  the  House 

'  In  the  seventeenth  centuiy  the  church  had  so  allied  itself  to  the 
tyranny  of  the  king  and  the  persecution  of  other  sects,  that  puritan- 
ism  in  England  became  the  representative  of  democracy. — Lecky, 
Rationalism  in  Europe,  ii.  9. 

■^  Pym,  Hampden,  Denzel  Holies,  Sir  Arthur  Haslerig,  and  Strode. 
May,  Si'si.  of  tlie  Pari,  book  ii.  chap.  ii.  ;  Forster,  Arrat  of  the  Five 
Members,  xii.-xxi.  &c.  In  this  work,  much  of  the  history  of  the 
time  is  grouped  round  this  central  incident. 


THE   MTLITLV  BILL.  415 

of  Commons,  at  once  destroyed  all  hope  of  accommoda- 
tion. To  liave  put  down  tlie  obnoxious  parliament,  by 
force  of  arms,  might  have  been  attempted  by  a  strong- 
handed  monarch  :  but  to  irritate  a  powerful  and  hos- 
tile body,  by  this  feeble  outrage,  was  fatal  to  Charles 
and  to  the  monarchy.  Many  who  had  still  hoped  to 
control  prerogative  by  remonstrances  and  remedial 
statutes  now  saw  that  they  had  to  deal  with  a  king, 
whose  insincerity  had  been  too  often  exposed,  whom 
no  constitutional  securities  could  restrain,  and  whose 
arbitrary  temper  was  ever  ready  to  outrage  law  and 
privilege. 

Still  stronger  measures  were  now  determined  upon. 
First,  the  Puritans  were  gratified  by  the  pass- 
ing of  their  cherished  measure,  for  depriving  opposition 
the  bishops  of  their  seats  in  the  upper  house, 
to  which   the  lords   agreed,  and  the   king  was  con- 
strained to  give  his  assent.     Next,  a  more  serious  in- 
vasion of  prerogative  was  proposed,  than  any  which 
had  yet  been  ventured  upon.     The  commons  had,  for 
some  time,  shown  their  jealousy  of  the  king's  uncon- 
trolled power  over  the  military  forces  of  the  country  • 
and  they  now  passed  a  bill  to  wrest  the  con- 

1         I.      1  •!•    •        ^  1  The  Militia 

trol   oi   the  mihtia  from  the  crown,  and  to  Kiii. 

,  '  Feb.  1G42. 

place  it  under  the  orders  of  the  two  houses 
of  parliament.  To  such  a  bill  tlie  king  could  not  bo 
expected  to  consent.  He  could  not  deliver  up  his 
sword  to  his  enemies,  without  first  doing  battle.  If 
willing  to  share  his  power  with  the  parliament,  he 
could  not  strip  liimself  of  it  altogether.  After  some 
parley,  he  at  length  refused  his  assent  to  the  bill;* 
and  prepared  for  the  impending  contest,  which  was 
to  cost  him  his  life. 

'  Cliircruldn,  Hint.  ii.  261. 


CHAPTER   XX. 

ENGLAND  {continued). 

THE  CIVIL  WAR — RUIN  OF  THE  UOYAL  CAUSE — THE  KING,  THE  ARMY 
— CROMWELL  AND  THE  PARLIAMENT  —  REPUBLICAN  OPINIONS  — 
TRIAL  AND  EXECUTION  OF  CHARLES. 

A  CRISIS  was  now  at  hand,  in  which  parliamentary  strife 

was  to  give  place  to  the  arbitrament  of  the  sword. 

^1^^  J..  ^        The  public  excitement  which  prevailed,  and 

kaves  the  tumultuous  assemblages  which  the  par- 

London.         ^  "  ■•• 

liamentary  struggle  had  encouraged,  afforded 
the  king  sufficient  ground  for  leaving  his  capital :  but 
he  was  already  preparing  to  resist  any  further  inva- 
sion of  his  prerogatives,  by  an  appeal  to  arms.  His 
queen  was  sent  abroad,  with  the  crown  jewels,  to 
equip  foreign  troops  for  the  king's  service,  while  he 
himself  retired  to  the  north  of  England,  and  com- 
menced preparations  for  raising  an  army.^  At  York, 
he  was  followed  by  the  'nineteen  propositions'  which, 
if  assented  to,  would  have  made  him  a  mere  puppet 
in  the  hands  of  the  parliament.  "With  the  fortunes 
of  war  before  him,  no  king  could  have  submitted  to 
such  conditions ;  and  his  preparations  were  continued. 
He  was  soon  surrounded  by  faithful  followers  and 
Prepara-  adherents  to  his  cause.  Peers  and  members 
uonsfor  of  the  House  of  Commons,  who  had  vainly 
raised    their  voices    for    him   at  Westmin- 

'  May,  Ilist.  of  the  Pari,  bouk  ii.  ch.  ii. 


THE  CIVIL  WAB.  417 

ster,  followed  him  to  York.  They  were  generally 
averse  to  v/ar;  and  would  have  advised  any  reason- 
able accommodation  betwen  the  king  and  the  parlia- 
ment. 

There  were  country  gentlemen,  friends  of  liberty, 
but  loyal  to  the  crown,  and  resolute  to  do-  The  kind's 
fend  their  king  against  his  enemies.  There  adherents. 
were  spirited  young  nobles  and  gentlemen  eager  to 
chastise  the  rebellious  Puritans,  whom  they  despised 
and  hated.  There  were  Catholics  ready  to  draw  their 
swords  for  what  they  believed  to  be  the  common 
cause  of  the  monarchy  and  the  Catholic  faith.  And 
there  were  soldiers,  trained  to  arms  in  continental 
wars,  who  were  burning  to  gain  fresh  laurels  upon 
English  battle-fields.  A  cause  thus  supported  soon 
gathered  together  a  considerable  army.  Was  it  to  be 
used  for  making  reasonable  terms  with  the  parlia- 
ment, or  for  overthrowing  the  popular  party,  and 
crushing  the  liberties  of  the  people,  which  had  lately 
been  secured?  The  best  and  worthiest  advisers  of 
Charles  desired  no  more  than  to  save  his  just  pre- 
rogatives from  the  encroachments  of  the  parliament. 
The  courtiers,  the  soldiers,  and  the  more  headstrong 
of  the  royalists,  were  eager  to  march  to  Westminster, 
to  scourge  the  parliamentary  rebels,  and  to  restore 
the  king  to  Whitehall,  as  absolute  master  of  his  do- 
minions. That  the  king's  forces  would  soon  be  en- 
gaged with  the  troops  was  only  too  certain.  Sir  John 
Hothara,  who  had  been  made  governor  of  Hull,  re- 
fused admittance  to  the  king  liimself,^  and  everywhere 
preparations  were  being  made,  by  the  parliament,  for 
meeting  tlie  royal  forces  in  the  field. 

'  May,  II id.  of  the  Pari,  book  ii.  cli.  ii. 
18* 


4:18  ENGIAND. 

If  there  were  divided  counsels  at  York,  there  were 
Divided  couusels  iio  less  divided  at  Westminster. 
westa^?*^  The  parliament  had  not  been  slow  in  coUect- 
Kter.  jj^g  g^jj  army  to  resist  the  king :  but  the  ap- 

proaching civil  war  was  regarded  with  conflicting 
feelings  by  different  sections  of  the  popular  party. 
The  royalists  had  generally  seceded  from  both  houses : 
but  there  remained  many  moderate  men  who  deplored 
the  extremities  to  which  they  had  been  driven,  and 
would  gladly  have  averted  the  shedding  of  blood. 
But  when  the  sword  had  been  drawn,  vain  was  the 
office  of  peacemakers  on  either  side.  The  early  suc- 
cesses of  the  king,  indeed,  strengthened  for  a  time  the 
endeavours  of  the  peace  party  in  parliament :  but,  at 
the  same  time,  they  gave  encouragement  to  the  uncom- 
promising party  among  the  royalists.  Negotiations 
were  tried  at  Oxford  between  the  king  and  the  par- 
liament: but  neither  pai*ty  was  ready  to  make  con- 
cessions which  the  other  could  accept ;  and  the  final 
issue  was  now  left  to  the  sword. 

On  both  sides,  the  contest  assumed  a  more  irrecon- 
The  civil  cilable  character.  The  secession  of  other 
war.  royalists  and  moderate  men  from  the  par- 

liament, left  the  conduct  of  affairs  in  the  hands  of 
the  extreme  party  at  "Westminster;  while  the  rup- 
ture of  negotiations  for  peace  confirmed  the  ascen- 
dency of  the  warlike  party,  in  the  councils  of  the 
king.  The  commons  impeached  the  queen :  the  king 
declared  the  two  houses  to  be  no  parliament:  the 
two  houses  passed  an  ordinance  for  making  a  new 
great  seal ;  and,  in  order  to  win  over  the  Scots,  they 
entered  into  a  '  solemn  league  and  covenant ' 
league  and  to  abolish  prelacy,  and  adopt  the  Presbyte- 
rian form  of  church  government  in  England : 


THE  INDEPENDENTS.  419 

tliey  persecuted  the  clergy  of  the  Anglican  Church: 
they  revived  the  impeachment  of  Laud,  which  had 
been   suffered   to    sleep   for   the   last   three  j^^^^^^^.  jg 
years,  while  the  unhappy  prelate  remained  ^'*^- 
a  prisoner  in  the  Tower,  and  at  length  brought  him 
to  the  block. 

Meanwhile,  the  king  had  summoned  another  parlia- 
ment at  Oxford,^  which  threatened  to  be  as  -.r    .■ 

'  Ncgotia- 

troublesome  as  some  former  parliaments  at  ^"'"sfor 

-!■  peace, 

Westminster.  It  was  moderate  and  consti-  ^'^^• 
tutional,  and  more  earnest  in  its  aversion  to  Catholics, 
than  in  its  zeal  for  the  king's  cause  :  but,  above  all,  it 
was  pacific,  and  insisted  upon  further  overtures  for 
peace.  Negotiations  were  accordingly  carried  on  at 
Uxbridge :  but  the  breach  was  too  wide  between  the 
two  parties,  and  the  fortunes  of  war  were  as  yet  too 
undecided,  to  allow  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  strife. 
Nor,  if  the  conditions  of  a  peace  could  have  been 
agreed  upon,  could  Charles  and  his  indissoluble  par- 
liament have  quietly  laid  down  their  arms,  and  re- 
turned to  the  steady  track  of  constitutional  govern- 
ment. They  had  drawn  the  sword,  and  could  not 
sheathe  it  again  until  one  or  other  was  the  conqueror. 
The  two  parties  were  irreconcilable ;  and  their  long- 
continued  strife  had  embittered  their  personal  feuds, 
and  increased  the  divergence  of  their  i')rinciples. 

A  republican  spirit  was  now  beginning  to  be  apjia- 
rent,   especially  among    the    Independents.  ^,,^  j^^^^^ 
These    men   no   longer   sought   concessions  I'^'^'^'its. 
from  the  crown,  or  securities  for  popular  rights :  but 
aimed  at  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy,  and  the  ruin 

'  In  the  convention  at  Oxford  with  the  king  thorc  wore  more  peers 
than  at  Wcistininster,  and  nearly  two  hundred  nienibors  of  tho 
llouse  of  Commons.    Purl.  Hist.  iii.  202. 


420  ENGLAND. 

of  the  hated  church.  They  were  the  first  example  of 
a  democratic  party  in  England.  Liberty  had  often 
had  its  fearless  champions :  but  democracy  was  un- 
known. The  Independents  had  gradually  separated 
themselves  from  the  Presbyterians;  and  as  their 
creed  was  more  subversive  of  ecclesiastical  institu- 
tions, so  were  their  political  views  more  violent  and 
implacable.  Their  political  ideal  was  a  republic, 
without  king  or  nobles,  in  which  all  citizens  should 
enjoy  an  absolute  equality.  Of  this  stern  and  reso- 
lute party  Oliver  Cromwell,  Sir  Harry  Yane,  Natha- 
niel Fiennes,  and  Oliver  St.  John  were  the  leaders ; 
and  their  capacity  and  strength  of  will  were  destined 
to  prevail  over  their  rivals.  In  parliament  and  in  the 
country,  their  party  formed  an  insignificant  minority : 
it  was  in  the  parliamentary  army  alone  that  they  could 
hope  to  attain  ascendency. 

Cromwell,  who  had  already  risen  to  eminence  as  a 
Oliver  soldier,  clearly  foresaw  that  the  army  would 

Cromwell.     ^^^^  i  g^^^  ^^^  I^q^j^  ^^  j^jj^^  ^^^  parliament ; '  ^ 

and  his  character  and  opportunities  alike  led  him  to 
seek  power  from  the  soldiery  rather  than  from  parlia- 
ment. A  consummate  general,  and  a  popular  comman- 
der, his  influence  in  the  army  was  paramount.  His 
skill  and  bravery  in  the  field  :  his  familiarity  with  his 
Puritan  soldiers  :  his  fanatical  spirit :  his  prayers  and 
pious  exhortations,  made  him  the  idol  of  the  Pi,ound- 
head  soldiery,  who  held  the  fortunes  of  the  country 
in  their  hands.  In  parliament  he  could  not  have  at- 
tained pre-eminence,  otherwise  than  as  a  successful 
soldier.  As  a  speaker  he  was  tedious,  obscure,  con- 
fused and  unimpressive  :  his  purposes  were  dark  and 

1  Statement  of  the  Earl  of  IMancliester.     Clarendon,  Hist,  of  t7ie 
Rebellion,  v.  5G1. 


SELP-DENYING   OKDINAIn^CE.  421 

inscrutable  ;  and  lie  addressed  a  Presbyterian  majority, 
who  were  members  of  a  different  school  in  religion  and 
politics,  and  distrusted  his  policy  and  his  ambition. 

The  leaders  of  the  Independents  were  no  less  strong 
in  the  pulpit  than  in  the  army ;  and,  when- 
ever they  desired  to  sway  public  opinion,  pendent''' 
their  preachers  were  ready  at  their  calL  ^"^'^'^  "^''''" 
With  the  word  of  God  for  ever  in  their  mouths,  they 
interpreted  his  will,  at  pleasure,  with  all  the  force  of 
revelation ;  and  every  design  of  their  leaders  was  pro- 
claimed as  the  voice  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  With  the 
fervid  faith  of  the  ancient  Hebrews,  they  taught  that 
God's  hand  directed  and  controlled  every  act  of  man ; 
and  they  assumed  to  reveal  his  divine  purposes.  In 
their  eyes,  the  government  of  England  had  become  a 
theocracy,  and  God  himself  ruled  through  his  minis- 
ters and  instruments.  No  more  powerful  auxiliaries 
could  have  been  found  than  these  impassioned  preach- 
ers, whose  inspiration  was  never  doubted  by  their  God- 
fearing flocks.^ 

The  ambitious  leaders  of  the  Independent  party, 
jealous  of  the  ascendency  of  the  Presbyte- 
rians in  parliament,  in  the  army,  and  in  the  ins  oV.ii-^ 
chief  ofiices  of  State,  conceived  a  cunning 
scheme  for  stripping   them  of   their   power.      Their 
preachers,  having  first  denounced  the  self-seeking  and 
covetous  disposition  of  members  of  parliament,  who 
had  taken  to  themselves  the  cliief  commands  in  the 
army,  and  the  most  lucrative  civil  offices, — to  the  in- 
jury of  tlie  State,  and  against  the  manifest  will  of  God, 
who  had  made  their  enterprises   to  fail, — they  pro- 
posed the  celebrated   *  self-denying  ordinance.'     By 

'  SeeSeldon,  TahU'.  Talk,  Works,  iii.,  puitii.  2043. 


422  ENGLAND. 

this  ordinance  tlie  members  of  both  houses  were 
called  upon  to  renounce  all  their  military  commands 
and  civil  offices  ;  and,  after  much  debate,  and  with 
many  misgivings,  the  Presbyterian  majority,  against 
whose  domination  it  was  obviously  directed,  were  per- 
suaded or  constrained  to  submit  to  this  act  of  sui- 
cide. 

By  this  artful  scheme  Cromwell  at  once  superseded 
Presby-  Lords  Essex,  Manchester  and  Warwick,  and 
gonemis  other  chief  officers  of  the  army.  Sir  Thomas 
fcuperseded.  j^g^jj-fg^-^  ^^g  appointed  general,  while  Crom- 
well himself,  cunningly  evading  the  operation  of  the 
ordinance,  contrived  to  retain  his  command  as  lieu- 
tenant-general ;  and  became  practically  the  leader  of 
the  parliamentary  forces.  Never  had  a  political  party 
been  so  outwitted  by  the  bold  artifices  of  a  crafty  mi- 
nority. All  power  was  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Inde- 
pendents ;  and  a  fierce  republican  spirit  animated  their 
councils.  Hitherto  commissions  in  the  parliamentary 
army  had  been  issued  in  the  name  of  the  king  and 
parliament :  Fairfax's  commission  was  granted  by  the 
parliament  only.  Even  the  pretence  of  loyalty  was 
now  cast  aside. 

With  new  officers  in  command,  the  army  was  in- 
New  spired  with  fresh  fanaticism.  The  officers 
ofVe  '°^  preached  and  prayed  with  their  men ;  and 
army,  o.  gQ^^j^g^g^  possessed  with  a  wild  religious 
fervour,  sang  psalms  and  songs  of  praise,  and  dis- 
cussed among  themselves  the  manifestations  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  which  had  been  vouchsafed  to  them. 
This  religious  enthusiasm, — however  derided  by  the 
royalists,  and  however  repugnant  to  the  taste  of  other 
sects  in  that  and  succeeding  ages, — formed  the  great 
strength  of  the  parliamentary  army.     It  maintained 


TALL  OP  THE   CHimCH  OF  ENGLAND.  423 

the  influence  of  tlie  sectarian  officers :  it  animated 
the  men  to  fight  and  suffer  in  a  holy  cause  ;  and  it  en- 
sured a  stern  and  spontaneous  discipline.  While  riot 
and  disorders  weakened  the  royalist  forces,  and  made 
them  objects  of  dread  no  less  to  their  friends  than  to 
their  foes,  the  despised  Roundheads,  steady,  earnest 
and  elated,  were  marching,  with  the  spirit  of  cru- 
saders, to  victory. 

The  battle  of  Naseby  ruined  the  fortunes  of  the 
king,   and    established    the    ascendency    of  The  battle 
CromwelL     The  unhappy  king,  everywhere  june^iV^' 
defeated,  and  without  hope  from  any  of  the  ^j^.'^ 
English  parties,  at  length  sought  refuge  with  ^'^■ 
the  Scots  at  Newark.     The  Presbyterians  were  less 
hostile  to  him  than  the  dominant  Independents  ;  and 
he  hoped  for  the  friendly  mediation  of  his  northern 
subjects.     Never  were  hopes  more  falsified.     He  found 
himself  a   prisoner   in  the   Scottish    camp ;   and   no 
sooner  had  the  Scots,  turning  their  royal  prize   to 
good  account,  made  terms  Avith  the  English  jammry  30, 
parliament,  for  the  payment  of  their  arrears,       '" 
than  they  surrendered  their  captive  to  his  enemies. 

With  the  overthrow  of  the  royal  cause  by  the  hands 
of  the  Puritans,  the  ruin  of  the  Church  of 
England  was   also    consummated.      Prelacy  cimniiof 
had  been,  for  some  time,  abolished ;  and  now 
the  Presbyterian  polity  was  introduced  into 
the  Church  :  but  lawyers  and  laymen  of  rational  views 
of  cliurcli  government,  assisted  by  the  Independents, 
were  able  to  moderate  the  intolerance  and  priestly 
pretensions  of  the  scheme  which  Scottish  Presbyte- 
rians would  fain  have  imposed  upon  England.^    In  a 

•  S«o  the  Ordinance  ;  Rusliwortb,  vii.  210;  ibid.  2G0,  808;  White- 
lock.  IOC. 


424  ENGLAND. 

Presbyterian  cliurcli  tliere  was  no  toleration  for  tlie 
Episcopal  clergy.    Denounced  as  prelatists  and  royal- 
ists, about  one  half  were  ejected  from  their  benefices:^ 
the  other  half  being  content  to  conform  to 
the  new  establishment,  to  give  up  the  liturgy, 
and  subscribe  the  covenant.     Nor  was  this  settlement 
long  allowed   to    continue  without   disturbance :  for 
when  the  Independents  gained  the  ascendent, 
they  were  opposed  to  a  national  established 
church,  and  preferred  ministers  of  their  own  sect,  or 
itinerant  preachers,  to  the  Presbyterian  and  conform- 
ing clergy.^ 

The  parliament  was  victorious,  and  was  not  slow  to 
claim  the  rights  of  conquerors.     It  was  com- 

Scvcritios 

of  the  pur-  puted  that  nearly  half  the  estates  of  England 
were  sequestered  during  the  civil  war,  as  the 
property  of  delinquents.  Committees  were  appointed 
throughout  the  country  to  seek  out  delinquents,  se- 
quester their  estates,  and  subject  them  to  fines  and 
imprisonment.  They  were  absolute  masters  of  the 
fortunes  and  liberty  of  Englishmen  ;  and  their  powers 
were  exercised  with  rude  severity,  and  with  scarcely 
any  control  from  the  parliament.^  The  committee-men, 
no  less  renowned  for  their  piety  than  for  their  rigour, 
proclaimed  it  as  their  mission  to  spoil  the  Egyptians, 
and  offered  up  prayers  that  the  sins  of  their  victims 
might  be  forgiven. 

'  Dr.  John  Walker,  Nunibers  and  Sufferings  of  the  Clergy. 

^  In  Wales,  the  clergy  having  been  ejected  as  Malignants,  their 
places  were  supplied  by  a  few  itinerant  preachers.  Dr.  John  Walker, 
Numhers  and  Sufferings  of  the  Clergy,  147.  This  was  probably  one 
of  the  first  causes  of  the  general  spread  of  dissent  in  Wales. 

^  Walker,  Hist,  of  Independency,  5  ;  Eush worth,  vii.  598.  Claren- 
don, Hist.  oftJie  Rebellion,  vii.  250,  vii.  188. 


CROMWELL  OVERCOMES  THE  PxUlLLytlENT.  425 

The  king  being  powerless,  and  his  cause  desperate, 
the  contest  for  power  now  lay  between  the  fj^j^flict  be- 
Presbyterians  and  the  Independents,  and  be-  byferians*^"' 
tween  the  parliament  and  the  army.  The  p"n/en!t 
Presbyterians  still  commanded  a  majority  in  i64r-iG5i. 
parliament :  but  they  well  knew  the  insecurity  of  their 
power,  in  presence  of  a  victorious  army,  commanded 
by  the  leaders  of  the  rival  faction.  As  the  war  had 
been  brought  to  a  successful  issue,  they  proposed  to 
disband  a  part  of  the  army,  and  further  to  weaken  it 
by  sending  detachments  for  service  in  Ireland.  But 
their  crafty  rivals  were  not  to  be  overcome  by  these 
devices.  A  mutiny  in  the  army  was  readily  fomented. 
The  devout  sectaries  denounced  tlie  sinfulness  of  dis- 
banding soldiers  who  had  fought  God's  battles  against 
the  unrighteous  :  two  '  agitators '  were  chosen  by  each 
troop  or  company ;  and  the  whole  army  was  organised 
to  resist  the  parliament.  While  Cromwell  was  affect- 
ing to  mediate  between  the  parliament  and  the  army, 
the  king,  who  had  hitherto  been  in  the  custody  of 
parliamentary  commissioners,  was  seized  and  brought 
into  the  camp.  Master  of  the  king's  person,  and  un- 
disputed leader  of  the  army,  Cromwell  now  assumed 
the  chief  command,  and  suddenly  marched  his  forces 
against  the  parliament. 

That  body  had  few  friends  to  rally  in  its  defence. 
Even  in  the  peculiar  sanctity  of  the  time,  it  Cromwell 
had  been  outdone  by  the  sectarian  army,  "ly,?""^",!!-,'!? 
Tlie  rule  of  the  parliament  was  at  an  end,  '"^■"'• 
and  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  bold  and  crafty 
general.     The  leaders  of  the  Presbyterian  party  were 
proscribed,  and  forced  to  withdraw;  and  every  demand 
of  the  army  was  conceded.    When  the  army  withdrew, 
tlie  parliament  was  coerced  by  the  npprnntices  and 


426  ENGLAND. 

populace  of  London.  In  times  of  revolution,  when 
law  and  order  are  in  abeyance,  a  parliament  is  im- 
potent. Its  accustomed  supports, — respect  for  tlie 
law,  the  reverence  of  the  people,  and  the  material  aid 
of  the  executive  power, — are  wanting,  and  it  becomes 
the  sport  of  military  dictation  on  one  side,  and  popu- 
lar violence  on  the  other.  And  such  was  now  the  ab- 
ject condition  of  the  once  powerful  Long  Parliament. 

Meanwhile  the  captive  king  was  courted  by  all  par- 
Thokingin  ties.  Whichever  party  could  make  terms 
captivity.  ^^Yi  him,  seemed  assured  of  a  triumph  over 
the  other.  The  king's  chief  reliance  was  upon  the 
army,  which  was  at  once  the  most  powerful  body, 
and  seemed  the  most  indulgent  to  himself.  Cromwell 
and  his  generals  were  courteous  and  respectful :  they 
spoke  of  his  restoration,  and  discussed  his  preroga- 
tives and  the  settlement  of  his  revenue.  On  his  side, 
the  king  endeavoured  to  tempt  their  ambition  by 
offers  of  honours  and  high  commands.^  That  Crom- 
well could  have  been  seduced  from  his  greater  ambi- 
tion, and  from  his  republican  principles,  by  any 
rewards  which  the  king  was  able  to  offer,  is  most 
improbable :  nor  could  he  have  counted  upon  the 
support  of  his  fanatical  troops  in  restoring  a  king, 
whom  they  had  been  taught  to  abhor  as  Antichrist. 
In  their  eyes,  he  would  have  been  a  traitor  to  their 
common  cause,  bought  over  by  the  enemy. 

But,  while  cherishing  hopes  from  Cromwell  and  the 
He  rejects  army,  the  king  was  active  in  his  negotiations 
tions'of'the  with  the  parliament  and  the  Scots  ;  and  was 
"'^'"^'  endeavouring  to  play  off  each  party  against 

'  According  to  Hume,  he  offered  Cromwell  the  Garter,  the  earl- 
dom of  Esses,  and  the  command  of  the  army  ;  and  Ireton  the  lieu- 
tenancy of  Ireland.    Hist,  of  England,  v.  233, 


THE   KING  ESCAPES  FROM   ILVMPTON   COURT.  427 

tlie  otlier.  At  length  the  propositions  of  the  army- 
were  submitted  to  him  at  Hampton  Court ;  and,  still 
hoping  to  secure  better  terms  elsewhere,  he  rejected 
them.  That  the  conditions  were  hard,  cannot  be 
denied :  but  they  were  less  severe  than  any  yet  pro- 
posed, even  when  his  fortunes  were  not  so  low.  He 
was  conquered  and  a  captive :  the  army  alone  could 
restore  him  to  his  throne :  it  could  trample  upon  the 
parliament,  and  defy  the  Scots,  whose  succour  he 
vainly  expected  :  yet  he  ventured  to  offend  his  mas- 
ters at  this  crisis  of  his  fate.  It  may,  indeed,  be  doubt- 
ed whether  these  conditions  were  framed,  in  good 
faith,  for  his  acceptance.  For  the  time,  all  parties 
seemed  to  be  agreed  that  the  king  must  be  treated 
with,  and  his  concurrence  secured  in  the  future  gov- 
ernment of  the  Stat^i.  Hence  the  army  was  bound  to 
make  proposals  for  a  settlement :  but  none  of  the 
parties,  in  treaty  with  the  king,  were  so  little  disposed 
to  favour  the  revival  of  his  power,  as  the  fierce  re- 
publican soldiery  and  their  ambitious  leaders.  But, 
whatever  the  motives  which  dictated  these  proposals, 
their  rejection  was  resented  by  the  army :  his  dealings 
in  other  quarters  were  not  unknown  to  the  leaders : 
his  letters  had  been  intercepted;  and  designs  unfa- 
vourable to  themselves  were  apprehended.  Hence- 
forth the  king's  captivity  was  made  intolerable  :  a 
stricter  watch  was  kept  over  him :  his  accustomed  in- 
dulgences were  wifclidrawn;  and  even  the  danger  of 
assassination  was  hinted  at. 

Ill  at  ease,  and  despairing  of  more  favourable  treat- 
ment from  the  army,  Charles  hastily  escaped  Escape 
from   Hampton   Court.     It  was  well  to  re-  ilmnpton 
cover  his  freedom ;  and,  if  he  could  have  fled 
across  the  Channol,  liis  life,  and  possibly  his  throne, 


428  ENGLAND. 

miglit  have  been  saved.  But,  witli  a  strange  fatuity, 
lie  directed  his  steps  to  tlie  Isle  of  Wight, — as  to  a 
trap, — and  was  immediately  made  a  safe  prisoner  in 
Carisbrook  Castle. 

Even  here  there  still  seemed  hopes  of  the  roj^al 
The  king  cause,  though  in  truth  his  enemies  were 
paHia'-^  gathering  round  about  him.  Charles  offered 
iiicnt.  fresh  terms  of  accommodation  to  the  parlia- 

ment :  but,  in  reply,  they  submitted  to  him  four  bills, 
as  preliminaries  to  a  treaty,  to  which  he  refused  his 
assent.  The  commons,  acting  upon  the  advice  of  Ire- 
ton  and  Cromwell,  retorted  by  a  resolution  that  no 
more  addresses  should  be  presented  to  the  king,  nor 
communications  received  from  him;  and. in  this  reso- 
lution the  lords  were  induced  to  concur.  So  decisive 
a  resolution,  amounting  to  a  renunciation  of  allegi- 
ance, by  both  houses  of  parliament,  marked  the  in- 
creasing breach  between  the  king  and  his  enemies. 
By  fresh  elections  the  Independents  had  gained 
strength  in  the  House  of  Commons ;  and,  through  the 
lapse  of  the  self-denying  ordinance,  the  chief  officers 
of  the  army  belonging  to  that  party,  had  found  seats 
in  that  assembly.  Cromwell,  who  had  first  encour- 
aged political  agitation  in  the  army,  in  order  to  coerce 
the  parliament,  had  found  it  necessary,  for  the  sake 
of  discipline,  to  repress  it.  And  now  that  his  own 
party  had  recovered  influence  in  parliament,  he  pru- 
dently put  that  body  forward,  in  furtherance  of  his 
own  designs,  while  he  kept  the  army,  for  a  time,  in  the 
background. 

Not  the  less  were  the  destinies  of  the  country  still 
Resolution  govemed  by  Cromwell  and  his  generals. 
generals,  And  about  tliis  time  they  came  to  a  momen- 
^^"  tons  resolution  concerning   the   king's  fate. 


THE   SCOTTISH  INYASION.  429 

At  a  secret  council  held  at  Windsor,  they  agreed  that, 
so  long  as  the  king  lived,  the  country  would  be  dis- 
turbed by  insurrections  and  civil  wars ;  and  that  it 
was  therefore  necessary  to  bring  him  to  justice  for 
his  crimes  against  the  people.^ 

The  execution  of  these  dread  counsels,  however, 
was  for  the  present  suspended.  As  a  last  ^1^35^^^. 
hope  of  safety,  Charles  had  executed  a  se-  tisiimva- 
cret  treaty  with  the  Scots'  commissioners,  in 
which  he  engaged  to  establish  the  Presbyterian  dis- 
cipline in  England,  and  to  suppress  the  Independents 
and  other  rival  sects,  while  the  Scots,  in  return  for 
this  concession  to  their  faith,  promised  him  the  aid  of 
an  army  to  restore  him  to  the  tlirone.  In  execution 
of  this  treaty,  a  Scottish  army  marched  into  England ; 
and  insurrections  were  raised  in  various  parts  of  the 
country.  In  the  midst  of  negotiations  with  the  army, 
and  the  leaders  of  the  Independents,  he  had  betra^^ed 
them  to  their  Presbyterian  rivals,  and  had  again 
brought  civil  war  into  the  land.  Cromwell  and  the 
army  now  bitterly  accused  him  of  treachery  and 
treason.  But  for  a  time,  this  diversion  seemed  hope- 
ful to  the  royal  cause.  Fairfax,  Cromwell,  and  the 
generals  hurried,  with  the  army,  to  the  north,  to  re- 
pel the  invasion,  and  quell  the  insurrections  ;  and  the 
Presbyterian  party  in  parliament,  strengthened  by 
their  absence,  and  emboldened  by  the  invasion  of 
their  Scottish  brethren,  revoked  the  hostile  votes 
against  the  king,  and  opened  fresh  negotiations  with 
him  for  tlie  settlement  of  the  kingdom.  But  Tm.tyof 
before  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  Newport,  as  si'pt!'""' 
it  was  termed,  could  bo    agreed  upon,  tlie 

'  Clarf'rKlf)n.  Hid.  v.  92,  vi.  221  ;  Sir  J.  Berkley,  Mem.   Muscrcsf 
TracU,  i.  'o6^\  Somcm'  Tvads,  vi.  4UU  ;  Ilumo,  Hi»t.  v.  242. 


430  ENGLAND. 

Scottish  invaders  were  routed,  and  the  royalist  ris- 
ings everywhere  crushed  by  the  vigour  and  prompti- 
tude of  the  parliamentary  generals. 

The  victorious  army  was  once  more  opposed  to  the 

parliament ;  and  the  resolutions  of  its  leaders 

Ptrance  of     were  uow  opeuly  declared.     At  a  council  of 

tlicarmy,  , 

Nov.  ir,  generals,  a  remonstrance  was  agreed  upon, 
denouncing  the  proposed  treaty  with  the 
king,  and  demanding  that  he  should  be  brought  to 
justice  for  the  treason  and  bloodshed  of  which  he  had 
been  guilty.^  Petitions  to  the  same  effect  were  pre- 
sented to  the  commons :  while  clamours  were  raised 
among  the  soldiers,  and  appeals  thundered  from  the 
pulpits,  for  punishing  the  great  delinquent  for  his 
crimes. 

For  a  time,  the  parliament  withstood  the  haughty 
The  arm  demands  of  the  army  with  dignity :  but  troops 
pariia-"  Were  quickly  despatched  to  "Westminster  to 
mcnt.  invest  the  houses  of  parliament.     Even  then 

the  commons  were  preparing  to  conclude  the  treaty 
with  the  king :  but  further  resistance  to  the  will  of 
the  generals  was  summarily  prevented  by  a  coup  cTetat 
Colonel  Pride  with  his  soldiers  seized  41  members, 
and  excluded  by  force  160  other  members  of  the  Pres- 
byterian party.  By  '  Pride's  purge,'  as  it  was 
purtre.  Dec.  jocularly  termed,  the  House  of  Commons  was 
now  reduced  to  about  60  members,  wholly 
devoted  to  Cromwell  and  his  confederates.  Since  the 
beginning  of  the  strife  little  freedom  had  been  al- 
lowed in  parliament :  opposition  had  been  punished 
as  delinquency,^  and  lately  the  army  had  dictated  its 
pleasure  to  the  majority :  but  never  yet  had  so  gross 

•  Nov.  17tli,  1648.     Pari.  Hist.  iii.  1077. 

*  See  supra,  40G. 


THE  AEMY  AND  THE  PAELIMIENT.  431 

au  outrage  been  attempted  iii^on  tlie  privileges  and 
independence  of  parliament.  Yet  so  little  did  that 
body  command  tlie  respect  of  tlie  jaeople,  tliat  its 
ignominy  excited  more  ridicule  than  resentment. 

This  remnant  of  the  Long  Parliament  was  a  ready 
instrument  for  carrying  out  Cromwell's  de-  _. 

''       "  ,  The  parha- 

signs.  It  was  no  part  of  his  policy  that  he  'y™^.^°,'^ 
and  his  generals  should  have  the  responsi- 
bility of  bringing  the  king  to  trial.  It  was  fitter  that 
it  should  fall  upon  the  j^arliament.  Nay,  even  as  a 
member  of  that  body,  he  shrank  fi'om  advising  a  mea- 
sure, upon  the  execution  of  which  he  had  long  since 
determined ;  and,  with  characteristic  hypocrisy,  he 
assigned  to  divine  inspiration,  the  bloody  counsels 
which  he  shrank  from  avowing  as  his  own.^  The 
commons,  familiar  with  the  hypocritical  language  of 
their  own  school,  were  not  slow  to  carry  out  the  set- 
tled scheme  of  their  crafty  leaders.  They  resolved 
that  it  was  treason  for  a  king  to  levy  war  against  his 
parliament ;  and  appointed  a  High  Court  of  Justice 
to  try  Charles  Stuart,  King  of  England,  for  this  of- 
fence. The  lords  unanimously  refused  to  concur  in 
this  resolution :  whereuj^on  the  commons  declared 
'  that  the  people  are,  under  God,  the  origin  of  all  just 
power;  and  that  the  commons  of  England,  being 
chosen  by  and  representing  the  people,  have  the  su- 
preme power  of  the  nation ;  and  that  whatsoever  is 
enacted  and  declared  for  law  by  the  com-  j^^^  ^ 
mous  in  parliament  assembled,  hath  the  force   ^*''^- 

'  IIo  said,  '  Siiico  Provulence  and  necessity  have  cast  us  iqjon  it,  I 
will  pray  God  ff)r  a  blessing  on  your  counsels,  though  I  am  not  i>re- 
j)iired  to  give  you  my  advice  upon  this  important  occasion.  .  .  . 
When  I  was  lately  olTcring  up  petitions  for  his  Majesty's  restora- 
tion, I  felt  my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth,  and  con- 


432  ENGLAND. 

of  a  law,  and  all  tlie  people  of  tliis  nation  are  con- 
cluded thereby,  altliough  the  consent  and  concurrence 
of  the  king  or  the  House  of  Peers  be  not  had  thereto.' 
Having  thus  disposed  of  all  authority  but  their  own, 
they  passed  the  ordinance  for  the  trial  of  the  king. 
The  most  democratic  act  in  the  history  of  Europe, 
was  about  to  be  consummated,  by  the  will  of 

Growth  of  ,     1  1  <.  1  •       1 

ivpubiican  a  few  resolute  men,  supported  by  a  lanatical 
army,  and  a  small  minority  of  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  people.  It  is  certain  that  a  majority  of 
Englishmen  did  not  desire  the  execution  of  the  king, 
or  the  foundation  of  a  republic.  Eancorous  hatred  of 
the  king,  and  schemes  of  republican  government,  were 
mainly  confined  to  the  Independents  and  other  fana- 
tical sects,  with  whom  these  sentiments  were  inflamed 
by  the  fervid  harangues  of  their  ministers,  by  their 
own  perverted  readings  of  the  Scriptures,  and  by  the 
excitement  of  a  bloody  civil  war.  The  soldiers  of 
those  sects  had  received  a  further  impulse,  in  this  di- 
rection, from  their  ambitious  officers,  who  used  their 
passionate  devotion  to  urge  them  on  to  deeds  of  dar- 
ing in  the  battle-field. 

The  political  organisation  of  the  army,  and  the  en- 
couragements given  to  discussions  among  the 
SjOldiers,  had  also  advanced   the  growth  of 
leaimj.      republican  opinions.     In  the  new -modelled 
army,  the  king  was  commonly  denounced  as  a  tyrant, 
and  his  death  spoken  of  as  a  just  atonement  for  his 
crimes.     The  levellers  and  Commonwealth's 

Levellers. 

men  insisted  u^Don  the  abolition  of  the  mon- 
archy and  the  House  of  Lords,  and  the  establishment 

sidered  this  preternatural  movement  as  the  answer  which  Heaven, 
having  rejected  the  king,  had  sent  to  my  supplications.' — Pari.  Hist. 


Republi- 
canism in 


REPUBLICAN  OPINIONS.  433 

of  a  new  commonwealtli  in  wliicli  all  men  should  be 
equal.  The  sectarian  preachers  found  ample  warrant 
in  Scripture  for  bringing  the  king  to  the  s„ipt„,^, 
scaiibld.  Casting  all  the  blame  of  the  war  wanauts. 
upon  him,  they  cried,  'Whoso  sheddeth  man's  blood, 
by  man  shall  his  blood  be  shed  ; '  ^  and  again,  '  The 
land  cannot  be  cleansed  of  the  blood  that  is  shed 
therein,  but  by  the  blood  of  him  that  shed  it.'  ^  The 
king's  enemies  were  saints  in  their  sight,  and  were  ex- 
horted, in  the  words  of  the  Psalmist,  '  to  bind  their 
kings  with  chains,  and  their  nobles  with  fetters  of 
iron :  to  execute  upon  them  the  judgment  written : 
this  honour  have  all  his  saints.'  ^ 

Nor  were  these  religious  inducements  confined  to 
fanatical  preachers  and  their  coarse  and  ig-  piety  and 
norant  followers.  Such  was  the  spirit  of  the  '^''^''"  ^' 
time,  that  grave  and  temperate  men  like  Colonel 
Hutchinson  persuaded  themselves  that  God  had  en- 
lightened them  in  prayer,  and  had  guided  their  con- 
sciences to  a  righteous  judgment.^ 

The  Presbyterians  were  not  less  earnest  in  their  re- 
ligious faith  than  the  Independents,  and  had  r^^^  p,.,,g. 
especially  laboured  to  overthrow  the  Church  i>it^"^»«- 
of  England,  and  establish  their  own  ecclesiastical 
polity.  They  had  been  foremost  in  resisting  the  early 
encroachments  of  prerogative,  and  had  entered  with 
zeal  into  all  the  measures  of  the  parliament  for  bring- 
ing the  civil  war  to  a  successful  issue.  But  between 
them  and  tlie  Independents  a  separation  arose,  during 
the  contest,  which  was  continually  widening.  They 
were  united  in  their  opposition  to  the  church  :  but 

'  Genesis  ix.  0.     Somers'  Tracts,  v.  IGO  ct  neq.  . 

'  Numbers  xxxv.  33. 

'  49tli  F'salm.  *  HutcLiasou,  Mem.  303. 

VOL.  II. — 19 


434:  ENGLAND. 

the  Presbyterians  desired  another  church  government 
upon  their  own  model :  while  the  Independents 
claimed  for  each  congregation  complete  freedom  and 
independence.  The  Presbyterian  church  polity  was 
republican  in  form,  and  tended  to  develop  a  demo- 
cratic spirit  in  politics,  as  the  history  of  Scotland,  since 
the  Eeformation,  had  sho\\ai.  But  this  spirit,  while 
it  encouraged  resistance  to  the  civil  power,  in  ques- 
tions affecting  the  church,  and  a  stubborn  and  turbu- 
lent freedom  in  temporal  affairs,  did  not  assume  hos- 
tility to  the  principles  of  monarchical  government. 

The  Independents,  insisting  upon  individual  free- 
The  intie-  ^^^  ^^  religion,  were  led  to  more  advanced 
pendents,  speculatious  upou  the  form  of  civil  govern- 
ment, which  tended,  more  and  more,  towards  republi- 
canism. In  religion,  they  surpassed  their  rivals  in 
the  outward  forms  of  sanctity,  in  scriptural  phrase- 
ology, and  in  theocratic  faith.  Led  by  ambitious 
soldiers,  and  bearing  the  brunt  of  the  later  battles 
against  the  king,  their  hatred  of  royalty  was  inflamed 
by  dangers,  by  hard-won  victories,  and  by  the  enmi- 
ties of  cbnl  war.  This  party,  which  claimed  superior 
godliness,  and  sought  the  Almighty  for  guidance  in 
all  its  actions,  was  now  bent  upon  bringing  the  king 
to  the  block,  and  overthrowing  the  monarchy.  The 
regicides  of  England,  in  the  seventeenth  century,  were 
distinguished  for  their  religious  fervour  :  the  regicides 
of  France,  in  the  eighteenth  century,  were  no  less 
consj)icuous  for  their  frantic  zeal  against  religion. 
But  the  political  principles  of  these  parties  were  the 
same ;  and,  in  each  case,  according  to  the  necessaiy 
l,aw  of  revolutions,  the  extreme  party  ultimately  tri- 
umphed, before  a  reaction  set  in  against  their  vio- 
lence. 


TRLyi,  AKD  EXECUTION  OF  THE   KING.  435 

Upon  tliis  independent  party,  represented  by  Crom- 
well and  his  generals,  and  by  the  small  band 

.      .  Trial  niicl 

of  members  permitted  to  sit  "in  the  House  of  execution 

.,   .,.  „,      .        .  of  the  king. 

Commons,  rests  the  responsibility  ot  bringing 
the  king  to  trial.  There  was  no  flinching  on  their 
part :  no  weakness  or  hesitation  in  venturing  upon 
this  unprecedented  measure.  The  High  Court  of  Jus- 
tice was  appointed  by  the  commons ;  and  among  its 
members  were  Cromwell  and  his  generals,  and  men 
who  had  prejudged  his  cause.  Charles,  who  had 
borne  his  long  troubles  with  patient  dignity,  acquitted 
himself  nobly  on  this  momentous  occasion.  He  was 
accused  of  having  traitorously  and  maliciously  levied 
war  against  the  parliament :  he  refused  to  acknowledge 
the  jurisdiction  of  a  court  founded  upon  usurpation : 
the  judges  were  his  subjects,  and  could  not  sit  in 
judgment  on  their  lawful  king,  who  could  do  no 
wrong.  Such  pleas  were  not  likely  to  be  regarded ; 
and  on  the  fourth  day  of  his  trial,  sentence  of  death 
was  pronounced  upon  him.  Some  few  of  his  enemies 
would  even  now  have  spared  his  life :  but  Cromwell 
and  his  confederates  were  obdurate  ;  and  j.^,,  g^ 
three  days  afterwards,  the  unfortunate  king  ii^'if^^- 
expiated  the  errors  of  his  life,  upon  the  memorable 
scaffold,  at  Whitehall. 

Tlio  men  who  had  done  this  deed  of  blood  justified 
themsf'lves  to  God,  and  to  their  own  con- 

-n        1         T  1        n     -n  C()nlenii)o- 

sciences :  but  England  and  all  iLurope  ex-  rmy  nenti- 
claimed  against  it  with  horror  and  indigna- 
tion. The  king's  errors  had  made  him,  for  a  time, 
unpopular  with  his  people  :  but  the  violence  and  in- 
justice of  tlie  fjiction  who  had  t.-iken  his  life,  and  the 
nol)lo  dignity  Avith  wliich  lie  liad  borne  his  sufferings, 
went  fiir  t(^  revive  their  affections  for  himself  and  his 


436  ENGLAND. 

family.  Beyond  the  narrow  bounds  of  tlie  Indepen- 
dents and  tlie  army,  there  were  none  to  approve  the 
execution  of  the  fallen  king. 

By  the  royalists  of  that  day,  and  later  by  the  High 
o  inions  Church  and  Tory  party,  the  memory  of  'King 
lm<''s  cle-  Charles  the  Martyr,'  was  held  sacred ;  and 
cutfon.  |;1jq  regicides  have  been  condemned  as  mur- 
derers. On  the  other  side,  the  execution  of  the  king 
has  been  extolled,  in  this  and  other  countries,  as  a 
great  act  of  national  justice.  But  we  have  now  learned 
to  view  controversies  between  rulers  and  their  sub- 
jects, with  a  more  temperate  judgment.  That  the 
parliament,  ha%dng  taken  up  arms  against  the  king 
and  conquered,  would  have  been  justified  in 
memof"  deposing  him,  can  scarcely  be  questioned  by 
pob  en  J .  ^^^^  ^^^  accept  the  principles  of  the  revolu- 
tion of  1688.  And  such  is  the  course  which  woidd 
have  been  approved  by  the  judgment  of  posterity. 
But  few  will  be  found  to  vindicate  his  execution  as  a 
traitor.  The  responsibility  of  the  civil  war  was  shared 
by  the  king  and  the  parliament.  They  fought :  they 
negotiated;  and  at  length  the  parliament  prevailed. 
The  king  was  their  prisoner  :  but  is  it  lawful  to  put 
a  prisoner  of  war  to  death?  He  was  condemned,  not 
for  his  early  abuses  of  prerogative,  but  simply  for 
making  war  upon  the  parliament,  and  the  people 
whom  they  represented, — a  crime  unknown  to  the 
laws  of  England.  Nor  was  this  the  parliament  whom 
the  people  had  chosen.  The  royalists  had  been  ex- 
pelled as  delinquents  :  the  Presbyterians  had  been 
driven  out  by  military  force  ;  the  peers  had  been  set 
aside ;  and  a  small  minority  of  the  king's  bitterest 
enemies  had  been  left  to  do  the  bidding  of  the  victo- 
rious generals,  who  had  resolved  that  their  royal  pri- 


OPINIONS  UPON  THE  KING'S  EXECUTION.  437 

soner  sliould  die  tlie  death  of  a  traitor.  No  sufficient 
plea  of  averting  danger  to  the  State,  can  be  urged  in 
defence  of  this  act  of  political  vengeance.  Still  less 
will  the  revelations  of  God's  pleasure,  as  interpreted 
by  religious,  or  hypocritical,  enthusiasts,  be  accepted 
as  an  excuse.  In  truth,  the  execution  of  Charles  was 
the  worst,  and,  happily,  one  of  the  last,  of  the  judicial 
murders  by  which  the  annals  of  England  have  been 
stained. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

ENGLAND  [continued). 

THE  COMMONWEALTH — REPUBLICAN  THEORIES — CROMWELL  PRO- 
TECTOR — HIS  ARBITRARY  RULE — VIGOUR  OF  HI3  ADMINISTRA- 
TION—HIS AMBITION — HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER— RICHARD 
CROMWELL — THE  RESTORATION — REVOLUTION  OP  1688 — POLITI- 
CAL CONDITION  OP  ENGLAND  FROM  THAT  PERIOD  UNTIL  THE 
ACCESSION   OF  GEORGE  III, 

The  king  was  dead  ;  and  England  was  without  a  law- 

Provisioiiai    ^^^^    government.      The    parties    which    had 

me^nt"''        been  unable  to  save  his  life,  were  powerless 

to  call  a  successor  to  his  throne ;   and  the 

State   became,  by  the  force   of  circumstances,  a  re- 

Feb.  0  and     Public  or  commonwealth,  as  Cromwell  had 

7, 1M8-49.     designed  it  to  be.^    The  commons  resolved 

that  the  House  of  Peers  and  the  monarchy  should  bo 

abolished ;   and  soon  afterwards  a  Council 

of  State  was   appointed,  charged  with  the 

executive  administration  of  the  State.     But  as  yet  no 

republican  constitution  was  promulgated.^    At  length 

'  The  principal  authorities  for  this  period  are  :  Clarendon,  Hist, 
of  the  Rebellion,  and  State  Papers;  Bisset,  Hist,  of  the  Common- 
wealth; Walker,  Hist,  of  Independency;  Thurloe,  State  Papers; 
Burton,  Diary ;  Carlyle,  Oliver  Cromwell's  Letters  and  Speeches; 
Guizot,  The  RepiihWe  and  Cromxcell. 

^  A  new  great  seal  was  struck,  with  a  motto  inscribed  '  On  the 
first  year  of  freedom,  by  God's  blessing  restored,  1648,'  which  may 
have  served  as  a  model  to  French  republicans  in  the  next  century. 
Clarendon,  Hist.  vi.  247. 


REPUBLICAN  THEORIES.  439 

acts  were  passed  for  the  abolition  of  the  kingly  office 
and  of  the  House  of  Lords  ;  and  the  com-  March 
mons  published  a  declaration,  in  which  they  ^''  ^^' 
explained  the  grounds  upon  which  they  had  '  judged 
it  necessary  to  change  the  government  of  this  nation 
from  the  former  monarchy  into  a  republic,  and  not 
to  have  any  more  a  king  to  tyrannise  over  them.'  ^ 
It  was  now  declared  that  the  people  of  England 
*  shall  be  and  are  hereby  constituted,  made,  estab- 
lished, and  confirmed  to  be  a  Commonwealth  and 
Free  State.' 

There   was   no  lack   of  republican  theories.     The 
levellers  contended  for  a  political  and  social  Kep„ij]jpa,j 
equality,  and  a  community  of  goods,  not  un-  tbuodLs. 
like  the  scheme  of  the  French  socialists  of  a  later 
age.^    The  Millenarians,  or  fifth  monarchy  men,  hoped 

'  Pari.  nist.  iii.  1292. 

"^  Probably  these  extreme  views  were  held  by  a  small  section  only 
of  the  party  generally  described  as  levellers  ;  while  the  majority 
were  steady  republicans,  who  opposed  the  pretensions  of  Cromwell 
and  his  officers.  Some  '  were  willing  to  acknowledge  the  proprie- 
tors of  lands,  and  principally  the  lords  of  manors,  as  their  elder 
brothers,  and  rightfully  possessed  of  the  chief  inheritance  ;  but 
prayed  to  be  allowed  to  cultivate  the  wastes  and  commons  for  their 
support'  (Hutchinson,  Mem.  317,  ?i.  Bohn's  ed.)-  Wallcer,  in  his 
Uidory  of  Independency ,  part  ii.  p.  138,  says  of  them  :  '  They  are 
the  truest  assertors  of  humane  liberty,  and  the  most  constant  and 
faithful  to  their  principles  of  any  in  the  army  .  .  .  though  they 
have  many  redundancies  and  superfluous  opinions  yet  to  be  pruned 
off  by  conversing  with  discreet  honest  men,  or  rather,  by  a  discreet 
and  just  publique  authority.'  Again  he  calls  them  'enemies  to  ar- 
bitrary government,  tyranny,  and  oppression,  whether  they  find  it 
in  tlio  government  of  one  or  many  ;  whether  in  a  councel  of  officers, 
a  counc(!l  of  state,  or  a  fag  end  of  a  House  of  Commons  ;  whether 
it  vailo  itselfo  with  the  title  of  a  su])rcmo  authority,  or  a  Icgislativo 
power.'  And  he  licre  i)rints  a  dechiration  of  that  body  eutithul 
'  England's  Standard  advanced,'  in  which  there  is  no  trace  of  the 


440  ENGLAND. 

to  establish  a  theocracy,  in  which  Christ  should  su- 
persede the  agencies  of  men,  until  his  second  com- 
ing.^ The  Anabaptists  cherished  a  democratic  ideal 
of  the  reign  of  reason  in  Church  and  State.     The 

peculiar  views  attributed  to  them  (ibid.  168).  Elsewhere  he  ex- 
tracts from  '  The  Leveller  Vindicated  '  the  following  passage  :  '  The 
whole  fabrick  of  this  commonwealth  is  fallen  into  the  grossest  and 
vilest  tyranny  that  ever  Englishmen  groaned  under,  &c.,'  in  proof 
that  their  aim  was  to  resist  the  martial  domination  of  Cromwell  and 
his  officers  (ibid.  348).  Clarendon  speaks  of  the  levellers  as  a  '  des- 
perate party — many  whereof  had  been  the  most  active  agitators  in 
the  army,  who  had  executed  his  (Cromwell's)  orders  and  designs 
in  incensing  the  army  against  the  Parliament,  and  had  been  at  this 
time  his  sole  confidents  and  bedfellows  :  who,  from  the  time  he  as- 
sumed the  title  of  protector,  which  to  them  was  as  odious  as  that 
of  king,  possessed  a  mortal  hatred  to  his  person '  (Hist,  of  the  Me- 
hellian,  vii.  34). 

In  '  The  Leveller,  or  the  Principles  and  Maxims  concerning  gov- 
ernment and  religion  which  are  assorted  by  those  that  are  com- 
monly called  "  Levellers,"  '  1659,  the  tenets  imputed  to  them  of 
favouring  a  division  of  lands  are  denied.  In  politics  their  prin- 
ciples are  there  defined  as  equality  before  the  law  :  the  making 
of  laws  and  levying  of  money  by  the  people's  deputies  in  Parlia- 
ment, and  the  putting  down  of  mercenary  armies.  In  religion 
the  widest  toleration  is  asserted  in  some  remarkable  passages.  It 
is  said  '  the  only  means  to  preach  the  true  religion,  under  any  gov- 
ernment, is  to  endeavour  rightly  to  inform  the  people's  consciences, 
by  whose  dictates  God  commands  them  to  be  guided.'  *  Christ 
never  mentioned  any  penalties  to  be  inflicted  on  the  bodies  or 
purses  of  unbelievers,  because  of  their  unbelief.' — Harleian  Miscel- 
lany, iv.  543.  See  also  Godwin,  Hist,  of  the  Commonwealth,  iii.  65 ; 
iv.  160-1G5,  260. 

'  The  creed  of  this  party  is  exemplified  by  the  grotesque  scene  of 
the  Five  Lights,  enacted  at  Walton-on-Thames  by  Master  Faucet, 
the  minister  of  the  parish,  in  which  he  revealed  the  will  of  God, 
that  the  Sabbath,  tithes,  ministers,  magistrates,  and  even  the  bible 
should  be  abolished  as  '  useless,  now  that  Christ  himself  is  in  puri- 
tie  of  spirit  come  amongst  us,  and  hath  erected  the  kingdom  of 
the  saints  upon  earth  .  .  .  now  Christ  is  in  glory  amongst  us' 
(Walker,  Hist,  of  Independency,  part.  ii.  153).     '  Some,  struck  with 


ceomwell's  supremacy.  441 

Antinomians  indulged  in  a  scheme  by  wliicli  the  elect 
were  to  govern  themselves  from  their  inner  conscious- 
ness. But  these  visionaries,  while  they  swelled  the 
ranks  of  the  rei3ublican  party,  had  no  influence  in 
determining  the  future  settlement  of  the  constitution ; 
and  they  were  generally  opposed  to  the  pretensions 
of  Cromwell.^  A  more  practical  form  of  government 
had  been  sketched  by  a  council  of  officers,  in  Novem- 
ber 1647,  in  which  all  power  was  vested  in  a  repre- 
sentative assembly. 

But  for  the  present,  the  settlement  of  the  common- 
wealth was  provisional.    Cromwell  was  in  re-  cromweirs 
ality  supreme  in  the  State,  and  in  the  army,  s'lpi'-^macy. 

enthusiasm  and  besotted  with  fanatic  notions,  do  allow  of  none 
to  have  a  share  iu  government  besides  the  saints,  and  these  are 
called  Christian  royalists,  or  Fifth  Monarchy  men'  (Clarendon, 
Hist.  vii.  272).  They  believed  '  in  the  reign  of  the  saints  on  earth, 
being  the  millennium,  or  thousand  years,  spoken  of  in  the  book  of 
Revelations  when  men  should  live  together  in  a  state  of  sinless 
perfection,  and  vice  and  crime  be  wholly  imknown.'  According  to 
them,  '  all  earthly  governments  are  to  be  broken  in  pieces  and  re- 
moved, like  the  iron  and  clay  that  composed  the  feet  of  Nebuchad- 
nezzar's image.  All  the  kingdoms  of  the  world  are  to  become  the 
kingdoms  of  the  Lord  and  his  Christ.'  'Supreme  absolute  legisla- 
tive power,  and  authority,  are  originally  and  essentially  in  the  Lord 
Jesus  Clirist,  by  right,  conquest,  gift,  election,  and  inheritance  ' 
{Commons'  Joum.  April  11,  1657,  vii.  521;  Thurloe,  vi.  184-188; 
Ludlow,  4G2  ;  Godwin,  Uut.  of  the  Commomrcalth,  iv.  372-378). 
Even  the  sage  Milton  thus  argued  against  monarchy  :  '  All  Protest- 
ants hold  that  Clirist  in  his  Church  hath  loft  no  vicegerent  of  his 
power,  but  himself  without  deputy  is  tlie  only  head  thereof,  govern- 
ing it  from  heaven  ;  how  then  can  any  man  derive  his  kingship  from 
Clirist,  but  with  worse  usurpation  than  the  Pope  his  headshij)  over 
the  Cliurch'  (Free  Commonircalih). 

'  'They  who  were  raised  by  him,  and  who  had  raised  him,  even 
almost  the  whole  body  of  sectaries,  Anabajjtists,  Indejiendents,  Qua- 
kers, declared  an  imi)lacablc  hatred  against  him.' — Clarendon,  Jlist. 
vii,  254. 


442  ENGLAND. 

He  had  not  assumed  tlie  ostensible  character  of  a 
civil  governor,  but  became  captain-general  of  the 
forces  in  England ;  and  there  was  yet  other  work  for 
him  to  do.  Scotland,  far  from  adopting  a  republic, 
proclaimed  the  Prince  of  Wales  as  king :  a  civil  war 
was  still  raging  in  Ireland;  and  the  prince  raised 
the  royal  standard  again  in  England.  But  Cromwell 
Sept.  3,  "^^^  equal  to  every  emergency :  the  battle  of 
1651.  Worcester  utterly  destroyed  the  last  hopes 

of  the  royalists ;  and  Charles  escaped  from  his  pur- 
suers, to  seek  safety  in  a  foreign  land. 

Cromwell  now  perceived  that  supreme  power  was 

within  his  reach,  and  even  cherished  dreams 

Parliament    of  reviviug  the  moiiarchv,  in  his  own  person.^ 

dissolved.  ...  . 

His  immediate  aim,  however,  was  to  secure 
his  present  ascendency.  The  people  were  held  in 
subjection  by  force:  there  was  no  pretence  of  free- 
dom :  even  trial  by  jury,  in  cases  of  treason,  was  su- 
perseded by  a  high  court  of  justice:  but  a  settled 
government,  and  an  assured  title  to  power  were  want- 
ing. After  a  time,  the  parliament  began  to  show  signs 
April  10,  ^^  independence.  He  broke  in  upon  it  with 
1653.  j^ig  soldiers :  he  took  away  '  that  bauble,'  the 

mace, — the  emblem  of  its  authority, — and  dissolved 
the  assembly  which  was  no  longer  his  slave.  It  was 
a  rough  coup  d'etat,  executed  without  dignity  or  de- 
cency :  but  it  showed  the  brute  force  of  the  military 
chief,  and  the  contemptible  impotence  of  the  parlia- 
ment, which,  under  his  patronage,  had  exercised  so 
terrible  a  power.  The  members  whom  he  now  in- 
sulted and  trampled  upon,  were  of  his  own  Indepen- 
dent party :  they  had  served  his  purpose  for  a  time ; 

1  Whitelock,  516. 


CROMWELL  PROTECTOR.  443 

and  were  now  jDut  out  of  his  way.  The  royalists  and 
tlie  Presbyterians  rejoiced  over  tlieir  fall;  and  the 
people  were  indifferent  to  the  fate  of  a  body  which 
had  long  ceased  to  represent  them. 

But,  however  absolute  the  power  of  Cromwell,  in 
wielding  the  military  force,  he  did  not  ven-  „    , 

o  ^        J  '  Barebone's 

ture  to  govern  vfithout  some  semblance  of  a  P^riia- 

o  ^  meut. 

parliament ;  and  not  venturing  upon  any 
general  appeal  to  the  country,  he  summoned,  by  the 
advice  of  his  council  of  officers,  128  persons,  named 
by  himself,  to  sit  as  a  parliament  at  Westminster. 
Having  separated  himself  from  the  more  mode- 
rate section  of  the  Independents,  he  chose  for  this 
strange  assembly  a  number  of  fanatics,  possessed  with 
the  wildest  views  of  religion  a^d  politics.  Never  was 
so  godly  a  parliament  brought  together :  they  spent 
more  time  in  prayers  than  in  debate  ;  and,  instead  of 
enlightening  one  another  by  words  of  worldly  wisdom, 
they  were  for  ever  seeking  the  Lord.  Even  in  that 
age  of  religious  extravagance,  this  devout  body  became 
an  object  of  derision ;  and,  acquiring  the  name  of  one 
of  its  most  ridiculous  members,  was  laughed  at  as 
'Barebone's  Parliament.'  Believing  the  earth  to  be 
already  ripe  for  the  reign  of  the  saints,  they  were 
bent  upon  the  destruction  of  such  merely  human  in- 
stitutions as  the  clergy,  tithes,  the  universities,  the 
common  law,  and  the  lawyers.  So  contemptible  an 
assembly  was  never  collected  in  this  or  any  other 
country'.  Even  Cromwell  was  ashamed  of  its  absur- 
dities, and  ill-pleased  that  his  own  creatures  should 
aff(ict  to  derive  their  power  from  tlie  Lord,  instead  of 
fi'om  himself.^     The  protended  parliament  was  thore- 

'  Thurloo,  i.  303.     Clarendon.  Hist.  vii.  1:}. 


444  ENGLAND. 

fore  dissolved  as  irregularly  as  it  liad  been  called  to- 
Dee.  le,.  gether.  The  Speaker  and  a  few  of  its  mem- 
^''^'  bers  resigned  its  authority  to  Cromwell,  in 

the  name  of  the  whole  body  ;  and  the  rest  were  turned 
out  by  his  soldiers. 

England  was  now  literally  without  a  civil  govern- 
cromweii  Dient.  Cromwell  ruled  it  as  captain-general 
protector,  ^f  j.\^q  forces '.  but  there  was  no  parliament, 
and  even  the  army  perceived  that  their  general  should 
be  invested  with  some  civil  authority.  A  council  of 
officers,  at  his  instance,  drew  up  a  new  constitution, 
under  which  he  was  declared  Protector  for  life.  It 
was  a  strange  function  for  a  military  council  to  frame 
a  political  constitution:  even  Barebone's  parliament 
would  have  been  a  Mtejc  body  for  such  a  work.  But 
the  new  scheme  so  far  did  them  credit,  that  Cromwell 
was  not  entrusted  with  absolute  power.  The  protec- 
r,  ..  tor,  indeed,  was  all  but  king,  but  he  was  to 
tion  of  the    y^Q  controlled  by  a  council  of  State  :  he  was 

protector-  -J 

^^^-  bound  to  summon  a  parliament  every  three 

years,  which  was  to  sit  for  five  months  without  being 
prorogued  or  dissolved  ;  and  was  only  allowed  a  sus- 
pensive veto  upon  their  acts  for  twenty  days.  Until 
the  parliament  was  assembled,  the  protector  in  council 
might  pass  laws,  subject  to  the  approval  of  parlia- 
ment.^ Nor  did  it  appear  that  this  parliament  was  to 
be  a  phantom  of  representation,  like  those  which  had 
preceded  it.  The  protector  framed  a  new  scheme,  or 
reform  act,  which  disfranchised  the  smaller  boroughs, 
increased  the  number  of  county  members,  enfran- 
chised Manchester,  Leeds,  and  Halifax,  and  equalised 
the  qualifications  of  electors, — a  measure  nearly  two 

1  Whitelock,  571  ;  Somers'  Tracts,  vi.  257 ;  TLurloe,  vi.  243. 


CROMWELL  PROTECTOR.  445 

centuries  in  advance  of  the  policy  of  liis  own  time.^ 
For  the  first  time,  also,  he  effected  a  parliamentary 
union  with  Scotland  and  Ireland ;  ^  and  thii'ty  mem- 
bers were  returned  by  each  of  these  countries  to  the 
parliament  at  Westminster. 

The  results  of  a  free  election,  under  this  extended 
scheme  of  representation,  proved  how  little  _ 

^  ^  ^  The  new 

Cromwell  had  secured  the  confidence  of  the  pwiiament, 

1004. 

people,  loyalists,  Presbyterians,  Indepen- 
dents, and  Eepublicans,  united  against  him.  His  au- 
thority as  protector  was  questioned  in  the  very  first 
debate  of  the  new  parliament :  but  Cromwell  sent  for 
the  members  to  the  Painted  Chamber,  and  rebuked 
them  with  more  than  the  haughtiness  of  a  Plantage- 
nefc  or  "Tudor  king.  Charles  in  his  lectures  to  his 
parliaments  had  been  gentle  compared  with  the 
usurper.  The  Protector  obliged  them  to  sign  an  ac- 
knowledgment of  his  authority ;  and  none  were  ad- 
mitted to  their  places  in  the  house  until  they  had 
signed  it.  But  their  refractory  spirit  was  jan.  22, 
not  overcome,  and  he  dissolved  them.  1054-55. 

Again,  without  a  parliament,  and  opposed  by  all 
political  parties,  Cromwell  relied  upon  the  cromweii 
army  alone  ;  and  an  abortive  rising  of  the  with  Vue 
royalists  afforded  him  a  pretext  for  extend-  ^'^"'^' 
ing  the  military  occupation  of  the  country.     To  pun- 
ish the  royalists  the  protector,  in  council,  imposed  a 
*  decimation,'  or  tax  of  a  tentli-penny,  upon  that  party ; 
and  for   the  collection  of  this  tax,  divided   England 
into  twelve  military  districts,  under  major-generals, 
who   exercised   uncontrolled    power   througliout   the 
country.     There    was   no   longer  a  protcneo  of  civil 

'  Act  for   tho  Sottlciuent  of  tlie   Q<nernuiont   of   tin:   C'onmion- 
wealtb,  Dec.  16,  1653.  "Ordiuance,  April  13,  1654. 


446  ENGLAND. 

liberty  :  England  was  openly  governed  by  a  dictator 
and  liis  army.  Taxes  were  levied  at  the  sole  will  of 
the  protector,  and  exacted  with  more  rigour  than  any 
former  taxes  by  prerogative  :  there  was  a  strict  cen- 
sorship of  the  press  ;  and  subjects  were  denied  re- 
dress against  the  arbitrary  acts  of  the  government. 

Cromwell  was  an  usurj^er,  and  had  trampled  upon 
viRonr  of  ^11  ^^®  liberties  of  the  people  :  but  even  his 
his  rule.  enemies  could  not  deny  that  he  was  a  great 
ruler.  At  home  he  had  subdued  the  rebellions  and 
disorders  of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland  :  he  had 
maintained  a  respect  for  the  law  :  he  had  displayed  a 
spirit  of  religious  toleration  far  in  advance  of  his 
times :  he  had  shown  marks  of  high  statesmanship ; 
and  he  had  upheld  the  dignity  of  the  first  magistrate 
of  the  commonwealth.  Abroad  he  had  made  the 
name  of  England  as  much  respected  and  feared  as  in 
the  palmiest  days  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  It  was  his 
boast  that  an  Englishman  should  be  held  in  the  same 
esteem  as  a  Roman  citizen  of  antiquity.  The  warlike 
spirit  of  England  had  been  aroused  by  the  civil  wars : 
her  generals  and  soldiers  had  been  perfected  in  the 
arts  and  toils  of  war ;  and  the  concentration  of  power 
in  a  single  hand  gave  vigour  and  efficiency  to  the  na- 
val and  military  forces  of  England.  No  State  is  more 
powerful  in  war  than  a  republic  when  its  resources 
are  wielded  by  a  dictator,  supported  by  the  enthusi- 
asm of  the  people,  or  coerced  by  his  extraordinary 
authority.  The  victories  of  Blake  estab- 
lished the  naval  supremacy  of  England, 
which  has  never  since   been   shaken :  ^  the  common- 

'  For  a  narrative  of  these  victories,  Hepworth  Dixon's  Life  of 
Blake  may  be  consulted. 


CROMWELL  PROTECTOR.  447 

wealth  triumplied  over  Holland  and  Spain;  and  ex- 
ercised a  commanding  influence  over  France,  Sweden, 
and  other  European  States.  The  foreign  policy  of 
the  protector,  if  not  prudent,  in  the  interests  of  Eng- 
land, was  especially  popular  with  the  great  body  of 
the  people,  as  it  ever  favoured  the  Protestant  subjects 
of  foreign  States.  Amidst  all  the  divisions  of  party, 
Englishmen  had  begun  to  be  proud  of  their  great 
ruler,  who  had  raised  the  glories  of  his  country  :  but 
so  bitter  were  the  hatreds  excited  by  the  civil  wars, 
that  he  was  continually  threatened  with  assassina- 
tion ;  and  the  political  parties,  upon  whom  he  had 
successively  trampled,  were  alienated,  and  hostile. 

Meanwhile,  Cromwell  was  himself  fully  sensible  of 
the  disadvantages  and  dangers  of  a  military  hg  caiis 
rule,  and  was  anxious  to  secure  the  support  parliament, 
of  another  parliament.  Accordingly,  in  1656, 
he  issued  writs  for  the  election  of  representatives ;  and 
hoped,  by  the  credit  of  his  adniinistration,  and  by  the 
influence  of  his  oflicers  over  the  electors,  to  secure 
a  maiority  friendly  to  his  {]covernment.     But, 

.i"^,.  "^  .*?  „  PI         Sept.,  1656. 

notAvithstandmg  an  active  interference  of  the 
arm}'  with  the  elections,  he  found  the  new  parliament 
hostile ;   and  it  was  only  by  forcibly  excluding  a  hun- 
dred members,  that  he  was  able  to  secure  a  majority. 
Tlio  unbounded  ambition  of  Cromwell  Avas  not  sat- 
isfied with  his  present  dignit}'.     Unlike  the  (.,.omwoir8 
gi'eat  patriot,  William  of  Orange,  who  had  «t'"bition. 
rescued  his  country  from   tyranny,  he  aspired  to  a 
crown  ;   and  it  was  the  mission  of  his  parliamentary 
friciv^^  to  place  this  prize  within  his  reach.    This  pro- 
posal was  accordingly  made  ;  and,  despite  the  resis- 
tance c)f  the  chief  officers  of  the  army,  was  accepted 
by  a  largo  majority.     A  committee  was  appointed  to 


44.8  ENGLAND. 

confer  witli  tlie  protector,  and  to  persuade  liim  to  be- 
come their  king.  Never  liad  Cromwell  been  agitated 
by  sucli  doubts  and  misgivings.  That  he  coveted  the 
crown  for  himself  and  his  descendants,  is  certain  : 
that  he  had  himself  prompted  the  offer,  which  was 
now  made  to  him,  cannot  be  doubted :  that  he  be- 
lieved its  acceptance  would  confirm  his  own  j)ower, 
and  secure  the  settlement  and  tranquillity  of  the 
country,  can  scarcely  be  questioned.  Yet  the  obsta- 
cles he  encountered  were  grave  and  perilous.  The 
fiercest  republicans  in  the  land  were  his  own  generals, 
and  fanatical  soldiery.  They  had  been  taught  to 
abhor  a  king,  with  pious  horror,  as  Antichrist :  they 
had  followed  their  great  chief  as  the  enemy  of 
crowned  heads.  Could  they  now  be  prevailed  upon 
to  forswear  the  republic,  and  to  make  their  leader  a 
king  to  reign  over  them  ?  The  army  had  long  been 
his  sole  support :  could  he  now  brave  their  fierce  re- 
sentment ?  He  was  threatened  with  assassination  if 
he  mounted  the  throne,  which  he  had  himself  cast 
down :  could  he  defy  his  assassins  ?  He  was  bold 
enough  to  confront  these  dangers :  but  his  own  family, 
and  truest  friends,  besought  him  to  decline  the  prof- 
fered crown ;  and,  after  a  long  struggle  with  his 
doubts  and  forebodings,  the  protector  announced  his 
determination  to  resist  the  great  temptation,  by  which 
he  had,  for  a  time,  been  overcome.  The  greatest 
weakness  ever  betrayed  by  his  strong  nature,  was  this 
ill-disguised  longing  for  the  crown,  which,  when  laid 
at  his  feet,  he  did  not  venture  to  raise  to  his  brow. 

But,  having  refused  the  crown,  he  was  glad  to  re- 
confimied  ^^ive  from  the  parliament  a  confirmation  of 
t^tor'^M™'  ^^^  powers,  under  the  title  of  Lord  Protector. 
19, 1657.        Hitherto  his  title  had  been  derived  from  the 


DEATH   OF  CKOMWELL.  M9 

army  :  it  was  now  confirmed  by  parliament :  liis  reve- 
nue was  settled;  and  lie  was  empowered  to  nominate 
liis  successor.  At  tlie  same  time,  a  second  cliamber 
was  reviyed,  under  the  name  of  the  otlier  house. 

"When  Cromwell  next  met  his  parliament,  he  pro- 
fited little  by  his  new  parliamentary  title. 
The  opposition  had  recovered  strength:  the  ofthepar- 

,  , .  •       n  •      T  1     liaraent, 

republicans,  in  the  commons,  were  indignant  Jan.  20, 
with  the  other  house,  which  had  assumed 
the  title  of  the  Lords'  house  ;^  and  Cromwell  angrily 
dissolved  the  parliament  which  had  offered 

.  Feb.  4. 

him  the  crown,  and  confirmed  his  powers  as 
protector.    Dissolutions  had  become  as  frequent  as  in 
the  reign  of  Chajies  I. 

But  his  days  were  now  drawing  to  a  close.     Beset 
with  difSculties  and  anxieties :   apprehend-  j^^j^j,,  ^j 
ing  revolts  in  the  army  :  in  constant  dread  of  cromweii. 
assassination;  and  harassed  by  discords  in  his  own 
family,  he  was  stricken  with  mortal  illness ;  g,^  j  3 
and  he  died,  at  the  meridian  of  his  power,  ^'^^• 
and  in  the  most  threatening  crisis  of  his  fortunes. 

Cromwell  was  the  foremost  Englishman  of  his  age ; 
and  may  claim  a  place  among  the  great  men 
of  history.     As  a  soldier,  his  self-taught  ge-  of'cron" 
nius  was  conspicuous.     In  the  field  he  was  at 
once  bold  and  circumspect :   in  the  camp  he  knew 
how  best  to  recruit  and  organise  his  forces,  what  of- 
ficers to  trust,  and  how  to  sustain  the  warlike  spirit 
and  devotion  of  his  array.     In  civil  affairs  he  was  no 
less  bold  and  cautious  than  in  war  :  his  ambition  and 
fanaticism  urged  him  to  undortake  the  boldest  enter- 
prises :  but  he  veiled  them  with  the  most  jirofound 

'  Whitolock,  GGO;  Par/.  Uibt.  iii.  1533;  TLurloe,  vi.  1107. 


450  ENGLAXD. 

dissimulation.  Instruments  were  never  wanting  to 
further  liis  ambition :  religion  was  ever  found  to  sanc- 
tion his  most  questionable  acts.  His  hypocrisy  and 
dissimulation,  v/Iiich  impair  his  title  to  greatness, 
were  mainly  due  to  the  peculiar  religious  school  of 
which  he  was  an  accomplished  professor.  When  God's 
j)leasure  was  assumed  for  every  design  of  a  bold  and 
ambitious  man,  he  naturally  seemed  a  h^^pocrite  in 
tho  eyes  of  all  but  the  elect.  He  had  brought  a  king 
to  the  scaffold,  and  had  founded  a  republic :  but  he 
displayed  no  love  of  liberty.  In  the  early  contests  of 
the  parliament  with  Charles  I.  he  laboured  with  the 
other  leaders  of  the  popular  party  to  secure  the  rights 
of  the  people  :  but  when  the  civil  war  broke  out,  the 
principles  of  liberty  were  set  at  defiance, — as  they 
always  are  in  times  of  revolution.  When  he  exercised 
supreme  power  in  the  State,  he  governed  by  the  army, 
and  trampled  upon  parliaments.  He  had  carried  his 
supremacy  by  force  :  the  authority  of  successive  par- 
liaments had  no  better  foundation  than  his  own  ;  and 
as  the  master  of  twenty  legions,  he  refused  to  submit 
to  them.  When  all  parties  were  leagued  against  him, 
he  could  only  rule  by  the  sword.  In  religion  only  did 
he  disjDlay  a  greater  sense  of  freedom  than  many  of 
His  toiera-  ^^^  Contemporaries.  While  the  Presbyterians 
tion.  -were  in  the  ascendent,  they  proved  them- 

selves more  intolerant  than  Laud  and  his  bishops  : 
but  Cromwell,  belonging  to  a  sect  which  professed 
congregational  independence,  naturally  leaned  to  tole- 
ra'tion.  But,  as  he  excepted  from  his  favour  Eoman 
Catholics  and  prelatists,  his  principles  were  scarcely 
those  of  a  broad  and  comprehensive  toleration.^     He 

.    '  Tlio  extent  of  Cromwell's  toleration  may  be  judged  by  consult- 


RICHAED  CROMWELL.  451 

fell  sliort  of  tlie  ideal  spiritual  liberty  for  which  Mil- 
ton then  contended/  and  which  was  not  destined  to 
be  fully  realised  for  two  hundred  years :  but  he  was 
in  advance  of  his  own  age,  and  of  the  narrow  sectaries 
by  whom  he  was  surrounded. 

The  strong  hand  of  Cromwell  alone  was  able  to 
maintain  the  commonwealth ;  and  it  did  not 
long  survive  the  accession  of  his  feeble  son  cromweii 
Richard.     Eoyalists,  Presbyterians,  and  hon-  ^'°  ^''  °'^* 
est  republicans  were  united  in  their  aversion  to  the 
military  rule  of  the  protector  :  the  tyranny  of  the  ma- 
jor-generals had  exasperated  all  classes  of  the  people ; 
and  such  was  the  irreconcilable  division  of  parties, 
that  a  settled  constitutional  government,  under  a  com- 
monwealth, was  impracticable.     But  Eichard  had  to 
meet  a  still  greater  danger.      His  father  had  kept 
down  every  faction,  by  his  army :  but  the  foremost 
generals,  and  leading  fanatics  of  the  army,  were  now 
conspiring  against  himself.    He  had  summoned  a  par- 
liament which  seemed  not  unfriendly  to  his  rule  :  but 
the  generals  insisted  upon  its  immediate  dis-  ^   j,  ^ 
solution.      He  consented ;   and   a  few  days  ^'^^'•'• 
later,  resigned  his  protectorate. 

ing  tlie  following  authorities  :  Neal,  IRst.  of  the  Puritans,  ii.  98,  iv. 
28,  i;J8,  144,  3:38,  &c.  ;  Whitelock,  Mtm.  499,  570,  614  ;  Collier,  Hist. 
829;  Bates'  Ehn.  pt.  ii.  211;  Cl&romlon,  Hist.  vii.  2i53  ;  Baxter's 
Life,  i.  64 ;  Kennet,  ITist.  iii.  206  ;  Rushwortli,  vii.  308  ;  Short,  Ilist. 
425  ;  Brook,  Hist,  oflieliff.  Lib.  i.  504,  513-528. 

'  '  The  whole  freedom  of  man  consists  either  in  spiritual  or  civil 
liberty.  As  for  sjjiritual,  who  can  be  at  rest,  who  can  enjoy  any- 
thing in  this  world  with  contentment,  who  hath  not  liberty  to  serve 
God,  and  to  save  his  own  soul,  according  to  the  best  light  which 
God  hath  planted  in  him  for  that  purpose,  by  the  reading  of  his  re- 
vealed will,  and  the  guidance  of  his  own  Spirit.' — Milton,  Free  Com- 
monwealth. 


452  ENGLAND. 

England  was  ruled  again  by  tlie  army  alone :  but 
the  council  of  officers,  in  order  to  give  some 
Parliament  preteucG  of  civil  authority  to  their  rule,  re- 
Yiyed  the  Long  Parliament.  With  the  sub- 
tlety of  old  lawyers,  they  maintained  that,  as  this 
parliament  had  never  consented  to  its  own  dissolu- 
tion, it  was  still  lawfully  in  existence,  and  need  only 
resume  its  sittings.  And  accordingly  this  singular 
body,  consisting  of  about  seventy  members,  proceeded 
to  sit,  with  their  old  speaker  Lenthal  in  the  chair. 
But  this  pretence  of  legality  was  sufficiently  exposed 
by  the  continued  exclusion  of  the  members  whom 
Cromwell  had  forcibly  turned  out.  No  wonder  that 
this  absurd  assemblage  should  have  been  called,  with 
the  coarse  humour  of  the  age,  *  the  Eump.'  But  the 
revival  of  the  Long  Parliament  proved  a  double  error. 
It  was  more  hateful  to  the  people  than  the  army  itself; 
and  it  endeavoured  to  become  the  master,  instead  of  the 
slave,  of  the  generals.  The  unpopularity  of  both  these 
powers,  and  the  anarchy  into  which  the  State  seemed 
Q^^  j3  drifting,  encouraged  a  royalist  movement. 
1659.  '  This,  however,  was  soon  repressed :  when 
the  army  proceeded  to  disperse  the  parliament.  The 
authority  of  the  latter  was  replaced  by  a  'committee 
of  safety,'  chosen  by  the  officers  of  the  army  themselves. 
Li  truth,  however,  the  country  was  without  a  gov- 
ernment: it  was  profoundly  disturbed,  and 
narc  y.  jouging  for  some  settlement :  rival  generals 
were  following  their  own  ambitions ;  and  a  civil  war 
Dec  20  """^^  imminent  between  different  divisions  of 
1659.  '  lY^Q  army.  Again  the  Long  Parliament  was 
revived,  which  so  far  served  the  cause  of  order,  that 
it  broke  up  the  republican  army  under  Fleetwood  and 
Lambert 


THE   EESTOEATION.  453 

From  tliis   deplorable    anarchy    the   country  was 
rescued  by  the  prudent  caution  of  General  ^^^^.^^-^ 
Monk.      Marching   from    the   north    at   the  ^^°"^- 
head  of  his  army,  he  found  the  people  everywhere  dis- 
posed for  the  restoration  of  royalty,  to  which  his  own 
wishes  and  judgment  inclined.     But,  refraining  from 
any  premature  disclosure  of  his  designs,  which  might 
have   frustrated  their   execution,  he  marched  on  to 
Westminster,     There  he  insisted  upon  the  re-  ^^^^^^.5^  j^. 
suscitated  parliament  dissolving  itself;  and,   ^**^''- 
in  order  to  ensure  its  obedience,  he  restored  the  ex- 
cluded members  to  their  places. 

The  Long  Parliament  was  at  last  effectually  dis- 
solved ;  and  the  histoiy  of  that  body,  and  of 
every  other  parliament,  since  the  commence-  ihmient 
ment  of  the  civil  war,  shows  that  in  times  of 
revolution,  freedom  of  election,  and  freedom  of  discus- 
sion, in  a  legislative  body,  are  unknown.     The  legisla- 
ture is  subservient  to  the  dominant  party  in  the  army,  or 
among  the  populace  ;  and  independence  is  incompati- 
ble with  the  conditions  of  a  revolutionary  government. 

A  free  parliament  was  now  to  be  chosen,  and  a 
general  enthusiasm  was  shown  in  favour  of  T^eropto- 
the  monarchy.  Presbyterians  who  had  fought  '■'^''""• 
against  the  late  king  were  now  vying  with  the  royalists, 
who  had  fought  by  his  side,  to  recal  his  son  to  the 
throne  of  his  ancestors.  The  people,  wearied  by  civil 
wars,  military  oppression,  burthensome  taxes,  and 
anarchy,  cried  aloud  for  a  revival  of  the  good  old 
times  before  the  commonwealth.  That  government 
liad  brought  neither  peace  nor  liberty  to  the  people  : 
it  had  disappointed  the  hopes  of  republicans  :^  it  had 

'  '  Wliero  iH  tliis  goodly  towor  of  a  coiuinonwonltli  wliicli  tho  Eng- 
lish boasted  ihay  would  build  to  overshadow  kings,  and  be  anothel 


454  ENGLAND. 

dispelled  tlie  visions  of  religious  and  political  entliii- 
siasts  :  it  had  outraged  all  the  parties,  in  succession, 
which  had  taken  part  in  the  revolution  and  civil  war. 
Meanwhile,  Monk,  who  still  kept  his  own  counsels, 
had  taken  effectual  measures  for  disabling,  and  hold- 
ing in  check,  the  scattered  forces  of  the  republican 
army ;  and  when  the  new  parliament  met,  the  resto- 
ration of  Charles  was  unanimously  voted,  amidst  the 
acclamations  of  the  people.  The  lords  returned  to 
their  places  in  the  upper  house,  and  joined  in  the 
popular  vote. 

Monk  was  blamed,  at  the  time,  by  partisans  of  the 
king,  and  since  by  many  writers,  for  undue 
caiukm^'f  caution  and  reserve,  in  this  delicate  enter- 
Monk-  prise :  but  his  reticence  disarmed  the  dan- 
gerous resistance  of  the  republicans  in  the  army,  the 
parliament,  and  the  country ;  and  it  secured  the  consti- 
tutional restoration  of  the  monarchy  by  a  free  parlia- 
ment, instead  of  by  military  force.  He  had  maintained 
the  peace  of  the  country,  while  it  freely  pronounced 
its  opinion,  instead  of  restoring  his  sovereign  by  a  coiip 
tVetat;  and  his  politic  measures  contributed  to  the 
enthusiasm  with  which  Charles  was  received  by  his 
joyful  people.  Stern  republicans  complained  with 
Milton^  that,  'having  been  delivered  by  the  Lord  from 
a  king,  they  were   returning   to   the   captivity  from 

Rome  in  the  West  ?  The  foundation  thej'  lay  gallantly,  but  fell 
into  a  worse  confusion,  not  of  tongues,  but  of  factions,  than  those  at 
the  tower  of  Babel ;  and  have  left  no  memorial  of  their  work  behind 
them  remaining  but  in  the  common  laughter  of  Europe.' — Milton, 
Free  CommonweaWi. 

'  '  As  if  he  shall  hear  now,  how  much  less  will  he  hear  when  we 
cry  hereafter,  who  once  delivered  by  him  from  a  king,  and  not  with- 
out wondrous  acts  of  his  providence,  insensible  and  unworthy  of 
those  high  mercies,  are  returning  precipitantly,  if  he  withhold  us 


THE  RESTORATION.  455 

wlience  lie  fi-eed  tliem : '   but  the  multitude  received 
their  hereditary  king  with  loyal  devotion. 

For  eighteen  years  the  country  had  suffered  all  the 
evils  of  ci%-il  war,  of  military  oppression  and 
anarchy ;  and  at  length  the  monarchy  was  ">e chii 

'I    '  o  •'  war  upon 


restored,  with  its  ancient  prerogatives  un-  themouar- 


ipon 
n 
chy. 


diminished.  The  revolution  seemed  to  have 
borne  no  fruit :  another  king  reigned  in  the  place  of 
him  who  had  been  sacrificed  to  the  cause  of  liberty  : 
but  otherwise  the  political  constitution  of  England 
appeared  to  be  unchanged.  But,  in  truth,  the  late 
struggles  had  materially  altered  the  relations  of  the 
people  to  the  crown.  The  power  of  the  parliament, 
and  of  the  commons  of  England,  had  been  demon- 
strated; and  a  democratic  spirit  had  been  suddenly 
aroused  among  the  people.  The  responsibilities  of 
kings  and  statesmen  had  been  terribly  illustrated : 
the  traditional  reverence  for  power,  whether  exercised 
by  king  or  parliament,  had  been  rudely  shaken.  The 
political  sentiments  of  the  nation  had  also  been 
awakened  by  the  impassioned  appeals  of  the  pulpit 
and  the  press.  Throughout  this  revolutionary  period 
of  our  history,  the  pulpit  had  made  its  religious 
mission  subservient  to  political  agitation ;  and  the 
religious  fanaticism  of  the  time  became  identified 
with  its  fierce  political  passions.  The  activity  of  the 
press  was  unexampled :  the  rise  of  political  writings, 
for  universal  circulation,  may  be  dated  from  tliis 
time  :  of  which  thirty  thousand  political  pamphlets 
and  newspapers  have  been  preserved.^    A  deep  interest 

not,  back  to  the  captivity  from  whence  be  freed  us.' — Free  CommoTi- 
wealth. 

'  Thoy  were  collected  by  Mr.  Tliotnasson,  and  occupy  2,000 
volnmos  in  the  British  Museum.  Disraeli,  Cariosities  of  Literature, 
\.  \1')  ;  Knight,  Old  P rinter  and  Modern  Press,  191). 


456  ENGLAND. 

in  politics  was  aroused  by  tlie  personal  conflicts  and 
sufferings  of  tlie  civil  war.  The  political  results  of 
the  revolution  were  briefly  these  :  increased  politi- 
cal knowledge,  a  more  independent  spirit,  quickened 
popular  instincts,  and  greater  powers  of  combination 
among  the  people,  without  any  sensible  diminution 
of  their  traditional  loyalty.  They  had  learned  their 
powers  of  resistance  to  prerogative :  but  they  had 
also  suffered  from  the  oppression  of  usurping  parlia- 
ments, and  republican  armies.  The  lessons  they  had 
learned  led  them  to  value  liberty  more  than  ever,  and 
to  associate  it  with  a  constitutional  mouarcliy. 

Upon  the  restoration,  the  work  of  the  late  revolu- 
„     ,.  tion  was  speedily  undone.     The  monarchy 

Reaction  .  .  *^ 

under  "was  reinstated  without  any  new  limitations  : 

Charles  II.  '' 

the  House  of  Lords  was  admitted  to  its  an- 
cient privileges :  prelacy  was  revived :  the  bishops  were 
restored  to  their  seats  in  parliament;  and  the  Pres- 
byterian and  Puritan  clergy,  who  had  obtained  bene- 
fices in  the  church  in  the  late  anti-prelatical  times, 
were  thrust  out  again  by  a  rigorous  act  of  uniformity. 
The  church,  restored  to  her  former  ascendency,  further 
avenged  herself  ui3on  the  Puritans,  for  her  late  pro- 
stration, with  penal  laws,  and  civil  disabilities.  These 
severities,  v^liich  delighted  royalists  and  churchmen, 
were  not  unacceptable  to  the  great  body  of  the  people. 
The  gloomy  fanaticism,  and  religious  extravagances 
1  of  their  late  rulers,  had  disgusted  them  with  the  pray- 
ing and  preaching  sects,  who  were  now  in  disgrace,  and 
drove  them  to  the  opposite  extreme  of  royalist  license. 
Every  sign  betokened  a  complete  revival  of  the 
former  government  in  Church  and  State  :  the 

Elements  i     i  •  t  i  i     p  • 

of  future      revolution  appeared  to  have  left  no  traces  of 

freedom.  ••       t       i  i  •         p  -rt         • 

its  destructive  force.     But  it  was  soon  to  bo 


JAMES  n.  457 

discoyered  that  tlie  people,  educated  in  freedom,  were 
prepared  to  resist,  by  force,  any  invasion  of  their 
rights.  And,  in  later  times,  the  alienation  of  the  non- 
conformists bore  fruits,  in  the  weakening  of  the  church 
establishment,  and  the  strengthening  of  popular  move- 
ments in  favour  of  civil  and  religious  liberty. 

The  renewed  confidence  of  the  English  people  in 
the  Stuarts  was  ill  requited.     Before  many 

,  Charles  II 

years  had  passed,  Charles  II.  was  shamefully 
intriguing  with  his  great  neighbour  Louis  XIV.,  for 
aid  in  repressing  the  liberties,  and  subvert- 
ing the  religion  of  his  own  subjects.^     The 
last  years  of  his   life   were    sj)ent  in   straining  his 
prerogatives  :  while  his  courtiers,  lawyers,  and  high 
churchmen  proclaimed  his  divine   right,  and  incul- 
cated upon  his  subjects  the  duty  of  passive  obedience. 
The  monarchy  seemed  as  powerful  as  in  the  early 
years  of  Charles  I.     The  lessons  of  that  reign  had 
been  forgotten ;  and  Charles  died  too  soon  to  be  re- 
minded of  them. 

But  his  brother,  James  H.,  more  blind  than  himself 
to  tlie  political  experience  of  his  family,  and 
to  the  signs  of  the  times,  was  rudely  awak- 
ened to  the  danger  of  trifling  with  the  liberties  and 
the  religion  of  his  country.  Such  were  the  sentiments 
of  loyalty,  by  which  the  great  body  of  the  people 
were  animated,  and  such  the  subservience  of  parlia- 
ment,— influenced  by  corruption  and  artful  '  manage- 
ment,'— that  James's  monstrous  designs  upon  the  civil 
liberties  of  England  might  not  have  provoked  resis- 
tance. But,  as  he  was  clearly  bent  upon  restoring  the 
Homan  Catholic  faith,  which  was  odious  to  the  whole 

'  Dalrymplc,  1G3,  230,  337. 
VOL.  II.— 20 


458  ENGLAM). 

country,  churchmen  and  nonconformists,  and  the 
friends  of  civil  liberty  united  against  him,  and  ex- 
pelled him  from  his  throne.  The  very  bishops  who 
had  preached  the  doctrines  of  non-resistance,  and  the 
University  of  Oxford  which  had  asserted  the  divine 
rights  of  the  Lord's  anointed,  were  now  foremost  in 
resisting  his  dangerous  encroachments  upon  the  liber- 
ties and  religion  of  the  people. 

Democracy  bore  so  small  a  part  in  'the  glorious 
Kevoiution  I'svolutiou '  of  1688,  that  its  incidents  need 
ofieas.  not  here  be  dwelt  upon.  But  it  can  scarcely 
be  doubted  that  so  prompt  and  general  a  resistance 
to  James  could  not  have  been  organised,  unless  the 
people  had  been  prepared,  by  the  traditions  of  the 
great  rebellion,  to  withstand  invasions  of  their  rights, 
and  even  to  take  up  arms  against  their  king.  The  op- 
position to  Charles  was  inflamed  and  embittered  by 
religious  passions  ;  and  his  son  encountered  the  same 
dangerous  union  of  political  and  religious  zeal.  In 
both  cases,  the  English  people  determined  to  main- 
tain their  rights,  even  by  the  sword,  against  the  un- 
lawful acts  of  their  sovereign.  Twice  they  overcame 
the  reverence  and  awe  in  which  the  majesty  of  the 
king  was  held.  Twice  they  rebelled,  when  rebellion 
was  accounted  a  sin.  And  now  the  revolution,  not  for 
the  first  time,^ — recognised  the  right  of  subjects  to  re- 
sist violations  of  their  lawful  rights. 

For  centuries  the  supreme  and  indefeasible  rights 
„  .    .  ,        of  the  monarchy  had  been  maintained  :  but 

Pimciples  '' 

of  therevo-    lienccforth  it  became  a  constitutional  maxim 

lution  of 

^•^^^  that  the  parliament  and  people  of  England 

could  depose   a  king  for  a  violation  of   the  laws, 

'  Supra,  pp.  363,  364. 


REVOLUTION  OF  1688.  459 

and  place  another  upon  liis  throne.^  The  right  of 
chanoincr  and  limitincj  the  succession  to  the  crown, 
and  defining  its  prerogatives,  was  also  maintained  by- 
parliament.  From  this  time  forth,  the  monarchy, 
■while  still  based  upon  hereditary  right,  was  unques- 
tionably subject  to  the  laws  of  the  realm,  and  to  the 
judgment  of  the  parliament  and  people  of  England. 
It  was  a  constitutional  monarchy,  brought  into  har- 
mony with  a  free  people,  and  democratic  institutions. 
The  revolution  of  1688  is  a  memorable  example 
of  the  temperate  and  orderly  spirit  of  Eng- 
lish freedom.     Everv  security  was  taken  for  for  public 

.       .  liberty 

the  public  liberties :  every  principle  affirmed 
that  was  essential  to  the  government  of  a  free  people  : 
yet  were  these  popular  privileges  maintained,  not  in 
the  spirit  of  democracy,  but  in  assertion  of  lawful 
rights  and  franchises.  The  revolution,  indeed,  was 
founded  upon  the  democratic  principle,  that  the  judg- 
ment and  will  of  the  people  should  prevail  over  here- 
ditary rights,  and  royal  prerogatives.  But  the  states- 
men and  parties,  who  affirmed  that  principle,  were  as 
far  removed  as  possible  from  the  character  of  demo- 
crats. It  formed  no  part  of  their  design  to  favour  the 
ascendency  of  the  people  in  the  national  councils. 
They  had  appealed  to  the  sentiments  of  their  country- 
men, in  defence  of  their  religion  and  liberties  :  but  so 
soon  as  the  revolution  had  been  achieved,  they  were 

'  The  terms  of  the  celebrated  resolution  of  the  commons,  Jan.  28, 
1688  (agreed  to  by  the  lords  on  Feb.  6)  were  these  :  '  That  King 
James  II.  having  endeavoured  to  subvert  the  constitution  of  this 
kingdom,  by  breaking  tlie  original  contract  between  king  and  peo- 
ple, and,  by  the  advice  of  Jesuits  and  other  wicked  persons,  having 
violated  the  fundamental  laws,  and  having  withdrawn  himself  out 
of  the  kingdom,  has  abdicated  the  government,  and  that  the  throne 
is  therfl)y  vacant.' 


4C0  ENGLAND. 

prepared  to  govern  on  tlie  old  lines  of  tlie  constitu- 
tion. 

The  stability  of  tlie  settlement  of  1688  was  due  to 
Character-  *^®  respect  in  whicli  it  Leld  the  ancient  laws 
revuhition^^  and  institutions  of  the  State.  There  was  no 
of  1688.  theoretical  reconstruction  of  institutions  :  no 
irreverence  for  traditions  :  no  neglect  of  the  interests 
of  different  classes.  The  constitution  had  been  the 
growth  of  many  centuries :  its  fundamental  laws  and 
liberties  were  well  known,  and  cherished  by  the  peo- 
ple :  kings  had  lately  violated  them,  and  had  been 
deposed  :  the  commonwealth  had  outraged  them,  and 
liad  perished ;  and  now  the  constitution  was  restored 
to  its  normal  limits.  The  prerogatives  of  the  crown 
wore  restrained,  and  placed  in  trust  for  the  welfare 
of  the  people  :  securities  were  taken  for  the  due  exe- 
cution of  the  laws :  the  church  was  secured  in  its 
faith,  its  polity,  and  its  revenues,  while  freedom  of 
worship  was  extended  to  other  communions :  the 
peers  were  maintained  in  their  ancient  honours  and 
privileges :  the  commons  were  confirmed  in  their  in- 
dependence, and  in  their  valued  right  of  taxation  : 
the  people  were  assured  of  their  liberties ;  and  the 
property  and  interests  of  all  parties  and  classes  were 
respected.  Such  a  revolution  was  not  the  triumph  of 
one  party  over  another ;  but  the  renovation  of  the 
State,  in  the  spirit  of  its  own  traditions  and  predilec- 
tions. 

Such  being  the  spirit  of  the  revolution,  the  reign  of 
William  William  m.  was  marked  by  a  vigorous  spirit 
™-  of  constitutional  reform.     The  prerogatives 

of  the  crown  were  limited :  the  authority  of  parlia- 
ment was  enlarged.  Henceforth,  the  military  forces, 
and  the  resources  of  the  crown,  became  absolutely 


WTT.TJrJM  m.  461 

subject  to  tlie  will  of  parliament.  Many  remedial  laws 
were  passed  for  securing  freedom  of  election,  the  in- 
dependence of  parliament,  and  the  liberty  of  the  sub- 
ject :  but  all  were  conceived  in  a  constitutional  spirit, 
and  were  consistent  with  the  principles  of  a  limited 
monarchy.  In  none  of  the  legislation,  or  parliamen- 
tary debates,  is  there  to  be  found  a  trace  of  revolu- 
tionary or  republican  sentiments.  No  republican 
party  appears  to  have  survived  the  commonwealth. 
But  the  spirit  of  free  inquiry,  which  had  been  aroused 
by  the  struggles  of  that  period,  continued  to  animate 
the  speculative  and  controversial  writers  of  William's 
reign ;  and  the  principles  affirmed  by  the  revolution, 
when  hotly  pressed  into  their  service,  could  not  fail 
to  assume  a  republican  colour.  To  dwell  upon  the 
sovereignty  of  the  people  ;  to  urge  that  all  civil  gov- 
ernment is  founded  upon  the  consent  of  society,  and 
an  original  contract  between  the  people  and  their 
rulers,  was  unquestionably  to  maintain  the  principles 
of  democracy.  But  such  abstract  speculations,  which 
were  common  at  this  time,^  were  without  influence 
upon  the  practical  government  of  the  State.  The 
theories  of  John  Locke  affected  the  political  move- 
ments of  his  own  age,  no  more  than  the  '  Republic '  of 
Plato,  the  '  Utopia '  of  Sir  Thomas  More,  the  *  Ecclesi- 
astical Polity'  of  Hooker,^  or  the  Tree  Common- 
wealth '  of  Milton. 

The  whig  w^riters  and  pamphleteers  of  the  reign 
of  William,  founding  their  arguments  upon  the  princi- 
ples of  the  revolution,  often  advanced  propositions 
which  exposed  them  to  the  taunt  of  republicanism 


'  Sec  Somera'  Tracts,  especially  x.  148  ;  and  State  T'racts  of  Wil- 
liam III.,  3  vols.  fol.  ''  See  books  i.  and  viii. 


462  ENGLAND. 

from  their  opponents :  but  nothing  could  be  more 
harmless  than  their  writings.  It  was  their  aim  to  up- 
hold the  principles,  and  defend  the  conduct,  of  their 
own  party, — to  advocate  measures  which  they  fa- 
voured,— and  to  expose  the  reactionary  principles  of 
their  Tory  rivals.  Their  controversies  were  nothing 
more  than  the  contentions  of  rival  j^arliamentary  par- 
ties, seeking  for  power  and  advancement  under  the 
monarchy  ;  and  to  reproach  the  Whig  writers  of  that 
day  with  democratic  sentiments  can  only  provoke  a 
smile. 

Whatever  the  principles  of  the  revolution,  and  of 
Thcwhi<r  *^®  Whig  party,  who  were  its  representa- 
paity.  "  tives  and  exponents,  it  is  certain  that  demo- 
cracy formed  no  part  of  the  politics  of  England.  The 
most  advanced  opinions  were  entirely  consistent  with 
all  the  institutions  of  a  limited  monarchy.  And  how 
far  did  the  principles  of  freedom,  contended  for  by  the 
most  liberal  of  the  political  parties,  transcend  their 
practice  ? 

In  the  reign  of  William,  the  rights  of  parliament 
The  re  re-  "^©re  fuUy  established :  the  House  of  Com- 
scuiatioii.  mons  acquired  its  proper  place  in  the  legis- 
lature, as  guardian  of  the  interests  of  the  people.  But 
how  were  the  people  represented  ?  It  has  been  de- 
monstrated, again  and  again,  that  a  general  represen- 
tation of  the  country  had  become  almost  a  fiction. 
The  county  members  were  generally  the  nominees 
of  great  territorial  nobles  :  a  large  proportion  of 
the  borough  members  owed  their  seats  to  the  crown, 
to  local  magnates,  and  to  close  corporations ;  and 
even  the  representatives  of  more  considerable  places, 
too  often  acquired  their  seats  by  bribery  and  other 
corrupt  influences.     Seats  in  parliament  were   pur- 


POWER  OF  THE  AEISTOCRACY.  463 

cliasecl  with  no  more  compunction  than  lands,  houses, 
or  the  public  funds.  They  were  a  political  invest- 
ment, recognised  by  society,  and  not  yet  condemned 
by  public  opinion.  Hence,  the  House  of  Commons, 
though  it  often  gave  expression  to  popular  sentiments, 
represented  not  so  much  the  people,  as  the  crown  and 
the  territorial  aristocracy.  Nor  was  this  all.  The 
House  of  Commons  had  lately  proved  itself  too  dan- 
gerous a  body,  even  under  franchises  so  limited,  to 
be  trusted  with  the  free  exercise  of  its  powers ;  and, 
soon  after  the  restoration,  the  'management'  of  that 
body  became  one  of  the  arts  of  statesmanship.  It  was 
not  enough  for  rulers  to  command  the  representation : 
it  was  further  necessary  to  secure  the  services  of  the 
representatives  themselves,  and  their  fidelity  to  the 
governing  party.  Hence  arose  the  greatest  rejiroach 
upon  the  history  of  our  constitution, — the  system  of 
securing  parliamentary  support  by  places  and  pen- 
sions, and  even  by  grosser  forms  of  pecuniary  corruj)- 
tion.* 

By  these  electoral  and  parliamentary  abuses,  the 
croTVTi  and  the  aristocracy  contrived  to  emas- 
culate  the   popular  representation   of  their  thcuris- 
country.     Meanwhile,  the  crown,  having  lost 
much   of  its   power  by  the  revolution,  and  by  the 
measures  which  followed  it,  the  governmenf  fell  easily 
into  the  hands  of  the  great  territorial  families,  who 
had  most  influence  over  the  House  of  Commons.     It 
lias  even  been  contended  that  the  constitution  of  Eng- 
land had  become  an  oligarchy :  but,  hapjDily,  the  prin- 

'  This  sketch  of  the  abases  of  parliamentary  representation  is  ne- 
cessarily brief  ;  but  a  full  review  of  them  will  bo  found  in  the  sixth 
chupt(!r  of  the  author'n  Co/islUuliowil  Ilidor?/  of  Eit'jland  since  the 
accemon  of  Gcorrjc  III.,  Ti\\\  ud. 


464  ENGLAND. 

ciples  of  Englisli  freedom  were  not  overtlirown.  The 
Wliigs,  who  were  identified  with  the  reigning  family, 
continued  to  assert  the  liberal  principles  v/hich  had 
called  it  to  the  throne ;  and  even  their  Tory  rivals 
were  fain  to  borrow  them,  in  their  endeavours  to  ob- 
tain popular  support.  The  rivalry  of  parties  favoured 
liberty ;  and  popular  institutions,  however  corrupted, 
kept  alive  the  free  spirit  of  the  nation.  Parliamen- 
tary government  was  assuming  a  form  most  favourable 
to  freedom.  Ministers  of  the  crown,  no  longer  able 
to  govern  the  State  without  the  confidence  of  parlia- 
ment, were  constrained  to  defer  to  public  opinion; 
and  whatever  of  personal  power  was  thus  lost  to  the 
crown  was  gained  by  the  people.  At  the  same  time, 
the  growing  influence  of  the  press, — corrupt  and  venal 
as  it  was, — became  a  safeguard  against  misgovern- 
ment,  and  flagrant  abuses  of  power. 

From  the  revolution  to  the  accession  of  George  III., 
From  the  while  England  enjoyed  more  freedom  than 
[evolution  Q^j^j  country  in  the  world,  there  are  no  traces 
^^^-  of  democracy.     There  were,  indeed,  two  dan- 

gerous rebellions :  but  they  aimed  at  the  restoration 
of  the  reactionary  Stuarts,  who  had  been  deposed  for 
violating  the  liberties  of  the  people.  That  the  people 
could  be  aroused  to  a  successful  resistance  of  unpopu- 
lar measures,  was  proved  by  the  resolute  opposition 
of  the  Irish,  under  the  influence  of  Swift's  celebrated 
j„23  'Drapier's  Letters,'  to  the  introduction  of 

Wood's  new  halfpence  into  Ireland  :  ^  by  the 
17*3.  popular  clamours  against  Sir  R.  Walpole's 

excise   scheme  :  by  the  riotous  agitation  of  the  me- 

'  See  a  spirited  account  in  Thackeray's  Humorists  (Swift)  as  well 
as  in  tlie  usual  histories. 


THE   LANDED   INTEEEST.  465 

tropolis  against  the  gin  act,  v/liicli  led  to  its  repeal;^ 
and,  again,  by  the  successful  outcry  for  the  i-3(j_i^4o 
repeal  of  the  recent  act  for  the  natural- 
isation of  the  Jews.  But  such  explosions  of  ^"^• 
popular  discontent  were  not  signs  of  a  democratic 
spirit  among  the  people.  In  all  countries,  even  the 
most  despotic, — in  Asia,  in  Turkey,  in  the  autocratic 
States  of  Europe,  and  in  all  ages, — such  outbreaks 
have  been  known.  But  they  are  evidences  not  of 
freedom  of  opinion,  or  of  popular  control  over  the 
government :  but  of  the  sufferings,  passions,  and  pre- 
judices of  the  multitude.  They  have,  indeed,  bee^ 
most  frequent  in  States  in  which  there  was  the  least 
hope  of  securing  the  redress  of  grievances  by  con- 
stitutional means.  Free  institutions  have  formed 
the  best  safeguards  against  popular  tumults.  Dur- 
ing this  period,  many  useful  securities  were  devised 
for  public  liberty ;  and  the  commonalty,  rapidly 
advancing  in  numbers,  wealth  and  intelligence, 
were  laying  the  foundations  of  increased  political 
power. 

Powerful  middle  classes  were  rapidly  rising  up  :  but 
as  yet  the  crown,  the  church,  the  nobles,  and 

.  ^  Ascendency 

the  country  gentlemen  were   m   the  ascen-  of  the 

T11T-  IT  ^     crown,  tli(! 

dent.    In  wealth,  dignity,  public  respect,  and  ciHirci,,  jmd 
social  influence,  they  prevailed  over  all  other  t"r^  "''  t'i« 
classes;    and    their   political   power  corres- 
ponded with  their  commanding   position   in  society. 
TJie  church  had  recovered  from  the  rough 
assaults  of  Presbyterians  and  Independents, 
and  was  enjoying  a  period  of  repose  and  security. 
Dissenters,  discountenanced   and  repressed  by  civil 

'  Smollett,  Hint.  ii.  331,  438. 
20* 


466  ENGLAND. 

disabilities,  were  no  longer  dreaded  as  enemies  of  tlie 
establisliment.  The  clergy,  inert  and  indif- 
eccigy.  £gj.gj^^^  were  losing  much  of  their  spiritual 
influence  :  but,  in  union  with  the  crown  and  the  pro- 
prietors of  the  soil,  they  wielded  a  great  social  and 
political  power. 

The   nobles,    continually    increasing    in   numbers, 
and  enriched  by  the  spoils  of  the  church,  by 

The  nobles.  i  i-  i        t        i  i        xxi  i 

grants  oi  croAvn  lands,  by  great  olnces,  by 
inheritance,  and  by  alliances,  had  become  possessed 
of  extensive  territories  in  every  county.  Like  their 
fprefathers,  they  cherished  their  country  homes. 
They  built  noble  mansions  :  they  surrounded  them- 
selves with  parks,  woods,  and  pleasure  grounds: 
their  domains  were  tastefully  planted,  cultivated,  and 
fenced :  the  traveller  recognised  them,  at  a  glance,  as 
the  stately  abodes  of  the  great  and  noble.  These 
surroundings  were  more  congenial  to  their  tastes  than 
the  attractions  of  the  capital.  James  I.  had  discour- 
aged their  resort  to  Whitehall ;  ^  but  Charles  II.  had 
seduced  many  from  their  retirement,  by  the  gaieties 
and  pleasures  of  his  profligate  court.  Like  the  no- 
bles of  Louis  XIV.,  they  were  in  danger  of  exchang- 
ing their  feudal  power,  in  the  country,  for  the  frivo- 
lous life  of  gilded  courtiers.  But  this  peril  to  their 
order  passed  away,  in  succeeding  reigns ;  and  the 
nobles  continued  to  enjoy  the  power,  without  the  in- 
vidious privileges  of  feudalism.     As  leaders  of  soci- 

•  '  He  was  wont  to  be  very  earnest  with  the  country  gentlemen  to 
go  from  London  to  their  country  seats.  And  sometimes  he  would 
say  thus  to  them  :  "Gentlemen,  at  London  you  are  like  ships  in  a 
sea,  which  show  like  nothing  ;  but  in  your  country  villages  you  are 
like  ships  in  a  river,  which  look  like  great  things."  ' — Lord  Bacon, 
Aiiophthcgms ;  Hume,  Hist.  iv.  355. 


THE   LANDED   INTEREST.  467 

ety  :  as  magistrates :  as  patrons  of  every  local  enter- 
prise, their  influence  was  paramount. 

The  country  gentlemen  formed  another  section  of 
the  aristocracy  of  the  land.  Many  boasted 
of  a  lineage  as  ancient  as  that  of  the  proud-  try  gentie- 
est  peer ;  and  in  wealth  and  influence  this 
more  considerable  body  even  surpassed  the  peerage : 
but  these  two  orders,  instead  of  impairing  their  power 
by  political  rivalries,  were  firmly  united  in  principles 
and  interests ;  and  made  common  cause  in  maintain- 
ing the  ascendency  of  the  proprietors  of  the  soil 
over  all  other  classes  of  society.  Their  power  was 
confirmed  by  their  extraordinary  influence  over  the 
clergy.  The  bishops  were  the  relatives,  college 
friends,  and  tutors  of  nobles  and  ministers  of  State ; 
and  a  large  proportion  of  the  clergy  owed  their  bene- 
fices to  the  favour  of  lay  patrons.  Most  of  them  were 
connected  with  the  county  families  :  and  all  were  be- 
holden to  the  peer,  or  to  the  squire,  for  hospitality 
and  social  courtesies.  Never  was  a  church  so  closely 
identified  with  the  land.  A  society  so  constituted 
naturally  commanded  political  supremacy,  until  other 
classes  should  arise  to  contest  it ;  and  this  develop- 
ment of  social  forces,  already  silently  advancing,  was 
to  reveal  itself  in  later  times. 


CHAPTEE  XXn. 

ENGLAND  {continued). 

FIRST  YEARS  OF  GEORGE  III. — THE  WAR  OF  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE 
— THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION — REPRESSION  OP  PUBLIC  OPINION — 
REIGN  OF  GEORGE  IV. — SOCIAL  CHANGES— GROWTH  OF  TOWNS — IN- 
CREASE OF  DISSENT — DISTURBANCE  OF  THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER — 
THE  PRESS  AND  POLITICAL  AGITATION — POPULAR  REPRESENTATION 
—  SALUTARY  REFORMS  —  DEMOCRATIC  ASPECTS  OF  THE  ENGLISH 
GOVERNMENT— LOYALTY — CONSERVATIVE  ELEMENTS  OF  SOCIETY. 

The  first  twenty  years  of  George  III.'s  reign  dis- 
played the  augmented  force  and  activity  of 
of  George^  popular  movements.  That  monarch  endea- 
voured to  revive  the  personal  influence  of  the 
sovereign,  in  the  government  of  the  State,  which  had 
been  little  exercised  since  the  time  of  William  III. ; 
and  his  unpopular  measures  aroused  a  sj)irit  of  oppo- 
sition, vv^hich  suddenly  revealed  the  power  of  public 
opinion,  and  developed  new  agencies  for  giving  ex- 
pression to  it.  The  storm  of  ridicule  and  abuse  by 
which  the  royal  favourite,  Lord  Bute,  was  driven  from 
favour :  the  bold  and  artful  agitation  of  Wilkes :  the 
increasing  boldness  of  the  press :  the  triumphant  per- 
sistence of  the  printers  in  publishing  Parliamentary 
debates :  the  turbulent  spirit  of  the  people :  the  in- 
fluence of  public  meetings  and  political  associations ; 
and  the  increasing  freedom  of  speech  in  Parliament,^ 

'  See  the  author's  Constitutional  History,  chaps,  vii.  viii.  ix.,  for  a 
more  particular  account  of  these  movements. 


AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE.  469 

were  symptoms  of  a  democratic  force  long  unkno\vn 
in  England. 

Tills  pojDular  movement  received  an  extraordinary 
impulse  from  the  revolt  of  the  American   colonies. 
The  contest  between  the  two  great  English  -niewarof 
parties,  in  relation  to  the  insurgent  colonists,   •^'^\^p|.'if.'^ 
brought  out,  in  bold  relief,  the  democratic  '^''"'^''• 
principles  of  1642,  and  1688 — the  unlawfulness  of  tax- 
ation without  the  consent  of  the  taxpayers,  through 
their  representatives,  and  the  right  of  the  people  to 
resist  oppression  by  force.     This  controversy  encour- 
aged the  formation  of  a  small  democratic  party  in 
England :  ^  while  the  ultimate  success  of  the  rebel- 
lion, and  the  triumph  of  the  English  party  which  had 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  colonies,  further  advanced 
the  principles  of  democracy. 

But  it  was  in  France,  far  more  than  in  England, 
that  the  struggle  of  the  American  colonies  jtgp^ectg 
for  independence  encouraged  the  spirit  of  j^'j'Ji",':'';  }".,„ 
democracy.  Whatever  the  abstract  princi-  »"  England. 
pies  involved  in  the  contest  between  the  mother  coun- 
try and  her  colonies,  the  honour  and  interests  of  Eng- 
land were  at  stake,  and  the  feelings  of  Englishmen 
were  naturally  enlisted  in  support  of  their  own  coun- 
try :  while  in  France,  which  had  made  common  cause 
with  the  colonies  against  England,  the  principles  of 
her  new  allies  were  eagerly  espoused,  and  popu- 
larised. Englishmen,  again,  were  generally  contented 
with  their  constitutional  fi-eedom:  while  the  French 
were  suffering  from  the  accumulated  ills  of  many 
centuries  of  arbitrary  rule.  Hence,  in  England,  the 
popular  excitement  caused  by  the  American  war  of 

'  Htoplion,  Life  of  Home  Tookc,  i.  102-175,  ii.  38;  Cooke,  IlUt.  of 
Party,  iii.  188 ;  Wy  vill,  Pulilical  Papers,  ii.  4G3. 


470  ENGLAND. 

independence  soon  subsided :  wliilo  in  France,  it  con- 
tributed, witli  other  grave  causes  of  political  and 
social  discontent,  to  the  momentous  revolution  of 
1789.1 

The  sympathy  -which  vibrates,  with  mysterious  force, 
Democratic  through  different  nations,  in  times  of  revolu- 
rn*Engiand.  tiou,  was  illustrated  upon  this,  as  upon  other 
^'^^'  similar  occasions.^     It  was  now  followed  by 

an  active  democratic  movement  in  England  and  Scot- 
land. It  failed  to  reach  any  considerable  number  of 
the  people  :  it  embraced  no  persons  of  position  or 
influence  ;  and  it  was  sternly  repressed  by  the  author- 
ity of  Parliament.^  If  France  had  contented  herself 
with  the  redress  of  her  acknowledged  grievances,  and 
the  establishment  of  well-ordered  liberty,  she  would 
have  commanded  the  sympathy  of  most  Englishmen  : 
but  her  revolutionary  excesses  at  once  revolted  and 
alarmed  them.  The  principles  of  the  French  revolu- 
tionary leaders  were  wholly  foreign  to  English  sen- 
timents ;  and  their  wild  bloodthirstiness  outraged 
humanity.  Hence  the  higher  and  middle  classes  of 
English  society  not  only  recoiled  from  any  contract 
with  democracy :  but,  in  their  determination  to  re- 
press it,  notwithstanding  the  eloquent  remonstrances 
of  Fox  and  other  popular  leaders,  were  forgetful 
of  their  cherished  principles  of  liberty. 

The  revolutionary  wars  and  propagandism  of  Franco 
Effects  of  increased  the  repugnance  of  English  society 
tiie  French    to  Freucli   principles :    and   democracy  ap- 

revolution.  x  jr  '  j         i 

peared  to  be  utterly  crushed.      The  severity 
of  the  laws,  and   the  overwhelming  force  of  public 

'  See  siipra,  ii.  134  et  seq. 

2  E.ff.  1830,  1848.     Supra,  pp.  25.5,  284. 

^  See  chap.  ix.  of  tlie  author's  Constitutional  History. 


THE  SIX  ACTS.  471 

opinion,  combined  to  stamp  it  out.  But  the  influence 
of  the  French  revolution,  throughout  Europe,  was 
never  effaced.  It  has  since  borne  fruits  in  every 
country;^  and  in  England,  democracy,  though  effectu- 
ally repressed,  as  an  outward  danger  to  the  State,  or  to 
the  governing  classes,  from  that  time  became  a  politi- 
cal force,  which  was  destined  to  acquire  increasing 
power  and  development.  For  thirty  years  the  re23res- 
sive  policy  of  the  government  was  maintained:  prose- 
cutions of  the  press  abounded ;  and  the  popular  dis- 
contents of  the  last  years  of  the  regency  brought 
down  upon  the  press,  and  upon  public  meetings,  re- 
strictions of  increased  severity. 

But  the  six  acts  of  Lord  Sidmouth,  may  be  taken 
as  the  turning-point  in  the  fortunes  of  Eng-  ,p^g  g,^ 
lish  liberties.  Under  the  dark  shadows  of  ^^"'-  ^^'^• 
the  French  revolution,  society  had  supported  the  re- 
pressive measures  of  the  government :  but  in  1819, 
when  the  fires  of  that  revolution  had  burned  out,  and 
democracy  was  no  longer  a  danger,  or  a  bugbear,  re- 
straints upon  public  liberty  were  received  with  far 
less  favour.  They  were  opposed  by  many  eminent 
statesmen,  by  the  Whig  party  in  Parliament,  and  by  a 
strong  popular  sentiment  in  the  country,  which  con- 
tinued throughout  the  reign  of  George  IV. 

And  during  this  long  period  of  repression,  society 
had  undergone  remarkable  changes.     It  had  3^^;^^, 
advanced  in  power,  in  knowledge,  and  in  poli-  '=''■ 


liunges. 


'  '  Cflttc  dato  de  IT'^O  ost  la  prando  date  do  tons  les  pouples.  Beau- 
coup  d'institutions  sont  tonibecs  h  cette  date  ;  cellos  qui  no  sont  pas 
tombi-es  se  sont  transfomit'es  ;  quelques-unes  qui  paraissent  vivre, 
ne  sont  plus  quo  des  ombres.  Dans  la  pratique  do  touH  los  i)eui)los, 
et  dans  la  speculation  de  tous  les  ]-euples,  est  la  trace  pliilosopliique 
de  la  Revolution  Franraiso.' — Jules  Simon,  La  Libert-',  i.  43. 


472  ENGLAND. 

tical  sentiment.  The  middle  classes  liad  attained  far 
higher  influence  and  consideration ;  and  new  genera- 
tions were  claiming  a  fuller  recognition  in  society  and 
in  politics,  than  any  to  which  their  fathers  had  aspired. 
The  exclusive  territorial  basis,  upon  which  social  pri- 
vileges and  political  power  had  long  been  founded, 
could  not  much  longer  be  maintained.  An  advancing 
society,  and  growing  interests,  demanded  a  wider 
polity. 

Since  the  accession  of  George  III.  the  face  of  Eng- 

^  ,^  ,  land  had  been  changed;  and  was  still  con- 
Growth  of  T         •     •  J.1 

towns,  com-  gpicuously  changing.  Her  destinies,  as  the 
navigation,  ^g^g^  commercial  and  manufacturing  country 
in  the  world,  were  being  fulfilled.  Since  the  colonisa- 
tion of  America,  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and  the 
industrial  decay  of  the  Netherlands,  England  had  been 
making  continued  advances  in  navigation,  commerce, 
and  manufactures.  But  the  most  signal  progress  was 
observable  from  the  beginning  of  the  present  century. 
The  population  had  enormously  increased  ;  and  this 
increase  was  chiefly  in  the  cities  and  towns.^  Agri- 
culture was  encouraged,  and  the  cultivation  of  the  soil 
was  improved  and  extended  :  but  agricultural  indus- 
try was  far  outstripped  by  trade  and  manufactures.^ 
Land  which  had  once  been  the  principal  source  of 
wealth,  and  the  main  support  of  the  population,  was 
losing  its  preponderance  as  a  national  interest.     Vast 

'  In  1801  the  population  of  Great  Britain  was  10,942,354,  in  1831  it 
had  increased  to  16,539,318.  Population  Eeturns  of  1801  and  1831 ; 
Porter,  Progress  of  the  Nation,  chap.  i. 

•^  In  1811,  895,998  families  were  employed  in  agriculture  in  Great 
Britain,  and  129,049  in  trade  and  manufactures  ;  in  1831,  961,134 
families  were  employed  in  the  former,  and  1,434,873  in  the  lat- 
ter. In  1841,  1,490,785  persons  were  employed  in  agriculture,  and 
3,093,787  in  trade  and  manufactures.     Porter,  chap.  ii. 


GROWTH  OF  TOWNS  AND   COMMERCE.  473 

towns  had  arisen,  witli  a  marvellous  growth.  The 
population  of  London  was  equal  to  that  of  Scotland. 
Liverpool,  Manchester,  Birmingham,  Leeds,  Sheffield 
and  Glasgow,  had  become  like  the  capitals  of  consider- 
able States.  The  woollen  and  cotton  manufactures, 
having  acquired  prodigious  j)owers  from  the  spinning 
jenny,  and  the  steam  engine,  were  supplying  the  world 
with  their  varied  fabrics.  Manufactures  of  iron,  and 
other  metals,  and  of  machinery,  were  advancing  with 
no  less  vigour.  Mining  enterprise  kept  pace  with 
these  industries ;  and  the  production  of  coal  and  iron 
was  facilitated  by  all  the  resources  of  science.  The 
internal  communications  of  the  country  had  been  ex- 
tended by  canals,  by  the  improvement  of  navigable 
rivers,  and  by  the  best  roads  in  Europe  ;  and  were 
about  to  be  multiplied  by  the  wonder-working  inven- 
tions of  railways  and  locomotive  engines.  Steam 
navigation  had  made  the  sea  a  safe  highv/ay  for  the 
coasting  trade,  and  foreign  commerce. 

Arkwright,  Watt,  and  Stephenson  had  revolution- 
ised the  industry  of  England  and  the  world, 
and  had  transformed  society.     Wealthy  mer-  its' niatio'ils 
chants,  shipowners,  and  manufacturers  were  aiuimanu- 
now  rivalling  the  landowners,  in  riches  and 
social  pretensions :    thousands   of   traders  were   en- 
riched by  supplying  the  wants  of  an  increasing  and 
prosperous  population  ;  and  skilled  artificers  were  be- 
ginning to  outnumber  the   tillers  of  the  soil.     Nor 
were  these  the  only  social  changes  of  the  period.    The 
constant  accumulation  of  capital  had  created  a  con- 
sidcra])le  ])ody  of  independent  gentry,  and  a  new  mid- 
dle class,  attached  neither  to  the  land  nor  to  trade, 
whose  claims  to  a  share  of  political  power  could  not 
be  ignored.     Bath,  Cheltenham,  Leamington,  Brigh- 


474  ENGLAND. 

ton,  Hastings,  and  the  suburbs  of  London  bear  wit- 
ness to  their  numbers  and  their  wealth.  The  balance 
of  political  power  was  shaken.  The  landed  proprie- 
tors, profiting  by  the  increasing  prosperity  of  the 
country,  were  richer  than  ever ;  and  by  the  zealous 
discharge  of  the  public  and  private  duties  of  their 
station,  had  sustained  their  accustomed  local  influ- 
ence :  but  they  could  no  longer  claim  an  undisputed 
supremacy  in  the  State.  These  industrial  and  social 
changes,  remarkable  as  they  were  in  the  reign 'of 
George  IV.,  have  since  continued,  with  a  still  more 
striking  development;  and  this  period  of  social  ad- 
vancement has  been  signalised  by  a  yet  more  memo- 
rable political  progress. 

While  the  relations  of  the  land  to  the  trading  classes 

were  undergoing  these  notable  changes,  the 
Church  and    church  was  also  losing  much  of  her  exclusive 

authority,  as  the  representative  of  the  na- 
tional faith.  Puritanism  had  been  nearly  trampled 
out  by  the  restoration ;  and  early  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  nonconformists  had  shared  the  contented 
slumbers  of  churchmen.  The  fierce  contentions  of 
former  times  were  succeeded  by  a  period  of  religious 
repose.  But  Wesley  and  Whitefield  had  since  av/ak- 
ened  a  new  spiritual  movement ;  and  dissent  had  been 
making  alarming  progress  throughout  the  land.  Wales 
was  almost  lost  to  the  church  :  the  teeming  popula- 
tions of  the  manufacturing  towns  became  the  ready 
disciples  of  dissenting  preachers :  where  the  church 
had  been  negligent,  dissent  was  active  and  zealous ; 
until  at  length  the  humble  chapels  and  meeting- 
houses of  various  sects  of  dissenters,  were  beginning 
to  outnumber  the  churches  of  the  establishment.  The 
church  still  enjoyed  all  her  legal  rights  and  securities : 


POLITICAL  EDUCATION.  475 

but  she  was  no  longer  ^tlie  acknowledged  cliurcli  of 
the  people.  The  union  of  Presbyterian  Scotland  and 
Catholic  Ireland,  had  further  affected  the  position  of 
the  English  establishment  as  a  State  church. 

The  church  and  the  land  had  been  firm  allies  ;  and 
the  power  of  both  was  alike  impaired.    They 
had  successfully  maintained  religious  disa-  (if'the°'*^^ 

1   -T,.  T  I       1       J  1  church  and 

bilities,  a  narrow  and  corrupt  electoral  sys-  the  land 

,  ,1  •  p  1  1       1  PI  threatened. 

tem,  the  maniiold  abuses  oi  close  corpora- 
tions, a  criminal  code  of  reckless  severity,  unequal 
and  oppressive  taxes,  and  injurious  restrictions  upon 
trade,  and  upon  the  food  and  labour  of  the  people. 
The  conservative  powers  of  society  had  now  to  en- 
counter the  restless  and  aggressive  forces  of  demo- 
cracy. The  country  was  opposed  to  the  towns ;  and 
the  church  to  Catholics  and  nonconformists.  And  in 
the  approaching  struggle,  society  was  nov/  armed  with 
new  weapons  for  coping  with  its  powerful  rulers  in 
Church  and  State. 

The  political  education  of  the  country  had  kept 
pace  with  its  material  and  social  progress.  po,i,icai 
No  single  cause,  perhaps,  had  more  contri-  education, 
buted  to  this  result  than  the  free  publication  of  de- 
bates in  Parliament.  Measures  had  been  discussed 
more  boldly,  by  minorities,  when  they  could  apjoeal, 
from  the  closely-packed  benches  of  the  dominant 
party,  to  the  judgment  of  their  countrj-men.  And 
when  the  people  were  admitted  to  the  councils  of 
their  rulers,  a  public  opinion  was  formed,  to  which  all 
parties  were  constrained  to  defer.  If  the  press  had 
done  nothing  more  for  public  instruction,  this  single 
sorvMco  to  the  cause  of  popular  government  would 
claim  the  highest  acknowledgment.  But  the  press 
had  rendered  other  services  to  the  same  cause.     Not- 


476  ENGLAND. 

withstanding  tlie  restraints  tg  whicli  it  had  been  sub- 
ject, despite  the  severity  with  which  the  law  had  been 
administered,  it  had  been  constantly  extending  its  in- 
fluence. And  as  society  advanced  in  knowledge  and 
cultivation,  a  higher  class  of  minds  was  attracted  to 
the  labours  of  the  periodical  press. ^ 

Sunday  newspapers  had  also  established  a  position 
in  the  periodical  press,  favourable  to  the  careful  and 
studied  investigation  of  political  questions,  and  quali- 
fied for  the  guidance  of  thoughtful  minds. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  George  IV.,  the 

Freedom  of  P^ess  enjoyed  so  much  of  the  confidence  of 

the  press.      ^]^g  people  as  to  eusure  its  general  immunity 

from  rigorous  oppression ;  and  its  complete  freedom 

was  soon  to  be  established.     Ten  years  later 

1830,18:31.  .  i     ,i        i  . 

were  witnessed  the  last  prosecutions  of  the 
press  by  the  government ;  and  an  unrestrained  freedom 
of  political  discussion  has  since  been  allowed  by  the 

'  The  Edinburgh  and  Quarterly  Reviews  had  introduced  a  states- 
man-like spirit  into  political  discussions,  in  which  the  opinions  of 
the  WJiigand  Toi-y  parties  had  been  represented.  In  1823,  the  West- 
minster Review  was  established  by  Jeremy  Benthain,  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  his  own  opinions,  and  for  promoting  the  cause  of  the 
Radical  party,  as  against  the  "Whigs.  It  commenced  with  an  as- 
sault upon  the  Edinburgh  Remeio  and  the  Whig  party,  and  a  scheme 
of  radical  policy,  written  by  Mr.  James  Mill,  author  of  the  History 
of  British  India.  This  new  review  continued,  for  several  years,  to 
represent  the  opinions  of  the  philosophical  radicals  and  advanced 
Liberal  party.  Written  with  force  and  spirit,  and  expressing  the 
earnest  convictions  of  the  Benthamite  and  radical  schools  of  thought, 
at  a  time  when  there  was  a  general  movement  in  public  opinion, 
favourable  to  a  more  liberal  policy  in  the  State,  it  undoubtedly  con- 
tributed to  strengthen  the  Liberal  cause.  See  Autobiography,  by 
John  Stuart  Mill,  p.  87  et  seq.  This  school,  however,  was  never 
popular  in  England  ;  and  the  Review,  with  all  its  ability,  failed  to 
reach  an  extended  circulation.    Ibid.  p.  129. 


EDUCATION.  477 

State.  This  general  freedom  of  the  press  was  followed 
by  the  repeal  of  the  advertisement  duty  in  1853,  of  the 
newspaper  stamp  in  1855,  and  of  the  paper  duty  in 
1861.  These  successive  measures  removed  every  re- 
straint upon  the  activity  and  energies  of  the  press. 
Henceforth  a  freedom  of  opinion,  unknown  in  any 
other  age  or  country,  and  unexampled  agencies  for  its 
expression,  brought  every  class  of  society  within  the 
extended  circle  of  political  thought  and  deliberation. 
Never  since  the  assembled  citizens  of  Athens  had  been 
consulted,  in  the  agora,  upon  aflairs  of  State,  had  a 
whole  people  been  so  freely  called  into  council,  as  in 
England,  after  the  complete  emancipation  of  the  press. 
The  democracy  of  small  States  had  raised  its  voice  in 
streets  and  market-places :  the  democracy  of  the  great 
English  monarchy  made  itself  heard  through  its  mul- 
titudinous press.^ 

With  this  great  extension  of  political  freedom  and  ac- 
tivity in  the  press,  there  was  a  simultaneous 

,  .        /  ,       ,  .  „  .  Education. 

advance  m  the  general  education  oi  society. 
It  was  not  in  political  writings  only  that  the  resources 
of  the  press  were  developed.  Cheap  literature,  ac- 
cessible to  the  multitude,  had  been  popularised  by  at- 
tractive publications,  designed  to  bring  science,  litera- 
ture, and  art  within  the  reach  and  comprehension  of 
all  readers.  The  treasures  of  the  learned  were  freely 
shared  with  mankind.  Foremost  in  this  useful  work 
were  the  teachers  of  the  Society  for  the  Diffusion  of 
Useful  Knowledge,  —  Lord  Brougham,  Mr.  Matthew 
Davenport  Hill,  and  Mr.  Charles  Knight;  who  were 
successfully   followed  by  the  Society  for  Promoting 

'  Some  good  illustrationK  of  tlio  oporation  of  frcfidom  of  the  press 
in  France,  and  of  restraints  upon  it,  will  bo  found  in  Jules  Simon's 
Ld  Libcrli',  ii.  oil  el  seq. 


478  ENGLAND. 

Christian  Knowledge,  and  by  the  Messrs.  Chambers. 
Schools  had  laid  the  foundations  of  instruction  :  but 
to  the  press  we  owe  the  general  spread  of  education 
and  enlightenment. 

Another  agency  for  the  expression  of  public  opinion 

was  found  in  the  increasing  development  of 
associa-        political  associatious   and  public  meetings. 

These  powerful  instruments  of  agitation  had 

been  exercised  since  the  early  years  of  George  III.^ 

By  these  means  the  popular  cause  of  Wilkes  had  been 

supported  :  the  movement  in  favour  of  economical  and 

1763-1770      parliamentary  reform  advanced :  the  fanatical 

Protestantism  of  Lord  George  Gordon  and 
1779-1780.  .  .  ^        .  . 

his  followers  inflamed  :   the  abolition  of  the 

slave  trade  achieved.  But  the  revolutionary 
crisis,  which  agitated  the  latter  years  of  the  last  cen- 
tury, arrested  the  progress  of  such  popular  move- 
ments. Public  meetings  and  associations,  which  had 
been  permitted  in  more  tranquil  times,  were  now  dis- 
couraged and  repressed.  Popular  liberties  were  sac- 
rificed, for  a  time,  for  the  sake  of  quelling  dangerous 
disorders,  sedition,  and  treasonable  designs.^  Fresh 
disorders  during  the  regency  caused  a  revival  of  this 
repressive  policy ;  and  political  agitation,  in  its  vari- 
ous forms,  was  effectually  discountenanced. 

But  the  time  was  now  approaching  in  which  public 
Political  opinion  was  to  prevail  over  governments  and 
assoda-^  °'  parliaments  ;  and  as  the  press  was  acquir- 
tions.  ^j-^g  increased  power  and  freedom,  so  public 

meetings  and  political  organisations  displayed  the 
growing  force  of  popular  demonstrations.  The  asso- 
ciation of  strong  bodies  of  men  in  support  of  a  politi- 

'  See  the  author's  Constitutional  History  of  England,  chap.  is. 
^  Ibid.  chap.  vii. 


POLITICAL  ASSOCUTIONS.  479 

cal  cause,  differs  from  the  action  of  the  j)ress  upon 
public  opinion.  It  is  more  joowerful,  and  it  is  more 
democratic.  It  is  at  once  an  expression  of  public 
opinion,  and  a  demonstration  of  physical  force.  It 
attests  not  only  the  convictions  of  numbers,  but  their 
earnestness.  It  allies  thought  with  action.  It  brings 
men  together  for  discussion,  as  in  the  agora  ;  and  the 
reasoning,  the  eloquence,  and  the  passions  of  the 
speakers  'thrill  multitudes  with  emotion  and  stern  re- 
solves. Its  iniiuence  in  politics  is  like  that  of  com- 
munions and  preaching,  in  religion.  Zeal  can  only 
be  aroused  by  the  contact  of  man  with  man.  New 
thoughts  are  born  in  the  study  :  but  they  take  hold  of 
nations  by  association,  by  discussion,  by  s^'mjDathy, 
and  by  the  voices  of  the  leaders  of  men. 

Nor  is  popular  agitation  confined  to  the  propaga- 
tion of  opinions.     The  union  of  numbers,  in 

.  1  .  J.  T     Dangers  of 

a  common  cause,  may  threaten  lorce  and  vastassem- 
coercion.  Vast  assemblages  of  men  may 
occasion  tumults  and  ci\T.l  war.  Meetings  of  citizens 
in  the  ancient  Greek  cities,  or  in  the  modem  Swiss 
cantons,  were  free  from  danger  :  but  prodigious  gath- 
erings in  the  populous  cities  of  Great  Britain,  may  be 
dangerous  to  life  and  property,  and  menace  freedom 
in  the  councils  of  the  State.  Public  discussion  may 
assume  the  form  of  intimidation  and  violence.  Num- 
bers, not  satisfied  with  arguments,  may  resort  to  force. 
♦  Here  are  the  elements  of  democratic  revolution,  so 
often  developed  with  fatal  force  in  various  countries, 
and  especially  in  France.  Popular  wrongs  and  suffer- 
ings, violent  loaders,  an  unpopular  government,  and  a 
weak  executive,  have,  again  and  again,  been  the  causes 
of  sudden  revolutions.  The  danger  of  such  revolu- 
tions is  in  relative  proportion  to  the  good  government 


480  ENGLAKD. 

of  States.  Wliere  the  government,  and  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  laws,  enjoy  the  confidence  of  the  people : 
where  the  great  majority  of  subjects  are  prej)ared 
to  support  their  rulers :  where  princijjles  of  wisdom, 
equity,  and  moderation  j)i'evail  in  the  national  coun- 
cils,— there  will  the  dangers  of  revolution  be  the  least. 
The  history  of  England,  during  the  last  fifty  years, 
presents  striking  illustrations  of  these  truths.  It  ex- 
hibits the  triumph  of  great  causes  by  political  agita- 
tion ;  and  it  shows  how  revolutionary  forces  have  been 
held  in  check  by  confidence  in  the  government,  and 
respect  for  the  laws. 

Such  being  the  force,  and  such  the  dangers  of  poli- 
tical agitation,  we  may  proceed  to  follow  its 
Catholic       instructive  history.     The  penal  lavv^s  against 
tion.  Catholics   had   been  maintained  long   alter 

their  policy  had  been  renounced  by  the  most 
enlightened  statesmen  of  the  age.  Their  repeal  had 
been  advocated,  for  several  years,  in  parliament  and 
in  the  press  :  but  a  powerful  majority,  faithful  to  the 
narrow  principles  of  government,  in  Church  and  State, 
which  had  descended  to  them  from  former  times,  suc- 
cessfully resisted  it.  At  length,  in  1823,  an  organisa- 
tion was  created  for  securing  Catholic  relief,  which 
extended  over  the  whole  of  Ireland.  The  Catholic 
population  were  taught  to  demand  their  rights,  as 
with  a  single  voice.  They  were  represented  in  Dub- 
lin by  the  association,  which  assumed  the  authority  of 
a  parliament :  contributions  were  levied  in  support  of 
the  cause  in  every  parish  :  the  press  appealed  to  the 
passions  of  the  people :  the  Catholic  pulpits  resounded 
with  fervent  exhortations  to  the  faithful.  Wliile  the 
Catholics  were  thus  pressing  their  claims  by  a  move- 
ment little   short  of  national,  the  Protestants  were 


CATHOLIC   EMANCIPATION.  481 

resisting  them  by  Orange  societies  and  other  associa- 
tions, less  numerous  indeed,  but  not  less  earnest  and 
impassioned.  A  religious  war  seemed  imminent ;  and 
parliament,  not  being  yet  prepared  to  allay  the  strife, 
by  concessions  to  the  stronger  party,  resolved  in  1828 
to  protect  the  public  peace,  by  suppressing  these  dan- 
gerous associations, — as  well  Protestant  as  Catholic. 
But  the  danger  could  not  be  so  arrested.  The  act  of 
the  legislature  was  evaded,  and  in  three  years  it  ex- 
pired. 

The  danger  was  now  more  formidable  than  ever. 
The  public  excitement  had  increased,  the  as- 

...  •    1        J  1  i_  1       Catholic 

sociations  were  more  violent,  and  vast  meet-  mcetiugs. 

1COQ 

iugs  of  Catholics  were  assembled,  with  the 
discipline  and  symbols  of  a  military  array.  Such 
meetings  were  not  designed  for  the  expression  of 
opinions,  but  were  threatening  demonstrations  of  phy- 
sical force.  If  suffered  to  continue  without  a  check, 
they  endangered  the  public  peace,  and  were  calculated 
to  overawe  the  government  and  the  Protestant  com- 
munity. If  repressed  by  military  force,  there  was  the 
hazard  of  bloody  collisions  between  the  troops  and 
vast  masses  of  the  peojile.  The  position  was  one  of 
extreme  emergency.  The  government,  however,  pro- 
liibited  the  meetings,  as  causing  terror  to  peaceable 
subjects ;  and  tlie  association,  unwilling  to  brave  a 
collision,  and  sensible  that  the  government  was  sup- 
ported by  an  overwhelming  force  of  public  opinion, 
submitted  to  the  prohibition.  Bloodshed  was  averted 
by  the  firmness  of  the  government,  and  the  discretion 
of  the  Catholic  leaders:  but  the  cause  of  Catholic 
emancipation  was  pressed  with  greater  energy  than 
ever,  and  its  triumph  was  at  hand. 
In  the  next  session,  a  Protestant  ministry  and  a 
VOL.  ri.— 21 


482  ENGL.VND. 

Protestant  parliament,  pledged  to  resist  the  Catholic 
Catholic  claims,  were  forced  to  concede  them.  Their 
tSn°*^'^^"  convictions  were  unchanged :  but  they  were 
1829.  coerced  bj  a  popular  agitation  which  they 

could  no  longer  venture  to  resist.  The  State  had  been 
overcome  by  the  irregular  forces  of  democracy.  But 
the  cause  which  had  prevailed  was  just  and  righteous : 
it  had  been  too  long  opposed  by  narrow  statesmanship 
and  religious  prejudice.  It  was  supported  by  eminent 
English  statesmen,  and  by  the  liberal  judgment  of  an 
enlightened  party  in  parliament  and  in  the  country. 
In  these  events  we  see  the  power  of  a  government, 
resting  upon  public  opinion,  to  repress  disorder ;  and 
tlie  force  of  popular  agitation,  in  securing  the  triumph 
of  a  just  cause  without  violence. 

This  national  agitation  was  soon  followed  by  an- 
A  nation  ^tlier,  yet  more  formidable,  in  support  of  par- 
ii"eiuar'^*  liameutary  reform.  Democracy  had  received 
1S2.  ^  strong  impulse  from  the  recent  revolution 
in  France ;  and  the  circumstances  of  the 
times  encouraged  its  activity.  A  popular  ministry 
was  at  length  engaged  in  passing  a  measure  for  the 
enfranchisement  of  the  people  ;  and  was  resisted  by 
that  party  which  had  long  ruled  England  by  means  of 
a  narrow  representation,  and  a  dependent  parliament. 
Such  were  the  forces  opposed  to  this  measure,  that 
its  success  was  doubtful;  and  the  people  came  for- 
ward, with  passionate  energy,  to  support  it.  The  press 
was  violent :  political  unions  v^^ere  threatening  :  pub- 
lic meetings  of  unexampled  magnitude  were  assembled, 
lliots  and  disorders  disturbed  the  public  peace.  Ke vo- 
lution seemed  to  be  impending.  But  it  was  averted 
by  the  ultimate  submission  of  the  Tory  party,  in  the 
House  of  Lords,  to  irresistible  pressure.     The  peers 


REPEAL  AGITATION.  483 

were  coerced  and  liumbled  ;  and  j^opular  agitation 
again  j)revailed.  But  liere  it  was  not  tlie  State  wliicli 
was  overcome  :  tlie  ministers  of  the  crown,  an  over- 
whelming majority  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and  a 
considerable  minority  in  the  Upper  House  itself,  had 
ardently  supported  the  Reform  Bill.  It  was  not  the 
cause  of  demagogues  or  revolutionary  mobs,  but  the 
scheme  of  responsible  statesmen,  who  enjoyed  the 
general  confidence  of  their  countrymen.  Noblemen 
and  gentlemen  of  higli  station  had  been  the  leaders 
of  the  movement ;  and  the  middle  and  working  classes 
had  laboured  together  in  support  of  it.  The  agita- 
tion was  democratic,  and  almost  revolutionary :  but 
the  cause  which  it  advanced  was  constitutional  and 
statesmanlike.  The  scheme  brought  no  revolutionary 
clianges,  but  sought  to  restore  the  representation  of 
the  people  to  its  theoretical  design.  But  for  the  jjro- 
tracted  resistance  of  the  peers,  it  might  have  been 
discussed,  in  parliament,  without  provoking  excessive 
agitation  in  the  country.  Again  a  just  and  constitu- 
tional measure  was  carried  by  the  aid  of  the  irregu- 
lar forces  of  democracy.  Yet,  however  potent  these 
forces,  they  were  but  the  auxiliaries  of  a  good  cause, 
supported  by  constitutional  means. 

While  this  dangerous  excitement  was  rife  in  Eng- 
land, an  agitation  scarcely  less  formidable 
had  been  organised,  in  Ireland,  for  the  re-  ji-it.nion. 
poal  of  the  union.     Mr.  O'Connell,  lately  tri- 
Timphant  as  the  champion  of  the  Catholic  claims,  was 
now  threatening  to  rend  asunder  the  legislative  union 
of  England  and  Ireland.     But  far  different  was  the 
cause  he  had  now  espoused.     It  had  no  leaders  but 
demagogues  :  it  was  repudiated  by  statesmen  of  all 
parties  :  it  was  condemned  by  the  public  opinion  of 


484  ENGLAND. 

the  United  Kingdom.  The  repealers  made  noisy  de- 
monstrations :  but  the  government,  resting  upon  the 
support  of  parliament  and  the  country,  were  able  to 
repress  them. 

A  few  years  later,  the  mischievous  agitation  was 
revived.  A  more  extended  organisation  was 
established ;  and  *  monster  meetings '  were 
assembled  which  endangered  the  public  peace.  But 
again  the  government  were  able  to  quell  the  agita- 
tion, and  to  bring  its  leaders  within  the  reach  of  the 
law.  The  cause  was  bad  :  it  was  obnoxious  alike  to 
the  State  and  to  society,  and  its  failure  was  signal 
and  complete. 

No  less  easily  was  the  pernicious  organisation  of  the 
Orange  lodges  repressed.  Founded  upon 
lodges.  religious  hate,  and  party  passions,  it  endan- 
gered the  public  peace,  and  affected  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice.  It  could  expect  no  support 
from  an  enlightened  public  opinion,  and  it  fell  before 
the  condemnation  of  parliament. 

While  these  agitations  in  favour  of  unworthy  ends 
^j^j.  had  failed,  the  anti-slavery  association,  by 

ioder  peaceful  and  orderly  appeals  to  the  good 
1833.  feelings  and  reason  of  their  countrymen,  had 

succeeded  in  their  humane  and  righteous  cause,  and 
had  given  freedom  to  the  slaves  of  the  wide  British 
Empire. 

While  the  repeal  agitation  was  still  rife  in  Ireland, 
the  Chartist  organisation,  not  unlike  it  in  its 

The  .       .  . 

charti^^ts.      character  and  incidents,  had  risen  to  impor- 

1884— 1S48  

tance  in  England.  It  consisted  almost  en- 
tirely of  working  men,  who  had  adopted  as  the  five 
points  of  their  'charter,'  universal  suffrage,  vote  by 
ballob,  annual  parliaments,  payment  of  members,  and 


THE  CHAKTISTS.  485 

the  abolition  of  tlieir  property  qualification.  This 
scheme  of  radical  reform  met  with  no  favour  from  the 
higher  and  middle  classes,  who  were  satisfied  with 
the  recent  settlement  of  the  representation  ;  and  was 
specially  repugnant  to  the  employers  of  labour.  But 
the  working  men,  discontented  with  their  lot  in  life, 
and  hoping  to  improve  it  by  remedial  laws,  were 
encouraged  by  the  success  of  other  political  agita- 
tions, to  resort  to  the  familiar  expedients  of  an  ex- 
tended association,  crowded  meetings,  and  'monster 
petitions.'  Too  often  their  activity  led  to  riots,  which 
were  promptly  quelled  by  the  magistracy.  Their 
numbers  were  great,  and  their  organisation  was  main- 
tained for  several  years  :  when  suddenly  the  revolu- 
tion in  France,  in  February  184:8,  which  re-animated 
democracy  throughout  Europe,  determined  the  Char- 
tists to  attempt  a  revolutionary  movement  in  favour 
of  their  charter. 

Having  complained  that  their  petitions  had  been 
neglected,  they  resolved  to  march  to  the  rp,,^,,oth 
House  of  Commons,  in  force,  and  present  ^p'''- is^s. 
another  petition,  said  to  have  been  signed  by  five 
million  persons.  For  this  purpose,  a  vast  meeting 
was  summoned,  on  the  10th  April,  at  Kennington  Com- 
mon, whence  a  procession  was  to  march  to  Westminster. 
In  Paris,  such  assemblages  had  often  accomplished 
revolutions.  But  in  London,  the  10th  April  afforded 
a  memorable  proof  of  the  strength  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  of  society,  in  resisting  revolutionary  move- 
ments condemned  l)y  public  opinion.  The  meeting 
was  declared  illegal,  by  proclamation:  170,000  spe- 
cial constables  were  sworn  in  to  maintain  tlie  pul)lic 
peace:  Westminster  Bridge  and  the  approaclies  to 
the    Houses  oi   Parliament  were   guarded,   as   for   a 


486  ENGLAND. 

siege,  by  artillery  and  soldiers,  carefully  concealed 
from  view.  Tke  meeting  proved  a  failure:  tlie  pro- 
cession over  Westminster  Bridge  was  interdicted ;  and 
the  dispirited  crowds  dispersed  to  their  homes  with- 
out disturbance. 

The  scheme  of  the  Chartists  had  been  ill-planned : 
Weakness  their  leaders  were  little  in  earnest,  and  they 
ch'irtist  were  incapable  and  cowardly :  but  even  with 
cause.  better  leaders,  their  failure  would  have  been 

assured.  They  stood  alone, — without  the  sympathy 
of  other  classes,  without  the  countenance  of  any  par- 
liamentary or  national  party,  and  without  a  cause 
which  appealed  to  the  general  sentiments  of  the  peo- 
ple. They  were  strong  in  numbers,  but  they  were 
opposed  by  the  united  force  of  the  State  and  of  so- 
ciety; and  they  were  powerless.  They  might  have 
caused  disorders  and  riot,  but  they  could  not  have 
achieved  a  political  triumph. 

Meanwhile,  another  agitation,  differing  widely  from 
.  ,.  r.         that  of  the  Chartists,  and  followed  by  other 

Anti-Corn  '  •' 

J^*^^^  results,  had  been  brought  to   a   successful 

18381846.  conclusion.  The  Anti-Corn  Law  League  af- 
fords the  example  of  an  agitation  in  which  the  cause 
itself  was  good,  the  object  national,  and  the  triumph 
complete.  Here  the  employers  of  labour,  and  the 
working  classes,  were  combined  in  support  of  in- 
terests common  to  them  both:  the  leaders  of  the 
movement,  Mr.  Cobden  and  Mr.  Bright,  were  able  and 
popular  speakers,  capable  alike  of  enforcing  the  truths 
of  political  science,  and  arousing  the  passions  of  the 
people;  and  their  principles  had  long  been  main- 
tained by  many  eminent  men,  and  a  considerable 
party  in  parliament — foremost  among  whom  was  its 
able   and   consistent   advocate,  Mr.  Charles  Villiers. 


MEETINGS  IN  HYDE  PARK.  487 

But  tlie  interests  opposed  to  them  seemed  over- 
whelming. Protection  liad  been,  for  ages,  the  settled 
principle  of  English  commercial  policy.  The  land- 
owners and  farmers  looked  upon  restricted  imports 
of  corn  as  essential  to  British  agriculture :  the  man- 
ufacturers were  not,  at  first,  alive  to  the  impor- 
tance of  fi'ee  trade ;  and  the  cause  was  resisted  by 
overpowering  majorities  in  parliament.  But  the  agi- 
tation was  pursued  with  rare  energy  and  persistence : 
it  was  favoured  by  concurrent  political  and  social 
conditions — more  particularly  by  the  Irish  famine — 
and  in  less  than  eight  years,  it  had  converted  public 
opinion,  rival  statesmen,  and  parliament  itself,  to  the 
doctrines  of  fi'ee  trade.  Its  victory  was  not  achieved 
without  bitterness:  tlie  landlords  and  farmers,  and 
the  statemen  ranged  on  their  side,  were  assailed  with 
fierce  denunciations :  the  working  classes  were  aroused 
to  a  deep  sense  of  wrong :  but,  although  the  interests 
and  passions  of  the  multitude  were  engaged  in  the 
strife,  it  was  not  discredited  by  any  acts  of  violence 
or  intimidation. 

This  agitation,  if  an  illustration  of  the  force  of 
democracy,  is  also  an  example  of  the  power 
of  reason,  in  a  free  State.  The  country  and 
its  rulers  were  convinced  by  argument,  and  swayed  by 
popular  demonstrations :  but  tlio  good  cause  was  won 
by  rational  conviction,  and  not  by  the  overruling  force 
of  democracy. 

Many  years  now  passed  without  any  conspicuous 
popular  movement.     At  length,  in  1800,  the  ]^,,.(,,i„„g 
revival  of  parliajnentary  reform,  in  the  legis-  j'.',Jk^'''" 
lature,    aroused    some   popular    excitement.   ^«''"  *^"- 
Tlie  Beform  League  announced  a  public  meeting  in 
Hyde   Park,  on  the   23rd  July.     It  was   prohibited 


488  ENGLAND. 

by  tlie  government:  but  inadequate  precautions  for 
enforcing  this  prohibition  led  to  the  memorable  de- 
struction of  the  railings,  and  the  triumphant  occupa- 
tion of  the  park  by  the  mob.  In  the  following  year, 
jj     g  another  meeting  in  Hyde  Park  was  prohib- 

1867.  ited,  but  was  held  in  defiance  of  the  govern- 

ment. On  both  occasions,  democracy  prevailed  over 
the  government :  but  the  legality  of  prohibiting  meet- 
ings in  the  park  was  at  least  doubtful :  and  the  weak- 
ness and  irresolution  with  which  the  popular  move- 
ment was  encountered  by  the  executive,  were  mainly 
responsible  for  the  contempt  shown  by  the  populace 
to  the  authority  of  the  State. 

Meetings  in  Hyde  Park  have  since  been  subjected 
to  regulation,  but  not  to  prohibition ;  and  have  be- 
come public  nuisances,  rather  than  popular  demon- 
strations. If  they  sometimes  molest  society,  and 
threaten  disorder,  they  have  wholly  failed  to  influence 
public  opinion,  or  to  affect  the  resolutions  of  the  legis- 
lature. They  are  examples  of  democracy  in  its  least 
attractive  forms,  exhibiting  the  sores  of  society,  and 
not  its  healthful  action. 

Another  small  agitation  scarcely  deserves  notice, 
except  that  it  was  the  last,  and  achieved  a 

The  Match 

Tax.  sudden  success.     In  1871,  the  Chancellor  of 

1871 

the  Exchequer  having  proposed,  as  part  of 
his  budget  for  the  year,  a  tax  upon  lucifer-matches, 
the  principal  manufacturers  of  those  articles  sudden- 
ly threw  their  workpeople  out  of  employment,  who 
crowded  down  to  Westminster,  by  the  streets,  and  by 
the  Thames  Embankment,  to  protest^  against  the  ob- 
noxious proposal.  It  was  a  trivial  tax  upon  a  single 
industry,  and  found  scant  favour  with  the  House  of 
Commons,  or  with  the  public :  the  poor  match-makers 


MORAL  OF  POLITICAL  AGITATION.  489 

met  witli  general  sympathy ;  and  the  abortive  scheme 
was  promptly  abandoned.  The  popular  demonstration 
quickened  the  determination  of  ministers :  but  the  new 
tax  had  been  at  once  condemned  by  public  opinion ; 
and  the  successful  remonstrances  of  the  threatened 
interest  can  scarcely  be  cited  as  among  the  triumphs 
of  democracy. 

From  these  examples  of  political  agitation,  we  are 
able  to  draw  some  conclusions  concerning 
democracy,  as  it  affects  our  laws  and  insti-  political 
tutions.  The  public  peace  has  often  been  ° 
threatened  by  popular  demonstrations  ;  and  vast  gath- 
erings of  men,  in  populous  places,  must  always  be  at- 
tended with  danger.  The  government  and  parliament 
have  sometimes  been  overborne  by  powerful  combi- 
nations, using  the  manifold  arts  of  modern  agitation. 
The  passions  of  society  have  been  aroused  to  the  very 
verge  of  rebellion.  The  evils  incident  to  great  pojDU- 
lar  excitement  are  unquestionable  :  but  cases  have 
been  rare  in  which  tumults  and  disorders  have  arisen 
out  of  the  agitation  of  political  questions.  The  law 
has  been  strong  enough  to  restrain  and  to  punish 
them.  None  of  the  great  agitations  in  our  liistoiy 
have  proved  successful  unless  founded  upon  a  good 
cause,  and  supported  by  a  parliamentary  party,  and  by 
a  large  measure  of  public  opinion.  Good  laws  have 
thus  been  forced  upon  the  acceptance  of  the  legisla- 
ture :  but  bad  causes,  however  clamorously  urged, 
liave  failed  before  the  firm  resistance  of  the  govern- 
ment and  of  society. 

Of  smaller  agitations  little  need  be  said  :  but  they 
have  become  so  numerous  as  gravely  to  af-  j,j,^,,^  ^„i. 
foot  the  relative  strength  of  parties,  and  the  ♦"''""^• 
legislation  of  the  country.     Associations  for  disostab- 
21* 


490  ENGLAND. 

lisliing  tlie  cliurcli,  for  legalising  marriages  with  a  de- 
ceased wife's  sister,  for  securing  women's  rights,  for  the 
protection  of  publicans,  for  a  permissive  prohibitory 
liquor  law,  for  the  repeal  of  the  contagions  diseases 
acts,  and  for  other  objects,  have  made  their  special 
causes  superior  to  the  great  political  principles  which 
concern  the  general  government  of  the  State.  The 
merits  of  their  respective  causes  may  be  judged  by 
the  ultimate  results  of  their  agitations.  Where  they 
are  good,  and  commend  themselves  to  the  enlightened 
judgment  of  the  country,  they  may  be  expected  to 
prevail :  where  they  are  founded  upon  error  or  pre- 
judice, and  are  coldly  received,  or  condemned  by  so- 
ciety, they  will  encounter  discouragement  and  failure. 
Ajiother  form  of  association  demands  a  special  no- 
tice. The  unsettled  relations  between  capi- 
unions.  loi  ^nd  labour  have  been  among  the  causes 
of  successive  tumults  and  revolutions  in  France  ;^  and 
in  England  they  have  been  the  cause  of  serious  mis- 
chief to  the  trade  and  industry  of  the  country ;  but 
hitherto  they  have  had  comparatively  little  influence 
in  political  controversies.  In  France,  and  other  Euro- 
pean States,  associations  of  workmen  have  generally 
aimed  at  an  improvement  of  their  condition  by  radi- 
cal changes  in  the  institutions  of  the  State  :  while  in 
England  such  associations  have  striven  to  increase 
wages,  to  diminish  the  hours  of  labour,  and  to  attain 
a  larger  share  of  the  profits  of  their  employers,  by 
strikes  and  trade  regulations.  The  International  So- 
ciety^ was   of  foreign   origin ;   and  its   revolutionary 

'  See  supra,  pp.  362,  279,  294,  303,  336. 

^ '  Social  order  is  menaced  in  its  deepest  foundations  by  the  Tnter- 
national,  whicli  flies  in  the  face  of  all  the  traditions  of  mankind, 
which  efEaces  God  from  the  mind ;  family  inheritance  from  life  ; 


TR.iDE3  UNIONS.  491 

doctrines  were  coldly  received  by  the  working  men  of 
England.' 

The  trade  associations  of  this  country  have  rarely 
concerned  themselves  in  political  affairs.    In 

-inn  A  •  j«     i        T  •  •     1        Processions 

loo4,  a  procession  oi  trades  unions  vainly  and  meet- 
endeavoured  to   obtain  the   remission  of  a  of  trades 
sentence   of  transportation  upon   the   Dor- 
chester labourers,^  whom  they  regarded  as  martyrs  to 
their  cause.     Again,  in  December  1866,  a  procession 
of  trades  unions,   amounting  to  between  20,000  and 
25,000  men,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Eeform  League, 
marciied   with    banners   and    emblems    through   the 
streets  of  London,  to  a  meeting  at  Beaufort  House, 
Kensington.^     In  itself  it  was  of  little  significance  : 
but  it  is  an  example  of  the  use  of  trades  unions  for 
political  agitation.     A  later  example  is  to  be  found  in 
the  Trades  Congress  at  Shefiield  in  1873,  when  gene- 
ral questions  of  legislation  and  fiscal  policy,  affecting 
the  interests  of  the  working  classes,  were  discussed,  in 

nations  from  the  civilised  world,  aspiring  solely  to  the  well-being 
of  the  workmen  on  the  basis  of  universal  community  .  .  .  which 
begins  by  declaring  itself  the  enemy  of  every  political  school,  and 
incompatible  with  all  exi;sting  forms  of  government.' — Circular  des- 
patch of  Scfior  de  Bias  to  Spanish  representatives  in  foreign  States, 
Feb.  9,  1872.    See  also  svpra,  Introduction. 

'  '  This  society,  although  set  on  foot  as  a  centre  of  communication 
between  workmen  and  trades  unions  in  different  parts  of  tlie  world, 
confines  its  operations,  in  this  country,  chiefly  to  advice  in  ques- 
tions of  strikes,  and  has  but  very  little  money  at  its  disposal  for 
their  support  :  whilst  the  revolutionary  designs  which  form  part  of 
tlie  society's  programme  are  believed  to  express  the  opinions  of  the 
foreign  members  rather  tlian  those  of  the  British  workmen,  whose 
attention  is  turned  chiefly  to  questions  affecting  wages.' — EarlGran- 
viHo  to  Mr.  Layard,  8th  March,  1872. 

"  Author's  Const.  Ilist.  ii.  405. 

*  Ann.  Reg.  1800  ;  Vhron.  p.  188 ;  Times,  4th  Dec.  18G0  ;  Personal 
observation. 


492  ENGLAND. 

a  spirit  antagonistic  to  the  riglits  of  property  and 
capital.  Any  association  with  the  objects  of  the 
International  Society  was  disclaimed  :  but  political 
questions  were  not  the  less  freely  treated. 

And,  of  late  years,  trades  unions  have  successfully 

laboured  to  obtain  amendments  of  the  law 
oig;inL?a-       affecting  masters  and  workmen.     Their  own 

interests,  as  unionists,  and  as  working  men, 
were  concerned;  and,  like  other  classes  of  society, 
they  used  their  organisation  for  political  ends.^  Such 
unions,  however,  are  not  without  their  dangers.  Their 
numbers  present  an  overwhelming  display  of  physical 
force :  their  organisation  and  discipline  are  effective. 
In  times  of  political  excitement  they  not  only  endan- 
ger the  public  peace,  but  may  intimidate  and  coerce 
the  government  and  the  legislature.  Wild  theories 
concerning  government,  the  rights  of  property,  and 
the  relations  of  capital  and  labour,  have  been  spread 
amongst  them ;  and  might  be  espoused  with  danger-  ■ 
ous  unanimity.  How  are  such  dangers  to  be  met? 
Not  by  panic:  not  by  distrust;  not  by  irritating  re- 
pression :  but  by  continued  efforts,  on  the  part  of  the 
State,  to  do  equal  justice  to  all  classes  of  the  people, 
to  secure  the  support  of  public  opinion,  while  it  is 
prepared  to  resist,  with  overwhelming  force,  any  at- 

'  Mr.  Burt,  one  of  the  two  working  men's  candidates  returned  to 
the  parliament  of  1874,  wrote  in  March  of  that  year  :  '  The  unions, 
except  in  the  north  of  England,  where  they  have  hampered  them- 
selves by  no  unwise  restrictions,  really  wield  little  political  power. 
Some  of  the  oldest  and  largest  of  them  wholly  ignore  politics.  Their 
rules  will  not  allow  them  to  mention  the  subject  in  their  meetings. 
They  can  take  no  united  and  vigorous  political  action.'  And  he  pro- 
ceeds to  exhort  them  to  acquire  political  knowledge,  and  exert  their 
united  influence  for  the  political  emancipation  of  the  working  classes. 
—Pall  Mall  Oazettc,  27tli  March,  1874. 


POPULAB  LEGISLATION.  493 

tempts  to  intimidate  the  legislature.  Such  are  the 
lessons  which  our  history  teaches.  There  may  be 
riots  and  disorders :  no  State  can  hope  to  be  wholly 
free  from  them :  but  the  working  classes,  notwith- 
standing their  preponderance  in  numbers  and  phy- 
sical force,  will  not  prevail,  unless  they  have  a  cause 
founded  upon  justice,  leaders  of  higher  station  than 
their  oavu,  and  a  parliamentary  j)arty  to  represent 
them  in  a  constitutional  manner.  Revolutionary  vio- 
lence may  overcome  a  State,  whether  it  be  an  absolute 
monarchy  or  a  republic :  but  the  best  security  against 
such  an  event  is  to  be  found  in  the  mutual  ccmfidence 
of  the  government  and  the  general  body  of  the  people. 

While  expression  has  been  given  to  public  opinion 
by  the  press,  and  by  popular  agitation,  con- 
stitutional changes  have  rendered  the  legis-  thtfre^pre-"^ 
lature  more  representative  or  the  general 
sentiments  of  the  people,  and  responsive  to  their 
wants  and  interests.  The  Reform  Acts  of  1832  dimi- 
nished the  preponderating  influence  of  the  territorial 
nobles  and  landowners;  and  invested  the  middle 
classes  with  a  large  share  of  political  power.  The 
Reform  Acts  of  1867  and  1868,  by  the  adoption  of 
household  suffrage  as  the  basis  of  representation,  ad- 
mitted considerable  numbers  of  the  working  classes 
to  the  same  political  privileges  as  their  employers. 
And,  lastly,  the  Ballot  Act  of  1872,  by  introducing 
secret  voting,  struck  at  the  influence  of  patrons  and 
employers  over  the  independence  of  electors. 

These  successive  changes,  having  been  made  with  a 
view  to  increase   popular  influences  in  the  .  t 

1      1  liicrc!in(!  of 

government  of  the  State,  have  been  advances  }i";',",'c"  '"" 
towards   democracy.      And  since   1832,   the 
legislature  has  borne  the  marks  of  strong  popular  in- 


494  ENGLAND. 

spiration.  Powerful  interests  and  privileges  have  been 
overthrown:  the  welfare  of  the  many  has  been  pre- 
ferred to  the  advantage  of  the  few.  But  can  it  be  af- 
firmed that  the  traditional  bounds  of  English  liberty 
have  been  transgressed  ?  Can  it  be  said  that  democra- 
cy has  usurped  the  place  of  settled  constitutional  gov- 
ernment ?  Many  public  abuses  have  been  corrected  : 
many  remedial  laws  have  given  w^ealth  and  content- 
ment to  the  people  :  many  constitutional  changes  have 
been  accomplished :  the  wrongs,  the  errors,  the  abuses 
and  neglect  of  centuries  were  corrected,  in  the  lifetime 
of  many  Englishmen  who  have  themselves  witnessed 
the  transition  from  the  old  to  the  new  polity.  Eeli- 
gious  liberty  was  granted  to  Dissenters,  to  Catholics, 
and  to  Jews.  The  notorious  and  indefensible  abuses 
of  the  rej)resentation,  which  had  defrauded  the  people 
of  their  rights,  were  corrected.  Municipal  institutions 
w^ere  restored  to  their  ideal  of  popular  self-govern- 
ment. The  revenues  of  the  church  were  reviewed, 
tithes  were  commuted,  and  church  rates  abolished. 
The  shackles  were  struck  off  from  the  negro-slave: 
the  poor-laws  were  amended :  the  severity  of  the 
criminal  code  was  mitigated ;  and  a  national  system  of 
education  was  established.  The  taxation  of  the  coun- 
try was  revised,  upon  equitable  and  enlightened  prin- 
ciples. Restraints  upon  the  importation  of  food,  and 
upon  trade  and  industry,  were  removed.  Free  trade 
was  inaugurated.  Earnest  endeavours  were  made  to 
improve  the  condition,  and  appease  the  discontents, 
of  Ireland.  The  Protestant  Church  of  Catholic 
Ireland  was  disestablished:  the  rights  of  landlords 
over  their  tenants  were  regulated.  The  widespread 
colonies  of  the  British  Empire,  entrusted  with  the 
privileges  of  responsible  government,  were  allowed  to 


DEMOCRATIC  OPINIONS.  495 

flourisli  as  democratic  republics,  under  the  gentle 
sovereignty  of  the  parent  State.  Such  has  been  the 
liberal  and  progressive  policy  of  England  during  the 
last  fifty  years.  But  moderation  and  equity  have  dis- 
tinguished all  the  measures  of  the  legislature.  Private 
rights  and  property  have  been  respected :  the  recog- 
nised principles  of  a  constitutional  State  have  been 
maintained. 

The  salutary  reforms  of  this  active  period  averted 
revolution.  Founded,  not  upon  theoretical  (.o^tin^jty 
principles  or  vague  aspirations,  but  upon  the  "^  reforms. 
rational  experience  and  acknowledged  necessities  of 
the  country,  they  restored,  instead  of  subverting,  the 
wholesome  conditions  of  an  ancient  state,  and  a  highly 
organised  society.  English  reformers,  however  bold 
and  adventurous,  never  broke  with  the  past :  it  was 
ever  their  mission  to  improve  and  regenerate,  rather 
than  to  destroy.^  In  the  familiar  words  of  our  re- 
nowned poet  laureate,  England  has  been : 

A  land  of  settled  government, 
A  land  of  just  and  old  renown  : 
Where  freedom  broadens  slowly  down, 
From  precedent  to  precedent. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  democratic  opinions  have 
gained  ground  among  considerable  numbers  D^.^ocratic 
of  the  people  :  but  as  yet  they  have  found  no  '>i>'"'""8- 
representation  in  the  legislature.     If  democracy  had 

'  '  Pauvres  Fran9ais,  si  pauvres,  et  qni  vivent  campi's  !  Nous 
sommcs  d'liier,  et  ruint's  de  prre  en  fils  par  Louis  XIV.,  i)ar  Louis 
XV.,  par  la  lii'volution,  par  I'Empire.  Nous  avons di'nioli,  il  a  fallu 
tout  refairo  i\  nouveau.  I^i,  la  gt'nCration  suivante  ne  roinpt  pas 
avec  la  prectdentc  :  les  reformes  se  superposent  aux  institutions,  et 
le  pn'sent,  appuye  Bur  le  passe,  le  continue.' — TuLne,  Notes  mr 
I'Anrjktcrrc,  cliap.  iv. 


496  ENGLAND. 

been  making  decided  advances,  in  public  opinion,  we 
sliould  have  seen  parliaments  growing  more  and  more 
democratic,  after  each  appeal  to  the  country.  But,  so 
far  from  presenting  evidence  of  such  results,  some  re- 
markable illustrations  of  a  different  tendency  may  be 
mentioned.  In  little  more  than  two  years  after  the 
passing  of  the  Reform  Act  of  1832,  which  had  been 
opposed  by  the  Tory  party,  as  revolutionary,  that 
party  had  nearly  recovered  their  strength.  Again 
overpowered  by  the  Liberal  party,  in  1835,  they  were 
restored  to  power  in  1841,  supported  by  a  powerful 
majority  of  the  representatives  of  the  people.  Three 
times  again  were  that  party  entrusted  with  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  State,  within  a  period  of  fifteen  years ;  ^ 
and,  lastly,  in  1874, — when  democracy  was  said  to 
have  received  a  great  impulse  from  household  suffrage 
and  vote  by  ballot, — the  triumph  of  the  same  party 
over  the  party  of  progress  was  not  less  signal  than  in 
1841, — before  those  democratic  measures  had  yet  in- 
creased the  popular  power. 

In  some  of  its  aspects,  the  government  of  England 

is  one  of  the  rarest  ideals  of  a  democracy,  in 
aspects  <|f  the  history  of  the  world.  It  is  directed  by 
Govern-        the  intelligent  judgment  of  the  whole  people. 

In  Athens,  the  citizens  met  in  the  Ecclesia, 
discussed  affairs  of  State,  and  voted  with  impulsive 
acclamations  :  but  they  only  swayed  the  destinies  of  a 
single  brilliant  city.  The  people  of  the  great  State  of 
England  cannot,  indeed,  meet  together  in  a  market- 
place :  but  they  choose  their  representatives  in  the 
national  councils,  they  assemble  freely  in  public  meet- 
ings, they  have  the  right  of  petition,  they  enjoy  a  per- 

'  Viz.  1852,  1858  and  1866. 


Loyalty. 


LOYALTY.  497 

fectly  free  press,  they  manage  all  their  local  affairs, 
and  in  place  of  ruling  a  city,  they  govern  an  em- 
pire. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  State  enjoys  all  the 
securities  of  an  ancient  monarchy,  of  old-  nberty 
established  institutions,  and  of  a  powerful  dwuocrac" 
and  well  -  organised  society.  All  orders,  advanced. 
classes,  and  interests  have  found  adequate  represen- 
tation ;  and  the  State  has  been  governed  by  public 
opinion,  and  not  by  the  dominating  force  of  numbers. 
Kank,  propert}^,  high  attainments  and  commercial 
opulence,  have  maintained  their  natural  influence  in 
society,  and  in  the  State. 

Loyalty  to  the  crown,  and  respect  for  the  law,  have 
contributed,  not  less  than  free  institutions, 
to  the  steady  course  of  English  political  his- 
tory. Loyalty  has  generally  been  regarded  as  a  sen- 
timent of  the  olden  time,  which  is  declining  in  an  util- 
itarian age.  Yet  the  period  in  which  devotion  to  the 
king's  person  is  assumed  to  have  been  the  greatest, 
was  marked  by  rival  pretensions  to  the  crown,  by 
bloody  civil  wars  and  insurrections.  The  Wars  of  the 
Koses,  the  convulsions  of  the  Reformation,  the  Catho- 
lic insurrections  and  plots  against  Elizabeth  and 
James  I.,  the  civil  war  of  Charles  I.,  the  revolution  of 
1688,  the  Jacobite  rebellions  of  George  I,  and  George 
IL,  are  blots  upon  the  ideal  loyalty  of  former  ages. 
If  kings  held  a  more  conspicuous  place  in  the  eyes  of 
their  people,  they  were  yet  identified  with  hostile 
parties  in  the  State,  with  religious  persecutions,  with 
judicial  murders,  and  with  cruel  severities  against 
great  numbers  of  their  subjects.  The  loyalty  and 
devotion  of  their  own  followers  may  have  been  great : 
but  the  allegiance  of  the  country  was  divided  by  tho 


498  ENGLAND. 

bitterest  feuds.  If  they  were  beloved  by  many,  by 
many  were  they  feared  and  hated. 

But  constitutional  government,  while  it  has,  in  a 
Effect  of  great  measure,  withdrawn  the  monarch  from 
u'pon'^'^  that  personal  exercise  of  power,  which  ap- 
°^  ^'  peals  to  the  imagination  of  men,  has  relieved 
him  fi'om  party  conflicts,  from  responsibility  for  un- 
popular measures,  and  from  the  rigours  of  the  ex- 
ecutive government.  If  he  is  not  associated  with  de- 
votion to  a  cause  or  a  part}^  neither  is  he  pursued 
with  the  hatred  of  religious  sects  or  political  factions. 
The  rancour  of  his  subjects  is  exhausted  upon  one 
another  :  he  is  himself  above  and  beyond  it :  none 
can  reach  him,  upon  his  throne.  He  holds  an  even 
balance  between  rival  statesmen  and  parties  :  he  es- 
pouses no  cause  or  policy.  Ministers  are  responsible 
for  the  exercise  of  his  prerogatives  ;  and  take  upon 
themselves  the  unpopularity  of  every  act  of  the  ex- 
ecutive. At  the  same  time,  all  honours  and  acts  of 
grace  proceed  directly  fi"om  the  crown  itself. 

All  these  circumstances  concur  in  associating  loy- 
Loyaityand  alty  with  patriotism,  and  a  respect  for  law 
patriotism.  ^^^  order,  of  which  the  crown  is  at  once 
the  symbol  and  the  guarantee.  Such  sentiments  are 
more  constant  and  enduring  than  loyalty  itself ;  and 
they  are  the  special  characteristics  of  Englishmen. 
They  sustain  the  spirit  of  loyalty,  even  when  per- 
sonal devotion  to  the  sovereign  is  weakened  by  ex- 
ceptional causes.  After  the  overthrow  of  the  Stuarts, 
several  sovereigns  failed  to  conciliate  the  affections 
and  sympathies  of  their  subjects.  William  III.,  not- 
withstanding his  great  services  to  the  State,  was 
unpopular.  He  was  a  foreigner,  and  his  manners 
were  cold  and  ungenial.     The  reign  of  Queen  Anne 


LOYALTY  AND  PATRIOTISM.  499 

was  illumined  with  glory  :  but  tliougli  lier  amiability 
won  her  the  title  of  'Good  Queen  Anue,'  she  had 
none  of  the  qualities  which  arouse  devotion.  The 
two  first  Georges  were  foreigners,  and  took  little 
pains  to  acquire  popularity  with  their  alien  subjects ; 
while  the  loyalty  of  the  country  was  undermined  by 
Jacobite  intrigues. 

But  with  George  III.  the  traditional  loyalty  of  the 
English  people  was  revived.  He  was  an  Loyalty  to 
Englishman,  a  plain  country  gentleman,  of  ^"^^'^ 
simple  tastes  and  habits,  pious  and  domestic,  and 
fairly  representing  the  character  of  the  Englishmen 
of  his  time.  He  took  too  active  and  personal  a  part  in 
politics,  to  escape  occasional  unpoj^ularity :  but  he  gen- 
erally possessed,  throughout  his  long  and  chequered 
reign,  the  affections  of  his  people.  The  character  of 
George  IV.  was  not  such  as  to  command  re-  ^ 

"  .       George  IV. 

sj)ect ;  and  at  the  very  c(3mmencement  of  his 
reign,   he   braved    unpopularity  by  his   proceedings 
against  Queen   Caroline.     Yet  was  he   greeted  with 
remarkable  demonstrations   of  loyalty  ;   and  his  ad- 
miring people  delighted  to  honour  '  the  first  gentle- 
man in  Europe.'     The  name  of  William  IV. 
being  associated  with  the  great  measure  of 
Parliamentary  reform,  he  became  the  most  popular 
of  kings  :  but  politics  are  an  unstable  foundation  of 
public  attachment ;  and  before  the  close  of  his  reign, 
his  popularity  had  sensibly  declined. 

With  the  reign  of  Queen  Victoria,  the  chivalrous 
loyalty  of  EnLdishmcn  was  revived.     A  fair 
young  Queen,  endowed   with   every  virtue,  (^ii.<n 
and  graced  with  every  accomplishment,  won 
the  ready  affections  of  her  people.     None  of  her  an- 
cestors had  aroused  a  loyalty  so  genuine  and  uni- 


500  ENGLAND. 

versal.  Holding  herself  above  political  parties,  and 
faithfully  observing  the  obligations  of  a  constitutional 
sovereign,  her  popularity  has  never  been  impaired  by 
the  errors  of  statesmen,  or  the  jealousy  of  factions. 
Never  did  sovereign  more  truly  deserve,  or  more 
abundantly  enjoy,  the  loyalty  of  a  nation.  Restrained 
by  a  great  affliction,  and  afterwards  by  ill  health, 
from  some  of  the  more  public  functions  of  sove- 
reignty, it  was  feared  by  many  that  her  pojDularity 
had  declined  :  but  such  fears  were  promptly  dispelled, 
whenever  the  people  found  an  occasion  for  displaying 
their  feelings. 

No  more  touching  example  of  loyal  and  affectionate 

devotion  to  the  Queen  and  the  royal  family 
recovery  of  cau  be  couceived,  than  the  episode  of  the  ill- 
of  Wales,      ness  and  recovery  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  in 

the  winter  of  1871.  While  he  was  in  danger, 
the  anxiety  of  all  classes  was  that  of  friends  and  re- 
lations :  crowds  pressed  forward  to  read  the  bulletins : 
the  thoughts  of  all  men  were  fixed  upon  the  sufferer 
at  Sandringham.  When  his  happy  recovery  was  cele- 
brated by  the  thanksgiving  at  St.  Paul's  Cathedral, 
not  even  George  III.  on  a  similar  occasion,  received 
demonstrations  of  attachment  so  earnest  and  univer- 
sal. No  man  who  witnessed  the  events  of  that  memo- 
rable day, — the  solemn  service  in  the  metropolitan 
church, — the  vast  crowds  that  greeted  the  royal  pro- 
cession, with  earnest  sympathy,  for  many  miles,  through 
the  streets  of  London,  and  the  rejoicings  of  a  whole 
people,  will  venture  to  doubt  the  loyalty  of  Her  Ma- 
jesty's subjects.  Nor  have  such  manifestations  of 
hearty  loyalty  been  confined  to  the  capital.  Wlien- 
ever  Her  Majesty,  the  Prince  of  Wales,  or  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Royal  Family,  have  visited  great  industrial 


CONSERVATIVE  ELEMENTS   OF  SOCIETY.  501 

or  manufacturing  cities,  whicli  are  supposed  to  be 
leavened  with  a  republican  spirit,  they  have  been  re- 
ceived with  enthusiastic  devotion. 

All   evidence,  therefore,  contradicts  the  assertion 
that  loyalty  has  declined  in  England.     The  j^^^j.^, 
personal  sentiment  is  sustained,  with  all  its  J^f.p'j|bHc°^ 
touching  interests  and  affections ;  and  it  is  ^"^'^'"• 
associated  with  a  sober  reverence  for  the  laws  and  in- 
stitutions of  the  country.^     It  is  well  known  that  re- 
publican speculations  have  occasionally  been  ventured 
upon  :  but  they  have  not  found  favour  with  any  con- 
siderable class  of  society :  they  have  not  been  ad- 
dressed to  a  single  constituency  :  they  have  not  been 
even  whispered  in  Parliament ;  and  they  are  repelled 
by  the  general  sentiment  of  the  country. 

While  loyalty  to  the  crown  has  survived  all 
the  advances  of  democracy,  the  church  has  eonsena- 
awakened  from  a  long  period  of  inaction,  and  eiei^i^.^isof 
by  her  zeal  and  good  works,  has  recovered  '■"'^''■^y- 
much  of  her  former  influence ;  while  the  continual  in- 
crease of  wealth  has  strengthened  the  conservative 
elements  of  society.  The  nobility,  augmented  in  num- 
bers, still  enjoy  an  influence  little  less  than  feudal, 
in  their  several  counties.  The  country  gentlemen, 
united  with  them  in  interests  and  sympathies,  liavo 
become  far  richer  and  more  powerful  tlian  in  the 
time  of  George  m. :  while  they  have  advanced,  still 
more  conspicuously,  in  culture  and  accomplishjnents. 
Trained  in  the  public  schools  and  universities,  tlie 
army,  and  the  Inns  of  Court,  they  are  qualified,  as 
well  for  tlieir  high  social  position,  as  for  the  magis- 

'  '  Kftvorcncc  for  the  past,  confidence  in  the  present,  faitli  in  the 
future,  that  is  the  sum  of  lliif^^lish  stiitcisnianship.' — Speech  of  Sir 
Williani  Vernon  Ilarcourt  at  Oxford,  8th  Sept.,  1873. 


502  ENGLAND. 

tracy  and  public  affairs.  Commercial  -wealtli  has  been 
lavished  upon  the  land;  and  merchants  and  manu- 
facturers have  recruited  the  ranks  of  a  class,  to  whom 
they  were  once  opposed.  The  goodly  array  of  inde- 
pendent gentry,  multiplied  by  the  increasing  wealth 
of  the  country,  and  by  public  employments,  have 
generally  cast  in  their  lot  with  the  proprietors  of  the 
soil.  The  professional  classes,  enlarged  in  numbers, 
in  variety  of  pursuits,  and  in  social  influence,  have 
generally  associated  themselves  with  the  property  of 
the  country,  with  which  their  fortunes  are  identified. 
The  employers  of  labour,  anxiously  concerned  in  the 
safety  of  their  property  and  interests,  and  irritated 
by  the  disputes  of  their  workmen,  have  looked  coldly 
upon  democratic  movements.  Great  numbers  of  per- 
sons in  the  employment  of  public  companies  and  com- 
mercial firms,  may  be  included  in  the  ranks  which 
give  stability  to  English  society.  It  may  be  added 
that  many  of  the  higher  grades  of  operatives  invest 
their  savings,  and  are  bound  up  with  the  interests  of 
their  employers ;  and  that  a  considerable  number  of 
the  working  classes  gain  their  livelihood  from  the  ex- 
penditure of  the  rich. 

A  society  so  strong,  so  varied,  and  so  composite, 
assures  the  stability  of  our  institutions,  and 
diUons'oT'  the  equitable  policy  of  our  laws.  In  France, 
sociL-ty.  ^^^  disorganization  of  society  has  been  the 
main  cause  of  revolutions :  in  England,  its  sound  con- 
dition has  been  the  foundation  of  political  progress 
and  constitutional  safety. 


INDEX. 


AAn 

AARAIT,  Peace  of  [Swiss  Con- 
federation]. 

Absolutism,  evils  of,  ii.  101  ;  of 
the  French  Republic,  190. 

Achaian  League,  the,  its  services 
to  Greece,  i.  135  ;  one  of  the 
earliest  examples  of  a  federal 
State,  135  ;  compared  with  de- 
mocracy of  Athens,  135,  136. 

Act  of  Mediation  [Swiss  Confede- 
ration]. 

Advertisement  duty  repealed,  ii. 
470. 

Affre,  Monseigneur,  archbishop  of 
Paris,  killed  on  the  barricades, 
ii.  303. 

Agitation,  political,  in  England, 
477-488  ;  the  moral  of,  ii.  48i). 

Agora,  the,  its  beneficial  influ- 
ences, i.  47. 

Agrarian  law,  of  Spurius  Cas- 
sias, i.  151  ;  of  Licinius,  179  ; 
continually  demanded  in  Rome, 
179  ;  of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  182, 
183. 

Agricultural  communitins,  con- 
servative, but  with  elements 
favourable  to  freedom,  Introd. 
xxxvii.  ;  different  classes  of 
cultivators,  xxxviii.  ;  the  Mi-- 
tayer  system,  xxxviii.;  general 
character  of,  xl.;  in  (heoco,  i. 
GO  ;  in  Rome,  150,  103,  178  ;  in 


ANJ 
the  dark  ages,  230;  in  Italy, 
280  ;  in  Switzerland,  352,  353- 
355,  371  ;  in  the  Netherlands, 
ii  2  ;  iu  France,  91,  105-112  ;  in 
England,  350,  374,  407,  501. 

Albigenses,  the,  i.  277  ;  ii.  91. 

Albizzi,  the  [Florence]. 

Alfred  the  Great,  arrests  the  pro- 
gress of  the  Danes  in  England, 
ii.  359. 

Alkraaar,  the  siege  of,  ii.  47. 

Alps,  the,  scenery  of,  and  its  in- 
fluence on  man,  i.  848. 

Alva,  the  Duke  of  [NetJicrlands, 
the]. 

American  War  of  Independence, 
the,  a  prelude  to  revolution  in 
lEurope,  ii.  134 ;  alliance  of 
France  with  the  colonists,  134  ; 
stimulates  the  popular  move- 
ment in  England,  409  ;  and  in 
France,  409. 

Amiens,  peace  of,  ii.  220. 

Amphictyonic  Council,  the,  i.  52. 

Amsterdam,  attempts  of  William 
II.  of  Orange  to  seize,  ii.  76. 

Anabaptists,  the,  i.  281  ;  in  Eng- 
land, their  ideal,  ii.  440. 

Anglo-Saxons,  the  [England]. 

Anjou,  the  Due  d',  sovereign  of 
i      the   United   Provinces,  except 


604 


INDEX. 


ANT 


ATH 


Holland  and  Zealand,  ii.  57  ;  his 
match  with  Queen  Elizabeth 
broken  off,  57  ;  takes  the  oath 
to  observe  the  chartei's  and  con- 
stitutions, 57  ;  his  treason,  58, 
59  ;  his  departure  and  death, 
59. 

Anti-Coru-Law  League,  the,  its 
action  and  triumph,  ii.  486  ; 
moral  of  the  agitation,  487. 

Antinomians,  the,  ii.  441. 

Anti-Slavery  Society,  the,  its  suc- 
cess, ii.  484. 

Antwerp,  burnt,  and  its  citizens 
massacred  by  the  Spaniards,  ii. 
51  ;  raid  of  Anjou  on,  58  ;  ca- 
pitulates to  Prince  of  Parma, 
61. 

Arabs,  the  [Saracens]. 

Aragon,  liberties  of  the  Cortes, 
ii.  37  ;  insurrection  in,  28. 

Aquinas,  St.  Thomas,  his  politi- 
cal views,  Introd.  xxiii.  n. 

Archons,  government  of,  at  Ath- 
ens, i.  70 ;  office  thrown  open 
by  Aristides,  77  ;  election  by 
lot,  78  ;  deprived  of  judicial 
functions,  79. 

Areopagus,  the,  its  powers,  i. 
78  ;  obnoxious  to  the  demo- 
cratic party,  78  ;  stripped  of  its 
powers,  79. 

Aristocracy,  one  of  the  first  forms 
of  government,  Introd.  xxvii. ; 
its  influence  surviving  its  ex- 
clusive power,  xxviii.  ;  the  na- 
tural constitution  of  a  pastoral 
State,  xxxvii.  ;  aptitude  of,  for 
'  government,  Iv.  ;  conflicts  with 
the  people,  Ivii.  ;  conflict  of, 
with  democracy,  i.  59  and  n. ; 
united  with  monarchy  and  pop- 
ular institutions  at  Sparta,  66 
and  n.  ;  the  Roman  patricians, 
142,  143,  150,  151  ;  fusion  of 
old  and  new,  at  Rome,  159,  100  ; 
political  reaction  of  Roman, 
172  ;   ascendency  of,  after  fall 


of  the  Gracchi,  189  ;  the  novi 
homines,  199  ;  relations  of,  with 
the  Church  of  Rome,  249  ;  the 
feudal,  252  ;  of  Venice,  302, 
sqq. ;  conflict  of,  with  demo- 
cracy at  Genoa,  307  ;  at  Flor- 
ence, 317,  sqq.  ;  growth  of  a 
new,  at  Florence,  321  ;  the 
commercial,  325,  326  ;  of  Berne, 
366  ;  of  Fribourg,  368 ;  of 
France,  ii.  102  ;  in  England, 
360,  362,  374  ;  power  of,  after 
the  Revolution,  463. 

Armies,  standing,  the  formation 
of,  a  check  to  the  development 
of  democracy,  Introd.  Ixi.  ;  in- 
jurious effects  of,  Ixi.  ;  conse- 
quences of,  in  Rome,  i.  173  ; 
danger  of,  under  Marius,  190  ; 
organised  under  the  empire, 
217  ;  governed  Rome,  227  ;  ap- 
proach to  establishment  of, 
by  Swiss  Confederation,  375  ; 
raised  by  Charles  the  Bold,  ii. 
23. 

Arnold  of  Brescia  [Rome']. 

Artevelde,  James  van,  becomes 
leader  of  the  Flemings,  ii.  16  ; 
sovereign  of  Flanders,  his  ex- 
ploits, 16  ;  his  death,  17. 

—  Philip  van,  his  exploits  and 
death,  ii.  17,  18. 

Arundel,  Earl  of,  committed  to 
the  Tower,  ii.  393. 

Aryans,  their  original  seat  and 
migrations,  i.  40,  41  ;  their 
civilisation  attested  by  their 
language,  41  ;  contributed  to 
European  liberty,  42,  n. 

Associations  [Political  Associa- 
tions]. 

Athens,  contrasted  with  Sparta, 
i.  69  ;  the  intellectual  centre  of 
Greece,  70  ;  an  oligarchy,  gov- 
ernment by  Archons,  70  ;  con- 
stitution of  Solon,  71  ;  council 
of  Four  Hundred,  72  ;  Ecclesia, 
73 ;    encouragement    of    com- 


INDEX. 


505 


ATS 


AXIS 


merce,  73  ;  suspension  of  free- 
dom under  Peisistratus  and  liis 
sons,  73  ;  constitution  of  Cleis- 
tlienes,  73 ;  division  into  ten 
tribes,  74 ;  Senate  of  Five 
Hundred,  75  ;  the  Ecclesia,  75; 
ostracism,  7a  ;  changes  in  con- 
stitution of  Cleisthenes,  77  ; 
reforms  of  Pericles,  78  ;  the 
Areopagus,  78  ;  the  dicasteries, 
79  ;  scrutiny  of  magistrates,  81  ; 
restraints  upon  tba  democracy, 
82  ;  increased  power  of  the  Ec- 
clesia, S'i  ;  the  Council  of  Five 
Hundred,  83 ;  introduction  of 
payment  for  public  services, 
84,  85,  86  ;  popular  amusements 
provided  at  expense  of  the 
State,  87  ;  distribution  of  pro- 
fits of  mines  of  Laurium  among 
the  citizens,  87,  n.  ;  public 
works  promoted  by  Pericles, 
87  ;  the  Theoricon,  88  ;  exam- 
ple of  a  pure  democracy,  90  ; 
ambassadors  received  by  the 
assembly,  91  ;  her  democratic 
influence,  92 ;  overthrow  of 
the  democracy  by  Peisander, 
92 ;  overthrow  of  the  oli- 
garchs, 94 ;  a  polity  estab- 
lished, 94  ;  democracy  restored, 
94  ;  humiliation  and  surrender 
of  the  city  to  l^ysander,  94  ; 
rule  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants,  95  ; 
proscription,  95  ;  rescued  by 
Tlirasybuhis.  96  ;  the  demo- 
cracy restored,  96  ;  decline  of 
her  ascendency,  96  ;  her  orators 
and  i)hil()sophers,  97  ;  Macedo- 
nian conquest,  fall  of  the  demo- 
cracy, 97. 

-  Her  greatness  under  the  de- 
mocracy, 99  ;  coincidence  of  en- 
liglitciimeiit  and  freedom,  99  ; 
her  warlike  spirit,  100 ;  her 
groat  victories,  101  ;  employ- 
ment of  morcenar/  troops,  101  ; 
its  bad  effects,  102  ;  her  politi- 
cal activity,  103  ;  her  leaders, 
104  ;  influence  of  birtli,  105, 
106  ;  disparagement  of  the  'de- 
magogues,' 106  ;  good  and  bad 
VOL.  II. — 22 


demagogues,  107  ;  study  of 
oratory,  107  ;  the  sophists,  107; 
freedom  of  speech,  the  natural 
growth  of  Athenian  life,  109  ; 
attempt  to  restrict  it,  109,  n.  ; 
licence  of  the  stage,  110;  So- 
crates an  example  of  Athenian 
toleration,  and  of  its  breach, 
110;  the  drama,  music.  111, 
112  ;  means  of  culture,  112  and 
n. ;  smalluess  of  Athens  as  a 
State,  113  ;  rudeness  of  its  form 
of  government,  114;  need  of 
representation,  115  ;  the  Greek 
religicm,  116 ;  slavery,  120 ; 
selfishness  of  Athenian  policy, 
121  ;  Athenian  franchise,  121  ; 
lowering  of  the  franchise,  123  ; 
lowering  of  the  character  of 
the  democracy,  123  ;  its  power 
increased,  124  ;  burthens  upon 
the  rich,    and  upon   the  poor, 

125  ;  patriotii^m  undermined  by 
payments  for  attendance,  1£5, 

126  ;  paid  advocates,  127  ;  popu- 
lar judicature,  128  ;  the  Syco- 
phants, 128  ;  public  aniu.'^e- 
ments  at  cost  of  the  State,  129  ; 
the  system  comjileted  by  Eubu- 
]us,  130  ;  mi.'^ai>propriation  of 
money,  132  ;  corruption  of  gene- 
rals and  envoys,  132  ;  eflorts  of 
Demosthenes  to  reform  abuses, 
133  ;  poor  laws,  133  ;  public 
life  in,  compared  with  Kome, 
168  ;  Athenian  democracy  com- 
pared with  Konian,  218  ;  their 
judicatures  compared,  219  ; 
compared  with  Florence,  310. 

Athens,  the  Duke  of  [Floi'cnce]. 

Augsburg,  Diet  of,  allows  rulers 
to  determine  the  faith  of  their 
subjects,  ii.  35,  n. 

Augustus  [OctaviuK]. 

Austria,  the  Gennan  Emperor 
signs  Declaration  of  Pilnitz,  ii. 
160  ;  joins  with  I'russia  in  de- 
claration of  war  against  Friince, 
167;  Francis  II.  reiK.uiices  title 
of  Emperor  of  Geniuxny,  226  ; 
insurrections   in    Italy   against 


508 


INDEX. 


EAI 


her  rule  (1848),  287  ;  disturb- 
ances at  Vienna,  abdication  of 
the  Emperor,  288  ;  new  consti- 
tution, 288. 

BAILLY,   Mayor  of    Paris,    ii. 
153  ;   resigns,  161  ;    execut- 
ed, 194. 

Ball,  John,  his  bold  social  doc- 
trines, ii.  oG7. 

Ballot,  the,  used  in  Rome,  i.  181 ; 
adopted  in  England,  1872,  ii. 
493. 

Barbes,  his  insurrection,  ii.  268  ; 
its  object,  2G8  ;  resisted  by 
Lamartine,  298  ;  member  of 
provisional  government,  arrest- 
ed, 302. 

Barebone's  Parliament  [England]. 

Barneveldt,  .Tan  van  Olden,  sup- 
ports Prince  Maurice,  ii.  G5  ; 
his  peace  policy,  70  ;  his  illegal 
arrest  and  execution,  74. 

Barras,  ii.  207,  214. 

Barrot,  Odillon,  his  opposition  to 
repressive  measures  o*  Louis 
Philippe,  ii.  265  ;  leads  agita- 
tion for  reform,  270,  278  ;  min- 
ister with  M.  Thiers,  281  ;  first 
minister,  282  ;  his  ministry  dis- 
missed by  Louis  Napoleon,  308  ; 
invited  to  form  a  ministry,  311. 

Basle,  a  municipal  republic,  i. 
357  ;  its  mixed  constitution, 
368,  360  ;  peasant  war,  387  ; 
revolution  at,  396  ;  the  bishop- 
ric annexed  to  France,  396  ; 
domination  of  the  town  over 
the  country,  404. 

Bavaria,  abdication  of  King  Lud- 
wig,  ii.  290. 

Belgium,  Celtic  settlers  in,  ii.  3  ; 
occupied  by  the  Franks,  4  ;  in- 
surrection in.  85  ;  made  a  sepa- 
rate kingdom  under  Leopold  I., 
85  ;  ascendency  of  Ultr  anion - 
tanism,  85  ;    progress  of,  1830 


to  1848,  285  ;  remains  at  peace 
in  1848,  391  [Netherlands,  and 
Ncticerlands,  kingdom  of  the]. 

Berlin,  insurrection  at,  1848,  ii. 
290. 

Bernadotte,  elected  King  of  Swe- 
den, ii.  220. 

Berne,  a  municipal  republic,  i. 
357  ;  privileges  of  its  burghers, 
357  ;  forms  alliance  with  Fri- 
bourg,  Bienne,  and  Neufchatel, 
357 ;  its  aristocratic  constitu- 
tion, 366,  367  ;  corruption  of 
the  rulers,  381  and  n.  ;  peasant 
war  in,  387  ;  becomes  an  oligar- 
chy, 390 ;  intervenes  against 
the  burghers  of  Geneva,  392  ; 
again,  with  Zurich,  France,  and 
Savoy,  occupies  the  town,  and 
suppresses  its  liberties,  393  ; 
heavy  contributions  levied  by 
the  French,  400  ;  oligarchic 
rule  restored,  404  ;  revolution 
of  1830,  405  ;  conciliation  of 
parties,  412. 

Berri,  the  Due  de,  assassination 
of,  ii.  242. 

Bianchi  and  Neri,  the,  at  Flor- 
ence, i.  319. 

Bible,  the  English,  its  influence 
on  English  society,  ii.  379. 

Billaud-Varennes,  ii.  189  n.,  203, 
203. 

Bishops,  in  England,  nominated 
by  the  king,  ii.  371  ;  proposal 
of  the  Commons  to  deprive 
them  of  their  seats  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  412  ;  the  bill  passed, 
415  ;  reinstated  at  the  Restora- 
tion, 456. 

Blanc,  Louis,  Socialist  leader,  ii. 
295  ;  attempts  to  organize  na- 
tional workshops,  296,  297  and 
n.  ;  resisted  by  Lamartine,  297  ; 
takes  part  in  invasion  of  the 
Hotel  de  Ville,  300  ;  in  storm- 
ing of  the  Assembly,  301 ;  mem- 


BLA 


INDEX.  507 

surance  chamber,  7  ;  expels 
the  French  garrison,  IG  ;  vic- 
tory o%er  the  French  at  Cour- 
trai,  IG  ;  joins  in  war  against 
Count  of  Flanders,  16  ;  resists 
Philip  the  Good,  22  ;  seizure 
and  imprisonment  of  Archduke 
Maximilian  by  the  townsmen, 
25  ;  they  extort  a  treaty  from 
him,  25  ;  unsuccessfully  at- 
tacked by  Duke  of  Anjou,  58. 


ber  of  provisional  government, 
arrested,  301. 

Blanqui,  takes  part  in  the  insur- 
rection of  Barbr-s,  ii.  268;  leader 
of  the  Red  Republicans  in  in- 
vasion of  the  Hotel  de  Ville, 
3U0  ;  member  of  provisional 
government,  arrested,  301. 

Bohemia,  pro\'isional  government 
proclaimed  at  Prague,  ii.  288. 

Boissy  d'Anglas,  his  firmness  as    Brussels,  capitulates  to  Prince  of 


president  of  the  Convention,  ii. 
204. 

Bologna,  the  head  of  the  confed- 
eration of  cities  south  of  the 
Po,  i.  312  ;  joins  the  Lombard 
League,  313  ;  staunch  to  the 
Guelphic  party,  315. 

Bonaj^rte,  Jerome,  made  King  of 
Westphalia,  ii.  226. 

— ,  Joseph,  made  King  of  the 
Two  Sicilies,  ii.  220  ;  king  of 
Spain,  22G. 

— ,  Louis,  made  King  of  Holland, 
and  deposed,  ii.  22G. 

— ,  Napoleon  [Napoleon  Bona- 
parte]. 

Bordeaux,  under  the  Reign  of 
Terror,  ii.  192  ;  meeting  of  Na- 
tional Assembly  at,  331. 

Borromean  League,  the,  alliance 
of  Seven  Catholic  Cantons  of 
Switzerland,  i.  383. 

Bourbons,  the,  fruitless  attempts 
at  fusion  of  the  two  houses,  ii. 
310. 

Bourgeoisie,  the,  the  middle  class 
in  France,  ii.  110. 

Brahmans,  the,  interpreters  and 
administrators  of  the  law,  i.  4  ; 
pride  of  caste,  5. 

Brlglit,  Mr.,  one  of  the  loaders  of 
the  Anti-Corn-Law  League,  ii. 
480. 

Bruges,  the  central  mart  of  the 
Hansealic  League,  ii.  0  ;  its  in- 


Pai-ma,  ii.  01  ;  capital  of  the 
new  kingdom  of  the  Nether- 
lands, 84. 

Buckingham,  Duke  of,  proceed- 
ings against  him  threatened, 
ii.  392  ;  the  parliament  dis- 
solved to  avert  them,  393  ;  im- 
peachment voted,  again  saved 
by  a  dissolution,  393. 

Buddhism,  freedom  uuknown  to, 

i.  3. 
Bugeaud,  Marshal,  commander  of 

Paris,  ii.  282. 

Bureaucracy,  growth  of,  at  Rome, 
i.  216. 

Burgundy,  House  of,  acquires 
sovereignty  of  the  Netherlands, 
ii.  22. 

Bussolari,  Jacob  dei,  his  enter- 
prise at  Pavia,  i.  330. 

CADIZ,  capture  and  sack  of,  by 
Dutch  and  English  fleets,  ii. 
65. 
Cfcsar,  C.  Julius,  one  of  the  lead- 
ers of  the  Roraan  democracy, 
i.  201  ;  bids  for  popularity,  203  ; 
Pontifex  Maximus,  204  ;  alli- 
ance with  Pomi)ey,  2U5  ;  bis 
jKipular  measures,  206 ;  mili- 
tary commands,  206  ;  victories, 
207;  triumvir,  208  ;  rivalry 
with  Pomppy,  200  ;  crosses  the 
Rubicon,  210  ;  master  of  Rome, 
211  ;  his  powers  and  ])olicy, 
211  ;  his  constitutional  and  re- 
medial  laws,  212  ;   slain,  213  ; 


508 


INDEX. 


CiLli 


CHA 


tlie  assassins  justified  by  Mon- 
tesquieu, 213,  n.  ;  routs  the 
Helvetii,  33G. 

Calendar,  reformation  of  the,  ii. 

195. 
Calonne,   ii.  135  ;  tis  measures, 

137  ;  liis  fall,  137. 

Calvin,  John,  his  scheme  of 
church  government,  i.  283  ;  his 
influence  in  reformation  of 
Switzerland,  382  ;  his  rule  in 
Geneva,  384 ;  moral  influence 
of  his  religious  discipline,  385  ; 
his  doctrines  and  polity  em- 
braced by  many  in  England,  ii. 
378. 

Calvinists,  the  supporters  of  po- 
litical liberties,  Introd.  Ixv. 
[Pvritans]. 

Capital  punishment,  for  political 
offences  abolished  in  France, 
ii.  293. 

Capitalists,  a  class  of,  created  at 
Rome,  i.  174 ;  in  France,  be- 
come a  power  in  the  State,  ii. 
115. 

Capponi,  Florentine  statesman,  i. 

338. 
Carrier,  at  Nantes,  ii.  193,  202. 

Carthage,  its  republican  consti- 
tution, i.  31  ;  democratic  ele- 
ments, 32  ;  growth  of  an  oli- 
garchy, 32  ;  analogy  wich  con- 
stituti-on  of  Venice, '  32  ;  the 
Punic  wars,  164 ;  invasion  of 
Italy  by  Hannibal,  164  ;  colony 
at,  founded  by  Csesar,  213. 

Caste,  in  India,  i.  5  ;  in  Persia, 

15  ;  in  Egypt,  27. 

Castile,  liberties  of,  the  Cortes, 
ii.  27  ;  the  king  deposed,  27  ; 
remonstrance  of  the  holy  jnnta 
rejected  by  Charles  V.,  28  ;  in- 
surrection under  Padilla,  sup- 
pressed, and  Padilla  put  to 
death,  28. 


Catalonia,  the  king  deposed  by 
the  people,  ii.  27. 

Cathelineau,  Vendean  leader,  ii. 

189. 

Catholic  Association,  the,  formed, 
ii.  480  ;  Act  for  suppression  of, 
passed,  481  ;  meetings  prohib- 
ited, 481. 

Catholic  Emancipation,  conceded, 
ii.  482. 

Catholics  {Church  of  Eome\. 

Catiline,  L.  Sergius,  his  conspi- 
racy, i.  204. 

Cato,  the  censor,  i.  176. 

Cato,  M.  Porcius,  leader  of  sena- 
torial party,  i.  204  ;  his  tactics, 
206,  n. 

Cavaignac,  General,  appointed 
Dictator,  su])presses  Socialist 
insurrection  at  Paris,  ii.  303  ; 
his  measures,  304 ;  candidate 
for  the  Presidency,  304. 

Celts,  the,  their  early  condition, 
Introd.  xlvi. ;  state  (jf  countries 
peopled  by,  xlvi.,  xlvii. ;  settlers 
in  Belgium,  ii.  3  ;  in  England, 
352. 

Censorship  of  the  Press,  in  France, 
partially  removed,  ii.  239  ;  re- 
moved, 241  ;  revived,  242  ; 
abolished,  245  ;  restored,  248 ; 
abolished,  248 ;  in  England, 
under  Cromwell,  446. 

Centralisation,  in  France,  ii.  99- 
101. 

Chambord,  Comte  de,his  resolute 
adhesion  to  the  white  flag,  ii. 
345  ;  failure  of  attempts  at  fu- 
sion, 346. 

Changarnier;  General,  prevents 
storming  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville, 
ii.  300,  301;  superseded  in  com- 
mand of  Paris,  309,  310. 

Charlemagne,  his  schools,  i.  264, 
265  ;  reduces  the  Frisians,  ii. 
4;  his  appointment  of  muni- 


INDEX. 


)09 


cipal   officers    in    the   Nether- 
lands, 8. 

Cliarles  the  Bold,  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, thrice  defeated  by  the 
Swiss,  i.  362  ;  gives  up  Lit'ge 
to  pillage,  ii.  23  ;  his  tyranny 
in  the  Netherlands,  23. 

Charles  X.  of  France,  his  acces- 
sion, ii.  245  ;  his  character,  245 
and  n.  ;  under  priestly  influ- 
ence, 246,  247  [France]. 

Cliarles  Albert,  King  of  Sardinia, 
begins  the  war  for  Italian  unity, 
ii.  287. 

Charles  V.,  Emperor,  becomes 
sovereign  of  the  Netherland><, 
ii.  26  ;  enlarges  powei*s  of  the 
Spanish  crown,  28  ;  suppresses 
insurrections  and  overthrows 
ancient  liberties,  of  Spain,  28; 
his  rule  in  the  Netherlands,  29  ; 
his  hostility  to  the  Reforma- 
tion, 33 ;  his  cruel  persecution 
of  Protestants  in  the  Nether- 
lands, 34 ;  abdicates,  36. 

Charles  I.  of  England,  his  charac- 
ter, ii.  .391,  3!)2  ;  his  bad  faith, 
395  ;  resolves  to  govern  with- 
out a  Parliament,  396 ;  con- 
vokes another,  40  '.  ;  dissolves 
it,  401  ;  summons  a  council  of 
peers  at  York,  402  ;  summons 
the  Long  Parliament,  402  ;  as- 
sents to  attainder  of  Strafford, 
405 ;  his  rights  infringed  by 
Act  against  dissolution  of  par- 
liament, 411  ;  attempts  to  ar- 
rest the  five  members,  414  ;  re- 
fu.ses  assent  to  the  Militia  Bill, 
415  ;  leaves  Ijf)ndon,  416  ;  ])ro- 
pares  for  war,  416  ;  his  adhe- 
rents, 417  ;  divided  counsels, 
418  ;  summons  a  f)arl lament  at 
Oxford,  419;  negotiations  at 
Uxbridge,  419  ;  def<nit('d  at 
Naseby,  423  ;  takes  refuge  with 
the  Scots,  423  ;  given  up  l>y 
them,  423 ;  seized  and  taken 
to  the  camp,  425  ;  in  ca))tivity, 
426  ;  rejects  the  propositions  of 


the  army,  426,  427 ;  escapes 
from  Hampton  Court,  427  ;  im- 
prisoned in  Carisbrook  Castle, 
428 ;  treats  with  the  parlia- 
ment, 428 ;  his  secret  treaty 
with  the  Scots,  429  ;  accused 
of  treachery  and  treason  ;  his 
trial  demanded,  430  ;  his  trial 
and  execution,  435  ;  contempo- 
rary sentiments,  435  ;  the  judg- 
ment of  posterity,  436. 

Charles,  Prince  of  Wales,  pro- 
claimed King  in  Scotland,  ii. 
442  ;  defeated  by  Cromwell  at 
Worcester,  442  ;  restoration  of, 
454  ;  his  rule,  457. 

Chartists,  the,  in  England,  or- 
ganisation of,  ii.  484  ;  their 
methods  of  action,  485  ;  the 
procession  to  Westminster  of 
April  10,  1848,  prohibited  and 
prevented,  435,  486  ;  weakness 
of  their  cause,  486. 

China,  early  civilisation  of,  i.  16  ; 
theoretical     principles    of    its 
government,  17  ;  Confucius  and 
Slencius,    17 ;    restraints   upon 
the  i)ower  of  the  emperor,  18  ; 
superiority  of  its  j  urisprudence, 
18  ;    functionaries,    19  ;    boards 
and  other  offices,  19  ;  vices  of 
administration,  19  ;  the  censors, 
-  19  ;  extensive  system  of  educa- 
tion, 20  ;  learning  the  sole  road 
to  power,  20  ;  influence  of  the 
literati  upon  pxiblic  opinion,  21 
frequency  of  insurrections,  21 
village  communities,  21  ;  sim 
plicity  of  the  State  religion,  21 
industry   of    the    people,    22 
causes  of  the  absence  of  free- 
dom, 23  ;    absence  of   wealthy 
and  middle  classes,  23  ;  density 
of  poj)ulation,  23  ;  moral  condi- 
tion of   the  people,   24 ;   their 
unsocial  isolation,  24. 

Chivalry,  institution  of,  its  refin- 
ing influences,  i.  253. 

Christianity,  influence  of,  upon 
European   civilisation,  i.   239  ; 


510 


INDEX. 


CHU 

its  precepts,  239  ;  addresses  it- 
self to  the  individual,  2t3{t,  n.  ; 
appealed  to  in  support  of  oppo- 
site systems,  240,  241,  nn.  ;  its 
propagation,  242  ;  corruptions 
of  churches,  243  ;  church  gov- 
ernment, 243;  growth  of  power 
of  bishops  and  priests,  243 
[Church  of  Borne]. 

Cburcli  of  England,  the  revival 
in  the,  lutrod.  Ixii.  ;  the  royal 
supremacy  established  by  Hen- 
ry VIII.,  ii.  371  ;  reformation 
effected  by  the  king,  372  ;  its 
doctrines  and  ceremonies  main- 
ly Lutheran,  378  ;  revolt  of  the 
Puritans  against,  378;  attempts 
of  Queen  Elizabeth  to  repress 
divisions,  380  ;  rise  of  non-con- 
formity, 380  ;  Catholic  reaction 
under  Mary,  381  ;  illegal  canons 
of  Convocation  sanctioned  by 
James  I. ,  386  ;  exalts  preroga- 
tive, 386  ;  passive  obedience 
taught,  396  ;  its  policy  directed 
by  Laud,  398  ;  proceedings  of 
the  Long  Parliament  against 
the  clergy,  407  ;  episcopacy  as- 
sailed by  the  Puritans,  414 ; 
the  Presbyterian  polity  intro- 
duced, the  Episcopal  clergy 
ejected,  423  ;  held  sacred  the 
memory  of  '  King  Charles  the 
Martyr','  436;  restored  to  as- 
cendency at  the  Restoration, 
456  ;  persecutes  the  Puritans, 
456  ;  resists  the  encroachments 
of  James  II.,  458  ;  its  repose  in 
the  18th  century,  465 ;  dis- 
turbed by  Wesley  and  Wliite- 
field,  474;  affected  as  the  church 
of  the  people,  475  ;  her  policy 
threatened,  475  {Bishops,  Pres- 
hytcrians,  Puritans']. 

Church  of  Rome,  her  hold  on 
cultivated  minds  shaken  by 
modern  free  thought,  Introd. 
Ixii.  ;  partial  recovery  of  her 
power,  Ixii.  ;  the  revival  ac- 
companied by  superstitious  doc- 
trines and  practices,  Ixii.  ;  the 


pontiff,  i.  244 ;  influence  of, 
upon  freedom,  244  ;  the  ascetic 
spirit,  245  ;  its  teaching  adverse 
to  freedom,  246 ;  the  church 
and  civilisation,  246;  the  priest- 
hood, 247  ;  its  salutary  moral 
influence,  248  ;  its  relations  to 
the  poor,  248  ;  to  the  aristoc- 
racy, 249  ;  to  kings,  249  ;  claims 
of  the  Pope,  249  ;  its  spiritual 
and  secular  power  a  check  to 
freedom,  251  ;  represses  free 
inquiry,  271  ;  its  influence  im- 
paired by  growth  of  modern 
languages,  271 ;  conflict  of,  with 
freedom  of  thought,  276  ;  _  its 
unity  threatened  by  heresies, 
277  ;  the  Inquisition,  278  ; 
growth  of  opposition  to,  279  ; 
its  claim  of  supreme  dominion, 
279  ;  the  Protestant  Reforma- 
tion. 280;  Catholic  reaction, 
282  ;  ascendency  of,  maintained 
in  Belgium,  ii.  85  ;  in  France, 
originally  a  source  of  weakness 
to  the  crown,  90  ;  resists  the 
new  philosophy  of  France,  125  ; 
her  teaching  imchanged,  125  ; 
expulsion  of  the  Huguenots, 
125  ;  when  exposed  to  criticism, 
unequal  to  the  strife,  126 ;  re- 
established in  France  by  Bo- 
naparte, 221  ;  strife  of  Henry 
VIII.  with,  370,  371  ;  Catholic 
reaction  in  Europe,  381  ;  perse- 
cution of  Catholics  by  James 
I.,  386. 

Cicero,  M.  Tullius,  wins  popular- 
ity, i.  203  ;  discovers  Catiline's 
conspiracv,  204  ;  banished,  207  ; 
recalled,  209. 

Cimon,  rival  of  Pericles,  his  lar- 
gesses to  the  people,  i.  86; 
takes  part  in  fortifications  of 
Athens,  87. 

Cinna,  L.  Corn.,  his  reversal  of 
Sulla's  policy,  i.  195  ;  with  Ma- 
rius,  takes  Rome,  196  ;  consul, 
196  ;  slain,  197. 

Ciompi,  the  [Florence]. 


INDEX. 


511 


CIS 


COM 


Cisalpine  republic,  tlie,  created,  I  Collot  dHerbois,  ii.  189,  n., 
ii.  209  ;  made  a  kingdom,  :i25.  202,  203. 


192 


Civilis,  Batavian  cliief,  resists 
the  Romans,  ii.  4. 

Civilisation,  its  connection  with 
freedom,  Introd.  sxii. ;  contrasts 
between  Eastern  and  Western, 
i.  1;  inferiority  of  Eastern,  1-3  ; 
its  unprogressive  character,  2  ; 
arrested  by  wars,  2  ;  freedom 
unknown  to  it,  3  ;  Greek,  138  ; 
European,  promoted  by  influ- 
ence of  traditions  of  Rome,  236, 
237 ;  by  the  church,  246  ;  by 
chivalry,  258  ;  Byzantine,  char- 
acterised, 267  ;  Saracen,  268  ; 
influence  of  the  Jews  on  Euro- 
pean, 269  ;  ancient,  recovered, 
273. 

Cleisthenes,  constitution  of,  i.  73- 

77. 
Clients,  class  of,  at  Rome,  i.  174. 

Clodius,  demagogue  at  Rome,  i, 
207. 

Climate,  effects  of,  on  freedom, 
Introd.  xxxii.  ;  tropical,  con- 
ducive to  despotism,  xxxiii. ; 
temperate,  conducive  to  free- 
dom, xxxiv  ;  of  India,  i.  7  ;  of 
Palestine,  33  ;  of  Greece,  44  ; 
of  Italy,  141  ;  of  Switzerland, 
349  ;  of  the  Netherlands,  ii.  13  ; 
of  France,  89  ;  of  England,  350. 

Clubs,  political,  at  Athens,  i.  92  ; 
enter  into  plot  of  I'eisander,  93  ; 
at  Rome,  156  ;  revival  of,  pro- 
posed by  Clodius,  207,  n. ;  at 
Geneva,  39 J  ;  revolutionary,  at 
Paris,  confederation  of,  ii.  153  ; 
their  importance,  173,  n. ;  their 
confederation  su])press('d,  202  ; 
reopened  in  Franco,  294  ;  join 
in  inciting  to  insurrection,  June 
1848,  303  ;  8ui)pressed  by  Ca- 
vaignac,  304. 

Cobden,  Mr.,  one  of  the  leaders 
of  the  Anti-Corn-Law  League, 
ii.  486. 


Colonisation,  Greek,  i.  137,  138  ; 
relations  of  colonies  to  mother 
country,  137,  n.;  Roman,  in 
Italy,  161  ;  beyond  the  Alps, 
proposed  by  Marius,  191  ;  Brit- 
ish colonies  under  responsible 
government,  ii.  494. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  i.  275. 

Comitia,  the,  at  Rome,  admission 
of  the  plebs  to,  i.  149  ;  checks 
upon,  157  ;  vote  by  ballot  in- 
troduced, 184  ;  order  of  voting 
changed,  186  ;  changes  under 
Sulla,  200  ;  daily  report  of  its 
proceedings  ordered  by  Caesar, 
206 ;  controlled  by  Uctavius, 
215  ;  fall  into  disuse,  216  ;  ir- 
regular action  of,  222. 

Committee  of  Public  Safety 
{French  Revolution]. 

^Commons,  the  House  of,  acquires 
independent  place  in  the  legis- 
lature, ii.  364 ;  its  growing 
powers,  365  ;  reaction  against, 
368  ;  under  Henry  VHI.  nomi- 
nees of  the  crown,  372  ;  claims 
freedom  of  speech  under  Eliza- 
beth, 374 ;  contests  the  prero- 
gative under  James  I.,  388  ; 
presents  a  remonstrance  to  the 
king,  388  ;  Charles  I.  and  his 
Parliaments,  392-405  ;  inter- 
feres with  the  House  of  Lords, 
408  ;  restrains  freedom  of  de- 
bate and  right  of  petition,  409  ; 
presents  the  Grand  Remon- 
strance to  the  king,  412  and  n.; 
arrest  of  the  five  members,  414  ; 
passes  the  Militia  Bill,  415  ;  ap- 
points High  Court  of  Justice 
for  trial  of  Charles  I.,  431;  de-, 
clarrs  itself  supreme,  431 ;  man- 
agement of,  by  gift  of  i)lace3 
and  pensions,  an  art  of  states- 
manshi]),  after  the  Revolution, 
463  I  I'dvliamcnt]. 

Common '.veal  til,  the  {Englimd]. 


512 


INDEX. 


COM 


CRO 


Commune,  tlie  [Fra7ice,  Paris]. 

Communists,  the  most  mischie- 
vous fanatics  of  democracy, 
Introd.  Ixvi.;  decry  '  individual- 
ism," Ixvii. ;  tyranny  of  com- 
munism, its  depression  of 
higher  natures,  Ixviii. ;  pro- 
scription of  higher  aims  of 
society,  Ixviii.  and  n.  ;  its 
dreams  realised  in  France, 
Ixix. ;  culmination  of  its  dan- 
gers in  the  Paris  Commune, 
1871,  ixx. ;  a  revolt  against  cap- 
ital, Ixx. ;  overcome  by  the 
second  French  empire,  Ixx. ; 
in  France,  conspiracy  of  Ba- 
hceuf ,  ii.  5208  and  n. ;  under  re- 
public of  1848,  295  [Intcr7ia- 
tional  Association  Socialists]. 

Condottieri,  the,  i.  327 ;  Swiss, 
378. 

Confucius,  i.  16. 

Conscience,  freedom  of,  pro- 
claimed by  William,  Prince  of 
Orange,  ii.  60  ;  progress  of  the 
struggle  for,  in  Europe,  71. 

Conscription,  the,  introduced  in 
France,  ii.  213. 

Constantinople,  saved  amidst 
wreck  of  Europe,  i.  266  ;  orien- 
tal character  of  its  civilisation, 
266,  267  ;  arts  of,  267  ;  its  liter- 
ary treasures,  buried,  267. 

Constituent  Assembly  [French 
Revolution]. 

Consuls,  chiefs  of  Roman  Repub- 
lic, i.  145  ;  their  simple  state, 
146  ;  office  suspended  and  mili- 
tary tribunes  appointed,  155  ; 
restored,  first  plebeian  elected, 
155  ;  canvassing  for  the  consul- 
,  ate  forbidden,  155  ;  their  check 
upon  the  Comitia,  157  ;  form 
of  consulate  preserved  under 
the  empire,  216. 

Corday,  Charlotte,  ii.  186. 

Cordeliers'  Club,  the,  ii.  155,  162. 


Cortes,  the,  of  Spanish  kingdoms, 

ii.  27. 

Corvee,  the,  in  France,  ii.  106. 

Country  gentlemen,  their  position 
and  intlueuce  in  England,  ii. 
305,  368,  467,  501. 

Couthon,  ii.  192,  197. 

Ciassus,  M.  Licinius,  one  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  oligarchy,  i.  201  ; 
joins  the  democracy,  203  ;  his 
wealth  and  influence,  203  ; 
Triumvir,  commander  in  Syria, 
208  ;  death,  209. 

Critias,  author  of  the  proscription 
at  Athens,  i.  95  ;  his  death,  96. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  one  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Independents,  ii. 
420  ;  his  character  and  intiu- 
ence,  420  ;  under  the  self-deny- 
ing ordinance,  supersedes  the 
Presbyterian  generals,  422  ;  de- 
feats Charles  I.  at  Naseby, 
423  ;  assumes  chief  command, 
425  ;  overcomes  the  Parliament, 
425  ;  represses  political  agita- 
tion in  the  anuy,  428  ;  with  his 
generals  resolves  to  bring  the 
king  to  justice,  428,  429,  repels 
invasion  of  the  Scots,  430; 
'  Pride's  Purge,'  430;  declines  to 
advise  trial  of  Charles  I.  ,431  and 
n.;  as  captain-general,  virtually 
supreme,  441,  442  ;  dissolves 
the  Long  Parliament, 442  ;  nom- 
inates Barebone's  Parliament, 
443  ;  dissolves  it,  444  ;  declared 
Protector  for  life,  444  ;  his  elec- 
toral reform  Act,  444  ;  his  au- 
thority questioned  by  the  new 
Parliament,  445  ;  dissolves  it, 
445  ;  governs  with  the  army, 
445  ;  vigour  of  his  rule,  446  ; 
threatened  with  assassination, 
447  ;  calls  another  Parliament, 
447  ;  his  ambition,  the  crown 
offered  to  him,  447,  448  ;  and  re- 
fused, 448  ;  confirmed  as  Pro- 
tector, 448  ;  dissolves  the  Par- 
liament, 449;  his  death,  449;  his 


INDEX. 


513 


CTRO 


DEM 


character,  449,  450  ;  his  tolera- 
tion, 45U. 

Cromwell,  Richard,  succeeds  his 
father  as  Protector  of  tlie  Com- 
monwealth, ii.  451  ;  resigns, 
451. 

Crusades,  the,  i.  254  ;  their  in- 
Hueuce  upon  European  enlight- 
enment, 255  ;  upon  feudalism, 
255,  25G  ;  upon  the  enfranchise- 
ment of  communes,  258. 


D 


ANTE,   banished   from  Flor- 
ence, i.  old. 

Danton.  ii.  153,  163;  leader  of 
tlie  Commune  of  Paris,  169, 
170,  and  n.,  173  ;  weary  of  blood- 
shed, 196  ;  overthrow  by  Robes- 
pierre, 196,  201. 

Dark  Ages,  the,  i.  230,  231,  232, 
250  ;  life  of  man  in,  273,  n. 

De  Brienne,  exiles  the  Parliament 
of  Paris,  and  recals  it,  ii.  137  ; 
arrests  d'Espremenil  and  Gois 
lart,  137  ;  resigns,  138. 

'Defensional,'  the  [Sioiss  Confed- 
eration]. 

'  Delinquents,'  ii.  406  and  n.,  407  ; 
sequestration  of  their  estates, 
421. 

Democracy,  development  of  popu- 
lar jwwer  a  natural  law,  lutrod. 
xxix.,  XXX.  and  n. ;  illustrations 
from  English  history,  and  from 
Freiicli  history,  xxx.,  xxxi.; 
democratic  tendencies  of  town 
])Oi)alatioris,  xliii.;  its  power 
increased  by  events  following 
the  Protestant  Reformation, 
xlviii. ;  and  tlie  French  nn-olu- 
tioii,  xlix.;  freedom  the  firmest 
l>arri(!r  against  it,  Ix.;  its  de- 
velopment arrested  by  forma- 
tion of  great  standing  armies, 
Ixi. ;  and  checked  by  ecclesias- 
tical revival,  Ixii.;  relations 
of  infidelity  with,  Ixiv.,  Ixv.  ; 
its  excesses  in  Europe,  Ixvi.  , 
22* 


irreverence  and  intolerance  of 
the  extreme  party,  Ixvi. ;  high- 
est ideal  of,  Ixvi.  ;  its  ideal  de- 
cried by  Communists,  Ixvii.  ; 
its  probable  future  progress, 
Ixxiii.,  Ixxiv.  and  nu.  ;  element 
of,  in  republic  of  Carthage,  i. 
31  ;  in  Jewish  theocracy,  36, 
37  ;  in  Greek  republics,  45  ;  in 
the  Agora,  46  ;  advance  of,  in 
Greece,  54  ;  moderate,  prefer- 
red by  Aristotle,  55,  u. ,  and  57, 
n.  ;  varieties  of,  56  ;  advanced 
by  growth  of  towns,  62  ;  demo- 
cratic institutions  at  Sparta,  68  ; 
most  fully  developed  at  Athens, 
70  ;  scheme  of,  consummated 
by  introduction  of  payment  for 
public  services,  86  ;  evils  of 
Athenian,  90  ;  lowering  of  its 
character,  123  ;  general  princi- 
ples illustrated  by  study  of 
Greek  democracy,  134  ;  growth 
of,  in  Rome,  152  ;  Roman  com- 
pared  with  Athenian,  219  ;  its 
share  in  the  overthrow  of  the 
republic,  220. 

-  Extinguished  during  the  dark 
ages,  i.  232  ;  Greek  and  Teu- 
tonic, contrasted,  260  ;  germ  of, 
in  Calvin's  theocracy,  282  ;  of 
the  Italian  republics,  288  ;  the 
basis  of  Savonarola's  reform, 
341  ;  examples  of,  in  Switzer- 
land, 347  ;  simplest  form  of, 
in  the  Forest  Cantons,  355,  356  ; 
in  the  Grisons,  370  ;  in  the  ru- 
ral cantons,  conservative,  373  ; 
primary  doctrine  of  a  pure  de- 
mocracy, 415  ;  maintained  in 
Swiss  institutions,  415  ;  instruc- 
tive study  of,  afforded  by  the 
Swiss  Confederation,  420,  421  ; 
twofold  illustration  of,  in  his- 
tory of  the  Netlu'rlands,  ii.  1; 
Dutch  refugees  catch  tlu"  spirit 
of  French  democrac^y,  81  ;  late 
growth  of,  in  France,  88  ;  the 
Jacquerie,  91  ;  Steqdien  Marcel, 
93  ;  represented  in  14th  century 
by  Rienzi,  Marcel,  and  tlie  Van 
Arteveldos,     93 ;      democratic 


514 


INDEX. 


DEM 


basis  of  tlie  French  Empire, 
223  ;  spread  of,  by  campaigns 
of  revolutionary  France,  229  ; 
its  principles  and  character 
changed,  231  ;  reaction  against 
it,  in  Europe,  2o2  ;  advances  of, 
in  France,  242  ;  impulse  from 
the  revolution  of  July,  256  ; 
held  in  check  in  Germany,  290  ; 
freedom  the  safeguard  against 
it,  291  ;  ascendency  of,  in 
France,  292  and  n.  ;  universal 
reaction  against,  304 ;  new  de- 
velopment of,  in  second  French 
Empire,  o2o  ;  combination  of, 
with  Imperialism,  attempted  by 
Napoleon  III.,  331  ;  in  England, 
represented  by  Puritanism,  414, 
n,  ;  the  Independents,  first  de- 
mocratic party  in  England,  419, 

.  420 ;  bears  small  share  in  re- 
volution of  1688,  458,  459  ;  its 
principles  maintained  by  specu- 
lative writers,  but  without  in- 
fluence   on    practical    govern- 

'  ment,  461  ;  symptoms  of,  in 
first  years  of  George  III.,  468  ; 
fostered  by  American  War  of 
Independence,  469  ;  democratic 
movement  in  England,  470  ;  re- 
pressed by  Parliament  and  pub- 
lic opinion,  470 ;  becomes  a 
great  political  force,  471  ;  ad- 
vances towards  it,  by  changes 

■  in  the  representation,  493,  494  ; 
spread  of  democratic  opinions 
in  England,  495  ;  democratic 
aspects  of  the  English  govern- 
ment, 496  [England,  Floi'ence, 
France,  Greece,  Italian  Repub- 
lics, Netherlands,  Borne,  Sicitzcr- 
land,  etc.]. 

Demosthenes,  i.  97  ;  his  efforts  to 
refonn  abuses,  125,  131,  133. 

Deseze,  defends  Louis  XVI.  on 
his  trial,  ii.  177. 

Desmoulins,  Camille,  ii.  196. 

De  Witt,     John,    pensionary    of 
Holland,  ii.   77  ;   procures  the  j 
passing  of  the  Perpetual  Edict,  I 


EDU 
78  ;  murdered,  with  his  brother 
Cornelius,  78. 

Dicasteries,  the,  of  Athens,  i.  75  ; 
constitution  and  jurisdiction  of, 
79,  80  ;  a  field  for  cultivation 
of  oratorj',  80 ;  contribute  to 
intellectual  development  of  the 
citizens,  81. 

Diderot,  and  the  Encyclopedie,  ii. 

123  ;  its  doctrines,  borrowed 
from  English  philosophers,  123  ; 
their    prevalence    in    Europe, 

124  ;  society  penetrated  by 
them,  127. 

Digges,  Sir  Dudley,  committed  to 
the  Tower,  ii.  893. 

Directory,  the  [France,  French 
lievolution]. 

Dissent,  progress  of,  in  England 
and  Wales,  ii.  474  [Cultinists, 
Nonconformists,  Puritans']. 

Doge,  the,  of  Venice,  first  election 
and  powers  of,  i.  300,  301 ; 
limitations  of  his  power,  303  ; 
of  Genoa,  807. 

Dumouriez,  General,  ii.  181. 

EAST,  the  [Aryans,  Cartilage, 
China,  Civitisation,  Egypt, 
India,  Japan,  Jews,  Persia, 
Phoenicians,  Turkey]. 

Ecclesia,  of  Athens,  the  sovereign 
political  power,  i.  75  ;  exten- 
sion of  its  powers,  83  ;  payment 
for  attendance  introduced,  86  ; 
receives  ambassadors,  91,  n.  ; 
range  of  its  jjowers  and  func- 
tions, 92. 

Edward  the  Confessor,  the  old 
line  of  native  kings  restored  in 
him,  ii.  359. 

Edward  I.,  II.,  III.,  IV.  [Parlia- 
ment.] 

Education,  extensive  system  of, 
in  China,  i.  20  ;  ideal  of  Greek, 
112  ;  means  of,  at  Athens,  113  ; 


INDEX. 


615 


EC4M 


ENG 


free  under  Roman  empire,  228  ;  ] 
obstacles  to,  in  tlie  darii  ages, 
251  ;  revival  of  learning,  2(34  ; 
promoted  by  Charlemagne  ;  his 
schools  and  imiversities,  26-1 ; 
promoted  by  the  Saracens,  the 
schools  of  Bagdad,  268  ;  and  in 
Spain,  268  ;  the  Scholastic  sys- 
tem, 270  ;  interference  of  the 
Jesuits  with,  in  Switzerland, 
208  ;  higli  standard  of,  in  tho 
Netherlands,  ii.  19  ;  universal- 
ity of,  in  Holland,  72  ;  national 
system  of,  founded  in  France, 
by  the  Convention,  185  ;  general 
diffusion  of,  in  Europe,  286_; 
progress  of,  in  England,  365, 
377,  477  ;  promoted  by  cheap 
literature,  477. 

Egmont,  Count  [Netherlands]. 

Egypt,  its  religion  and  polity  of 
Eastern  origin,  i.  26  ;  division 
of  society  into  castes,  27  ;  en- 
lightenment confined  to  the 
rulers,  23  ;  despotic  govern- 
ment, supported  by  physical 
conditions  of  tlie  country,  28  ; 
and  confirmed  by  Turkish  con- 
qu'st,  28 ;  introduction  of 
European  civilisation,  28  ;  the 
Khedive  absolute,  29  ;  captivity 
of  Israelites  in,  34. 

Eliot,  Sir  John,  committed  to  the 
Tower,  ii.  393  ;  again.  396  ;  re- 
fu-ie.3  submission  and  dies  in 
the  Tower,  397  ;  the  judgment 
reversed  by  House  of  Lords, 
397. 

Elizabeth,  queen  of  England,  re- 
fuses aid  to  the  United  Prov- 
inces, ii.  50  ;  promis(!3  aid,  53  ; 
Hovereignty  of  tlie  Netherlands 
offered  to  her,  62;  declines  it, 
but  sends  trf)ops,  63  ;  her  views, 
63  ;  her  reign  the  turning  jioint 
in  the  political  fortunes  of  Eng- 
land, 373  ;  maintains  her  jire- 
rogativc,  374. 

Empire,   the  French,    first    and 


second  [France,  Napoleon  Bo- 
naparte,-Napoleon,  Louis], 

Encyclopedie,  the  [Bidcrot]. 

England,  her  aid  sought  by  the 
Dutch,  ii.  62,  63  ;  ties  between 
England  and  Holland,  76  ;  joins 
the  coalition  against  France, 
181  and  n.  ;  her  relations  with 
France  disturbed  by  intrigues 
of  Louis  Philippe  about  the 
Spanish  marriages,  277  ;  opposi- 
tion in  their  foreign  policy,  277  ; 
state  of,  1830  to  184«,  284; 
secure  amidst  revolutions  of 
1848,  291  ;  her  history  that  of 
liberty,  not  of  democracy,  349  ; 
character  of  the  country,  350  ; 
the  climate,  the  soil,  350,  351  ; 
the  scenery,  351 ;  minerals,  352 ; 
the  Celts,  the  Romans,  352,  353  ; 
Roman  towns,  353  ;  influence 
of  Rome  upon  later  times, 
354  ;  resemblance  between  an- 
cient Rome  and  England,  355  ; 
the  Anglo-Saxons,  355  ;  their 
conquests,  355  and  n.  ;  Teu- 
tonic laws  and  customs  intro- 
duced, 356  ;    free  institutions, 

357  and  n.  ;  the  witenagemot, 

358  ;  tlie  Danes,  358  ;  the  Nor- 
man Conquest,  360  ;  policy  of 
William  the  Conqueror,  360 ; 
Norman  feudalism,  a  military 
organisation,  360  ;  jiolitical 
changes,  361  ;  the  crown  and 
the  people,  361  ;  measures  of 
Henry  I.  and  Henry  II.  362  ; 
the  barons  and  the  people,  362  ; 
Magna  Charta,  ;;62  ;  increasing 
power  of  parliament,  363  ;  de- 
position of  Edward  II.  and 
Richard  II.  by  the  i)arliament, 
364 ;  political  and  social  ])ro- 
gress  in  the  f(jurteenth  century, 
365  ;  Wycliffe  and  religious  in- 
quiry, 365;  the  liollards,  306  ; 
decay  of  feudalism,  366  ;  sta- 
tutes of  labourers,  367:  po])nlar 
discontents,  367  ;  Wat  Tyltn's 
insurrection,  367  ;  reaction 
against    the     Commons,    368 ; 


616 


INDEX. 


ENG 


Wars  of  the  Eoses,  feudalism 
crushed,  8(39  and  n. ;  increase 
of  kingly  power,  370  ;  absolut- 
ism of  Edward  IV.,  of  Henry 
Vil.,  and  Henry  VIII.,  370*; 
Henry  VIII.  effects  the  Refor- 
mation, 371  ;  his  supremacy, 
371  ;  the  parliaments  do  his 
bidding,  373  ;  increased  power 
of  the  crown,  372 ;  course  of 
the  Reformation,  373  ;  Catholic 
reaction  under  Queen  Mary, 
frequent   changes   of  religion, 

373  ;   reign  of  Elizabeth,   373, 

374  ;  social  changes,  nobles  and 
country  gentlemen,  374,  375  ; 
their  conservatism,  375  ;  rise  of 
a  powerful  middle  class,  376  ; 
commerce  and  manufactures, 
376  ;  intellectual  progress,  377  ; 
Grammar  schools,  377  ;  religi- 
ous movements,  378  ;  character 
and  position  of  the  reformed 
church,  378  ;  Calvinists,  378  ; 
the  English  Bible,  379  ;  the 
Puritan  character,  879  ;  Eliza- 
beth and  the  Puritans,  381. 

-  Accession  of  the  Stuarts,  883  ; 
James  I. ,  384  ;  the  king  and  the 
church,  886  ;  canons  of  1604, 
386  ;  Gunpowder  plot,  387  ; 
levy  of  taxes  by  prerogative, 
387';  dissolution  of  first  parlia- 
ment of  James  I.,  388;  a  sec- 
ond summoned  and  dissolved, 
members  committed  to  prison, 
389  ;  government  without  a 
parliament,  389  ;  third  parlia- 
ment meets,  and  is  dissolved 
by  the  king,  389,  390  ;  fourth 
meets,  390  ;  increasing  power 
of  constituencies,  390  ;  close  of 
James's  reign,  391  ;  first  parlia- 
ment of  Charles  I.,  892  ;  limited 
grant  of  tonnage  and  pound- 
age ;  dissolution  of  parliament, 
892  ;  the  king's  relations  with 
the  new  parliament,  393  ;  taxes 
levied  without  consent  of  par- 
liament, 893  ;  forced  loans, 
393  ;  another  parliament  sum- 
moned,  394 ;    the   Petition   of 


ENG 
Eight,  394  ;  the  king's  bad 
faith,  395  ;  duties  of  tonnage 
and  poundage,  395  ;  the  king's 
determination  to  govern  with- 
out a  parliament,  396  :  commit- 
tal of  Sir  John  Eliot  and  other 
members,  396  ;  taxes  by  prero- 
gative, 397  ;  ship-money,  397  ; 
tyranny  and  severity  of  the  Star 
Chamber  and  High  Commission 
Courts,  398  ;  the  king's  policy 
directed  by  Laud  and  Strafford, 
398  ;  persecution  of  the  Puri- 
tans, 899  ;  their  emigration, 
899  ;  growing  discontent,  399  ; 
rebellion  in  Scotland,  400  ;  the 
king's  embarrassment,  400  ;  the 
short  parliament  of  1640,  400  ; 
character  of  the  new  House  of 
Commons,  401  ;  dissolution, 
401  ;  the  Scots  in  rebellion,  in- 
vasion of  England,  402 ;  the 
long  parliament,  402  ;  remedial 
measures,  403,  404 ;  impeach- 
ments, 404,  405  ;  rashness  of 
the  court,  414 ;  arrest  of  the 
five  members,  414  ;  the  militia 
bill,  415. 

-  The  civil  war,  418  ;  fruitless 
negotiations  for  peace,  419  ; 
Oliver  Cromw(dl,420  ;  the  self- 
denying  ordinance,  421  ;  new 
modelling  of  the  arm}',  422  ; 
its  religious  enthusiasm,  422  ; 
the  battle  of  Naseby,  423  ;  fall 
of  the  Church  of  England,  423  ; 
severities  of  the  parliament, 
424 ;  invasion  by  the  Scots, 
429  ;  growth  of  republican 
opinions,  432 ;  republicanism 
in  the  army,  432  ;  the  Level- 
lers, 432  ;  piety  and  regicide, 
433 ;  execution  of  the  king, 
435  ;  the  Commonwealth,  Coun- 
cil of  State  appointed,  488 ; 
abolition  of  the  monarchy  and 
the  House  of  Lords,  439  ;  re- 
publican theories,  439  and  n., 
440  and  n. ;  Cromwell's  supre- 
macy, 442  ;  the  long  parliament 
dissolved,  442  ;  Barebone's  Par- 
liament, 443  ;  the  Protectorate, 


ENQ 
444  ;  its  constitution,  444 ;  the 
new  parliament,  445  ;  govern- 
ment by  the  anny,  military  dis- 
tricts formed  under  major-gen- 
erals, 445  ;  commanding  posi- 
tion of  the  Commonwealth,  447; 
death  of  Cromwell,  449  ;  Rich- 
ard Cromwell  Protector,  451  ; 
his  resignation,  451  ;  'the 
Rump,'  453  ;  a  committee  of 
safety,  453  ;  anarchy,  452  ;  in- 
tervention of  General  Monk, 
453  ;  a  new  parliament,  454  ; 
the  Restoration,  454  ;  eifects  of 
the  civil  war  upon  the  mon- 
archy, 455 ;  reaction  under 
Charles  II.,  453  ;  elements  of 
future  freedom,  453  ;  James  11., 
457;  the  Revolution  of  1688, 
458  ;  its  principles,  458  ;  secu- 
rities taken  for  public  liberties, 
451);  characteristics  of  the  Revo- 
lution, 460  ;  reign  of  William 
III.,  460,  431 ;  the  political  writ- 
ings of  the  time.  431,  463  ;  the 
representation,  463  ;  *  manage- 
ment' of  the  Commons,  4G8  ; 
power  of  the  aristocracy,  464  ; 
inflaence  of  the  press,  464 ; 
agitations  against  unpopular 
measures,  464  ;  ascendency  of 
the  crown,  the  churcli,  and  the 
land-owners,  435  ;  the  nobles, 
406  ;  the  country  gentlemen, 
467. 

-  Fir-it  years  of  George  III.,  468; 
effects  of  American  War  of  In- 
dependence, 46!>  ;  democratic 
movement,  470  ;  efEects  of  the 
French  Revolution,  470,  471 
and  n. ;  the  Six  Acts,  471 ;  social 
changes,  471  ;  growth  of  towns, 
commerce,  and  navigation,  473  ; 
the  land  in  it-;  ndations  to  trade 
and  inanufacturos,  473  ;  tlio 
Church  iuid  l)is  ;ent,  474  ;  the 
policy  of  the  church  and  the 
land  threatened,  475  ;  j)olitical 
education,  475  ;  freedom  of  the 
press,  476  ;  education,  477  ;  po- 
litical associations,  478;  dangers 
of  vast  aaseinbiagcs,    47!*  ;  the 


INDEX.  517 

EUR 

Catholic  association,  480  ;  Cath- 
olic meetings,  481  ;  Catholic 
emancipation,  483  ;  Reform  Bill, 
1833,  483  ;  Anti-slavery  Socie- 
ty, 484  ;  the  Chartists,  484,  485  ; 
Anti-Corn  -  Law  League,  486  ; 
meetings  in  Hyde  Park,  487, 
488  ;  the  Match  Tax,  488  ;  mi- 
nor agitation.s,  489,  490  ;  Trades 
Unions,  490 ;  changes  in  the 
representation,  493  ;  Ballot  Act, 
493  ;  increase  of  popular  influ- 
ence, 493  ,  continuity  of  re- 
forms, 495  ;  loyalty  of  the  Eng- 
lish, 497-501  ;  no  professions 
of  republicanism,  501  ;  conser- 
vative elements  of  society,  501, 
503  ;  sound  conditions  of  socie- 
ty, 503  [Commons,  Independ- 
ents, Lords.  Pmiiamcnt,  Prcs- 
bi/tcrians,  Puritans,  lirform]. 

Ephialtes,  democratic  leader  at 
Athens,  i.  79  ;  effect  of  his  scru- 
tiny of  magistrates,  81. 

Ephors,  council  of  the,  i.  66,  68. 

Europe,  its  physical  conditions 
favourable  to  freedom,  Introd. 
xxxvi. ;  later  developin(3iits  of 
democracy,  xlviii.-li. ;  disorgan- 
isation of  society  in,  after  fall  of 
Western  empire,  i.  230  ;  barba- 
rian conquests,  231  ;  the  dark 
ages,  231  ;  the  feudal  system, 
233  ;  causes  of  social  and  polit- 
ical imi)rovement,  233  ;  rude 
freedom  of  Teutonic  invaders, 
233  ;  their  customs  introduced 
into  Italy  and  elsewhere,  234  ; 
relations  of  chiefs  and  vassals, 
235  ;  influence  of  traditional  in- 
.stitutions  of  Rome,  236  ;  feu- 
dalism ruinous  to  towns,  237^ 
groat  monarchies  favoured  by 
tniditions  of  Home,  237 ;  Ro- 
man laws,  jurists,  238  ;  Chris- 
tianity and  the  Catholic  Church, 
239  ;  six  centuries  of  darkno^';, 
250;  some  schoolmen  favourable 
to  liberty,  250,  n. ;  growing  re- 
finement of  the  barons, 353;  iTiin- 
■streisy,  353  ;  chivalry,  353  ;  en- 


618 


INDEX. 


PAI 


FLO 


tlmsiasm  of  the  Crusades,  254  ; 
their  intluence  upon  European 
enlightenment,  255  ;  upon  feu- 
dalism, 255  ;  upon  the  enfran- 
chisement of  communes,  25G  ; 
revival  of  towns,  257  ;  decay  of 
feudalism,  260  ;  Imperial  and 
free  cities  of  Germany,  2(51  ; 
growth  of  European  constitu- 
tions, 263  ;  revival  of  learning, 
264  ;  schools  and   universities, 

264  ;  influence  of  monasteries, 

265  ;  introduction  of  Saracen 
culture,  268  ;  influence  of  Jew- 
ish culture,  261)  ;  of  the  school- 
men, 270  ;  growth  of  modern 
European  languages,  272  ;  re- 
covery of  classical  learning, 
272  ;  the  revival  of  learning, 
272  ;  Scientific  discoveries,  275; 
churchmen  supplanting  nobles 
in  the  service  of  the  State,  276  ; 
heresies  and  schisms,  277  ;  first 
struggles  for  civil  and  religious 
liberty ,  279 ;  the  Inq  uisition,  278 ; 
the  Protestant  Reformation, 
280  ;  prerogative  increased  by 
Lutheranism,  281  ;  Calvinism, 
282  ;  Catholic  reaction,  282  ; 
prevalence  of  the  new  philoso- 
phy in  Europe  in  the  IBth  cen- 
tury, ii.  124  ;  the  church  and 
public  opinion,  125,  ct  scq. ; 
f  tate  of,  at  the  period  of  the 
French  Revolution,  1789,  158  ; 
effects  of  the  Revolution,  229  ; 
altered  position  of  kings,  231  ; 
political  reaction  in,  232  ;  influ- 
ence of  Revolution  of  July, 
1830,  on  States  of,  256  ;  state  of, 
from  1830  to  1848.  284,  285  ; 
social  changes,  285,  286  ;  intel- 
lectual progress,  286  ;  sudden 
'effects  of  the  Revolution  of 
February,  1848,287. 

I  FAIRFAX,  Sir  Thomas,  ap- 
pointed general  of  the  par- 
liamentary army,  ii.  422  ;  takes 
part  in  repelling  Scottish  in- 
vasion, 429. 
Favre,    Jules,    his    circular     to 


the  foreign  representatives  of 
France,  ii.  333. 

Federalism  ;  the  Achaian  League, 
i.  135  ;  the  Lycian  League, 
137  ;  Free  cities  of  Germany, 
261  ;  the  Hanseatic  and  Rhen- 
ish Leagues,  262,  263  ;  in  Swit- 
zerland, 357, 359,  862, 413 ;  con- 
federation of  towns  of  Flan- 
ders and  Brabant,  ii.  16. 

Feudal  system,  the,  i.  232;  ruin- 
ous to  towns,  237  ;  refining  in- 
fluence of  chivalry,  253';  de- 
cline of,  promoted  by  crusades, 
255  ;  its  decay,  260  ;  alliance  of 
feudal  lords  in  Italy  with  the 
burghers,  286  ;  in  Switzerland, 
351,  365  ;  in  the  Netherlands, 
ii.  4,  5  ;  successfully  resisted 
by  the  Frisians,  5 ;  the  baron 
and  the  burgomaster,  9 ;  re- 
solute hostility  of  the  Dutch 
burghers,  11,  12  and  n. ;  estab- 
lished in  France  by  the  Franks, 

89  ;  overthrown  by  Richelieu, 

90  ;  struggles  against,  in  14th 
century,  92  ;  feudal  rights  and 
privileges  renounced  by  French 
Constituent  Assembly,  18; 
Norman  feudalism,  360  ;  in 
England,  weakened  by  meas- 
ures of  Henry  II.,  362;  Wat 
Tyler's  insurrection,  a  revolt 
against,  367  ;  crushed  by  T\  ars 
of  the  Roses,  369  ;  the  kingiy 
power  rising  upon  its  ruins, 
370. 

Feuillants'  Club,  the,  at  Paris,  ii. 
153,  162,  163. 

Fieschi,  his  attempt  to  aspassinate 
Louis  Philippe,  ii.  266. 

Fifth  Monarchy  Men  [Millenari- 
ans]. 

Five  Hundred,  Council  of,  at 
Athens,  i.  75  ;  its  proceedings 
watched  by  assessors,  82  ;  its 
functions  and  deficiencies,  83, 

Florence,  its  favourable  position, 
i.  309  ;  compared  with  Athens, 


FLO 

SIO ;  its  constitution,  311  ; 
Guelph  and  Gliibeline,  311  ;  a 
foieiga  podestd  chosen,  311,  n.  ; 
democratic  tnovement  in,  elec- 
tion of  the  Signoria,  316  ;  its 
vigorous  policy,  the  Guel])hiG 
nobles  recalled,  war  against 
the  Qhibeline  cities,  310  ;  tak- 
en possession  of,  by  Qhibeline 
army,  31G  ;  new  democratic 
constitution,  317 ;  ascendency 
of  the  mercantile  class,  317 ; 
exclusion  of  nobles  fi-ora  the 
Signoria,  317  ;  first  appointment 
of  the  gonfalonier  of  justice, 
318  ;  an  oligarchy  established, 
318  ;  feuds  and  factions,  319  ; 
jealous  spirit  of  democracy, 
choice  of  rulers  by  lot,  319, 
320  ;  constitution  of  1328,  320  ; 
the  leader  of  free  republics, 
320 ;  aims  at  a  balance  of 
power  in  Italy,  320  ;  resists 
John  of  Bohemia,  321  ;  rule  of 
the  Duke  of  Athens,  321 ;  drives 
him  away,  321  ;  growth  of  a 
new  aristocracy,  321,  322 ;  ri- 
valry of  old  and  new  families 
(fourteenth  century),  322  ;  the 
Medici,  322;  revolt  of  the  C'i- 
ompi,  322,  323  ;  Michael  de 
Lando  i)rocIaimed  gonfalonier, 
and  soon  afterwards  exiled, 
323,  321;  overthrow  of  the  Ci- 
ompi  and  suljjectioa  of  the  de- 
mocracy, 321 ;  democratic  spirit 
of  the  republic,  324 ;  conspi- 
racy of  thrt  I'azzi,  assasrii nation 
of  Julian  de'  Medici,  3:)G  ;  con- 
dition of,  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, 337  ;  poi)u]ar  rule  of  the 
Albizzi,  337;  thcsir  rivals  and 
successors,  the  Medici,  337;  the 
'parliaments'  ready  instru- 
ments of  revolution,  337  ;  Cos- 
mo de'  Medici,  337,  338  ;  pros- 
])erity  under  his  rule,  338,  339  ; 
Peter  de'  Medici,  Lonm/.o  de' 
Medici,  3:>9  ;  change  in  the  con- 
Htitution,  339  ;  and  in  foreign 
relations,  340  ;  Savonarola,  his 
religious  and  ])olitical  reforms, 
340,  311  ;   expulsion  of  the  Mc- 


INDEX.  519 

PEA 
dici,  340  ;  election  of  a  gonfa- 
lonier for  life  with  dictatorial 
powers,  341  ;  Peter  Soderini 
first  chosen,  341  ;  the  Medici 
recalled,  and  again  expelled, 
342  ;  fall  of  the  republic,  342  ; 
Alexander  de'  Medici,  342.^ 

Forest  Cantons,  the  [Switzcrliuid]. 

Four  Hundred,  Council  of,  at 
Athens,  i.  72 ;  converted  by 
Cleisthenes  into  Council  of  Five 
Hundred,  75  ;  established  by 
Peisander,  93  ;  deposed,  94. 

France,  bigoted  policy  of  the 
League,  ii,  02  ;  Henry  III.  de- 
clines offer  of  sovereignty  of 
the  Netherlands,  02  ;  anarchy 
in,  64  ;  conquest  of,  projected 
by  Piiilip  II.,  64  ;  late  growth 
of  democracy  in,  88  ;  the  coun- 
try and  the  people,  88,89  ;  con- 
quest of  the  Gauls  by  the 
Franks,  89  ;  establishment  of 
feudalism,  90  ;  growth  of  the 
monarchy,  90  ;  overthrow  of  the 
feudal  chiefs,  90  ;  the  church, 
90 ;  supreme  power  of  the 
crown,  91  ;  misery  and  discon- 
tents of  the  people,  91  ;  the 
Jacquerie,  91,  93  ;  democratic 
career  of  Stephen  Marcel,  93  ; 
rebellion  in  Paris,  93  ;  m\ini- 
cipal  liberties,  93  ;  the  states- 
general,  first  convened  h}- Philip 
the  Fair,  95  ;  provincial  assem- 
blies, 97  ;  the  parliaments,  97  ; 
the  monarchy  alisolut*^  under 
Louis  XIV.,  99  ;  (•(Mifrnlisa- 
tion,  99  ;  functions  of  the  in- 
tendants,  100 ;  the  courts  of 
justice,  100 ;  concentration  of 
pow(n'  in  Paris,  101  ;  evils  of 
absolutism,  101  ;  court  of  Louis 
XIV.,  102  ;  evils  of  the  court. 
103  ;  high  ollices  monopolised 
by  the  nobles,  104;  sale  of  of- 
ficris,  104  ;exeni))tinns  of  nobles, 
105 ;  burdens  upon  the  ])eas- 
antry,  106  ;  effects  of  non-resi- 
dence, 106,  107,  n.  ;  resident 
pro])rietors,  107  ;  y)easant  jiro- 
prietors,  108  and  u.  ;  the  mCiU' 


520 


IKDEX. 


FEA 


FRA 


yers,  109  ;  the  game-laws,  110  ; 
weight  of  taxes,  110  ;  the  mili- 
tia, 111  ;  no  agricultural  mid- 
-dle  -  class.  111  ;  famines  and 
bread  riots,  112  ;  beggars,  112  ; 
impoverishment  of  the  nobles, 
118  ;  abdication  of  their  duties 
as  a  governing  class,  114;  rise 
of  other  classes,  official  nobles, 
114  ;  capitalists  a  power  in  the 
State,  115  ;  influence  of  men  of 
letters,  116  ;  the  bourgeoisie,  a 
race  of  place-hunters,  116  ;  ci- 
vic notables,  their  pretensions 
and  disputes,  117  ;  the  clergy, 
their  sympatliies  with  the  poor, 
117,  liy  ;  multitude  of  lawyers, 
118  ;  political  and  social  con- 
dition of  the  country,  119  ;  the 
new  philosophy,  110  ;  prohibi- 
tion of  political  discussion,  119  ; 
Voltaire,  his  aims  and  influ- 
ence, 131  ;  Rousseau,  his  phi- 
losophy, 122  ;  Diderot  and  the 
Encyclopedic,  128  and  n.  ;  the 
church  and  public  opinion,  125  ; 
the  Huguenots,  125  ;  the  low- 
er classes  unsettled  by  the 
new  doctrines,  127  ;  absence  of 
healthy  public  opinion,  128  ; 
influence  of  classical  learning, 
128  ;  political  failures  of  Louis 
XIV.,  128,  129  ;  reign  and  pol- 
icy of  Louis  XV.,  129, 130. 

-  Louis  XVL,  131  ;  reforms  of 
Turgot,  132,  183  ;  recognition 
of  Axnerican  independence  and 
war  with  England,  134,  469  ; 
expenses  of  the  war.  134  ;  pro- 
vincial assemblies  revived,  135  ; 
Necker's  cmipte  rendu,  135 ; 
power  of  public  opinion,  136 
and  n.  ;  an  assembly  of  nota- 
bles, 136  ;  Calonne,  136  ;  De 
Brienne,  exile  of  parliament  of 
Paris,  137  ;  the  states-general 
demanded,  137;  convoked,  138  ; 
events  of  the  revolution,  140- 
207  ;  France  under  the  Direc- 
tory, 208  ;  the  war,  209  ;  royal- 
ists in  the  councils,  209  ;  meas- 
ures of  the  Directory,  310  ;  couj^ 


d'etat  of  18  Fructidor,  210; 
ruled  by  the  sword,  210  ;  pro- 
scription of  the  royalists,  211  ; 
the  republican  army,  211 ;  ex- 
pedition to  Egypt,  212 ;  to 
Switzerland,  21!^!  ;  propaganda 
of  the  Revolution,  212  ;  renew- 
al of  the  coalition,  213  ;  the 
conscription  introduced,  213  ; 
troubles  of  the  Directory,  213  ; 
the  new  Directory,  214 ;  return 
of  Bonaparte  from  Egypt,  214  ; 
coiq)  d't'tut,  18  Brumaire,  215  ; 
the  Council  of  Ancients,  216  ; 
the  Council  of  Five  Hundred 
dispersed,  217  ;  disregard  for 
liberty  throughout  the  revolu- 
tion, 218  ;  Bonaparte  first  con- 
sul, 218  ;  constitution  of  Sieyot!, 
219;  the  plebiscite  introduced, 
219,  n. ;  general  reaction,  219. 

-  The  rule  of  Bonaparte,  220  ; 
Peace  of  Amiens,  220 ;  the 
Catholic  church  re  established, 
221  ;  Bonaparte  first  consul  for 
life,  the  empire,  222  ;  the  im- 
perial court,  the  coronation  of 
Napoleon,  223  ;  the  revolution 
renounced,  224  ;  Napoleon  and 
the  revolution,  224  ;  repudia- 
tion of  republics,  225  ;  heiedi- 
tary  nobility  restored,  225  ;  the 
invasion  of  Russia,  battle  of 
Leipsic,  228  ;  discontents  in  the 
country,  228 ;  the  legislative 
assembly,  229  ;  abdication  of 
Napoleon,  229  ;  results  of  the 
revolution,  230  ;  Louis  XVIH. 
restored,  234  ;  conditions  of  the 
restoration,  234  ;  his  cliarter  of 
1814,  235  ;  return  of  Napoleon 
from  Elba,  235  ;  second  re- 
storation, foreign  occupation, 
236 ;  weakness  of  the  mon- 
archy, 236  ;  decay  of  lovalty, 
237;' France  transformed,  287 
and  n.  ;  political  parties,  288  ; 
exercise  of  prerogative,  239  ; 
violence  of  the  royalists,  239  ; 
coup  d'etat,  1816,  240  ;  defeat 
of  the  royalists,  241 ;  electoral 
law  of  1817,  241  ;  liberal  meas- 


INDEX. 


521 


FRA 


ores,  2 11  ;  the  king  opposed  to 
the  royalists,  2-12  ;  creation  of 
new  jteers,  2-12 ;  increasing 
strength  of  the  democratic 
party,  242  ;  royalist  reaction, 
242  ;  the  Villele  ministry,  243  ; 
formation  of  secret  societies, 
248  ;  the  Spanish  war,  244  ; 
death  of  Louis  XVIIl.,  245; 
accession  of  Charles  X.,  245  ; 
the  king  surrounded  by  priests 
and  Jesuits,  246 ;  unpopular 
measures,      discontents,      246, 

247  ;  dissolution  of  the  Cham- 
ber of  Deputies,  247  ;  creation 
of  new  peers,  248  ;  the  De  Mar- 
tignac  ministry,  248  ;  liberal 
measures  of  the  new  chambers, 
248 ;     the    Polignac    ministry, 

248  ;  want  of  contidence  in  it, 

249  ;  another  dissolution,  250  ; 
coup  d'etat,  250  ;  the  ordi- 
nance "^,  250  ;  want  of  prepara- 
tion, 251;  insurreclion  in  Paris, 
July  1830,  252  ;  the  liberal 
leaders,  253  ;  the  king  deposed, 

253  ;  his  abdication  and  flight, 

254  ;  Louis  Philippe,  king  of 
the  French,  255  ;  influence  of 
the  revolution  on  foreign  States, 
255. 

-  The  king's  difficulties,  257 ; 
state  of  parties,  258  ;  reliance 
upon  the  middle  classes,  250 
and  n.  ;  socialism,  260 ;  con- 
trast between  1789  and  1830, 
260  ;  ministry  of  Lafitte,  of 
Casimir  Perier,  260  ;  abolition 
of  hereditary  peerage,  261  ; 
discontents  and  in.iurrectiniis, 
262  ^insurrootion  in  Paris,  262  ; 
the  king  obliged  to  exceed  tlie 
law,  the  '  red  republic,'  263  ; 
Marshal  Soult's  ministry,  204  ; 
creation  of  new  peers,  265  ; 
relation  of  the  king  to  parties, 
265;  repressive  measures  re- 
sisted, 265  ;  corruption,  266 ; 
attempts  to  assassinate  tlie 
kin^,  266  and  n.  ;  ministry  of 
Thiers,  267  ;  attempt  of  Louis 
Napoleon    at   Strasburg,    267  ; 


conflict  of  parties,  creation  of 
new  peers,  267,  268  ;  Soult's 
second  ministry,  268  ;  insurrec- 
tion of  Barbes,  268  ;  its  objects, 

268  ;     parliamentary     parties, 

269  ;  agitation  for  reform,  269  ; 
conservatism      of      the     king, 

270  ;  second  ministry  of  Thiers, 
270  ;  Louis  Napoleon  at  Bou- 
logne, 271  ;  fall  of  Thiers, 
272  ;  third  ministry  of  Soult, 
272  ;  discontent  of  the  working 
classes,  273,  274  ;  agitation  for 
electoral  reform,  reform  ban- 
quets, 274 ;  Polish  banquet 
prohibited,  274  ;  electoral  re- 
form resisted  by  the  govern- 
ment, 275  ;  death  of  the  Due 
d'Orleans,  276  ;  continued  op- 
position to  reforai,  276  ;  escape 
of  Louis  Napoleon,  276  ;  the 
Spanish  marriages,  277 ;  es- 
trangement of  England,  277  ; 
exposure  of  corruption,  278 ; 
revived  agitation  for  reform, 
reform  banquets,  278,  279  ; 
socialist  agitation,  279,  n.  ;  re- 
forai banquet,  Feb.  1848,  279  ; 
the  procession  abandoned,  280  ; 
tumults,  280  ;  defection  of  the 
National  Guard,  281  ;  ministry 
of  Thiers  and  Odillon  Barrot, 
281  ;  insurrection  in  Paris,  282  ; 
military  occu])ation,  the  troops 
withdrav/n,  282  ;  abdication  of 
the  king,  282  ;  the  Duchess  of 
Orleans  and  her  sons,  283  ;  the 
provisional  government,  283 ; 
a  republic  proclaimed,  283  ; 
failures  of  Louis  Pliilippe'3 
reign,  283. 

-  The  republic  of  1848,  demo- 
cracy in  the  ascendant,  292 ; 
watchwords  of  the  revolution, 
precedents  of  17i*2  followed, 
293,  294  ;  national  worksliops, 
294  ;  the  Gnrdi'  Mobile,  l^ed 
Repiibru-ans,  295  ;  Socialists 
and  ('ommunists,  295  ;  orLran- 
isation  of  labor,  296,  297  and 
n.;  new  tax(!s,  2!»7  ;  national 
assembly    convoktid,    299  ;    :u- 


622 


INDEX. 


FEE 


vasion  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville  by 
Socialists  and  Red  Republicans, 
300  ;  au  insurrection  thwarted, 

300  ;  meeting  of  the  Assembly, 

301  ;  storming  of  the  Assembly, 
301  ;  Socialist  insurrection  of 
June  1848,  303  ;  General  Ca- 
vaignac  dictator,  the  insurrec- 
tion suppressed,  303  ;  reaction 
against  the  revolution,  304 ; 
new  constitution  decreed,  304  ; 
Louis  Napoleon  elected  presi- 
dent, 304  ;  significance  of  his 
election,  305  ;  resistance  of 
parties  to  his  aims,  306  and 
n. ;  difference  and  jealousy  be- 

,  tween  the  president  and  the 
Assembly,  307,  308,  S09  and 
nn.  ;  change  of  ministry,  310 ; 
revision  of  the  constitution, 
310  ;  a  conflict  imminent,  313 
and  n.  ;  the  coup  d'etat  m  pre- 
paration, 313  ;  accomplished 
(Dec.  3,  1851),  314  ;  dissolution 
of  the  Assembly,  315  ;  arrest 
and  imprisonment  of  members 
of  the  Assembly,  316  ;  the  high 
court  of  justice  closed  by  force, 
317  ;  the  massacre  on  the 
Boulevards,  318  and  n.  ;  meas- 
ures of  coercion,  319  ;  the  de- 
partments in  a  state  of  siege  or 
under  martial  law,  330  ;  the 
•pltbiKcite,  Louis  Napoleon  abso- 
lute master  of  France,  320 ; 
preparations  for  the  second 
empire,  333  ;  the  empire  estab- 
lished by  plebiscite,  333  ;  the 
emperor's  marriage,  333  ;  the 
nobles,  333  and  n.  ;  the  im- 
perial court,  334  and  nn.  ;  prin- 
ciples of  government,  335  ; 
wars  of  the  empire,  335,  32G, 
387 ;  domestic  policy,  337  ;  cor- 
ruption, 338  ;  employment  of 
labor,  339  ;  war  with  Prussia 
(1870),  330  ;  a  liberal  ministry, 
331  ;  fatal  issue  of  the  war, 
Sedan,  331,  333  :  deposition  of 
the  emperor,  the  republic  pro- 
claimed, the  Government  of 
National  Defence  appointed, 
333  ;  fate  of  the  first  and  second 


empires  compared,  332  ;  resis- 
tance continued  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  National  Defence,  330  ; 
fall  of  Paris,  334  ;  the  National 
Assembly  at  Bordeaux,  334 ; 
rigorous  conditions  of  tlie  peace, 
335  ;  deposition  of  the  emperor 
confirmed,  335  ;  the  Commune, 
336,  3o7,  338  and  n.  ;  its  prin- 
ciples, 340,  341  and  n.  ;  Com- 
munist outrages,  341,  343 ; 
Paris  in  flames,  343  ;  over- 
throw of  the  Commune,  343  ; 
executions  of  Communists,  343  ; 
the  republic  under  Thiers,  344  ; 
the  rovalists  and  the  Comte  de 
Chambord,  344,  345  ;  the  con- 
flicts of  parties,  345  ;  Marshal 
MacMahon  president,  346  ;  the 
Septennate  decreed,  347  ;  the 
new  constitution,  347  ;  the  re- 
publican ministry  dismissed, 
the  Chambers  dissolved,  348  ; 
political  future  of  Franco,  348 
[French  Bivoluticm ,  Napoleon 
Bonaparte,  Napoleon  Louis, 
States-General]. 

Franks,  the,  subjugate  Switzer- 
land, i.  350  ;  conquer  the  Gauls, 
ii.  89. 

Frederick  Barbarossa,  emperor, 
attacks  the  cities  of  North 
Italy,  i.  313  ;  deprives  them  of 
their  liberties,  313  ;  his  rivalry 
with  the  Pope,  313  ;  resisted  by 
the  Lombard  League,  concludes 
a  truce,  313  ;  concludes  treaty 
of  Constance,  313. 

Freedom,  its  connection  with 
civilisation,  Introd.  xxi.,  xxii.  ; 
moral,  social,  and  political 
causes  of,  xxii.  sqg.  ;  its  ob- 
ligations to  statesmen  and 
thinkers,  xxiii.  ;  doctrines  of 
Aquinas,  xxiii.  n.  ;  of  Marsilio 
of  Padua,  xxiii.  n.  ;  influence 
of  superstition,  xxiv. ;  influence 
of  a  higher  religion,  xxv.  ; 
popular  enlightenment  its  foun- 
dation, xxvi.  ;  social  causes  of, 
xxviii.  ;  influence   of   physical 


INDEX. 


523 


FRE 


FBI 


law?,  xsxii.  ;  inlluence  of  the 
grandeur  aud  terrors  of  nature, 
XXXV.  ;  physical  conditions  of 
Europe  favourable  to,  xxxvi.  ; 
its  elements  wanting  in  a  pas- 
toral state,  xxxvii.  ;  and  par- 
tially wanting  in  agricultural 
countries,  xxxvii.  ;  influence 
of  mountains,  xl.  ;  influence  of 
the  sea,  xli.  ;  of  navigable 
rivers  and  lakes,  xlii.  ;  of  min- 
erals, xliii.  ;  of  cities  aud  towns, 
xliii. ;  of  race,  xli  v.  ;  England 
the  historic  laome  of,  xlvii.  ; 
influence  of  the  Protestant  Re- 
formation, xlviii.  ;  the  subse- 
quent revolutions,  xlix. ;  con- 
stitutional, acquired  by  revolu- 
tionary movements,  li. ;  influ- 
ence of,  upon  enlightenment, 
lii.  and  notes ;  upon  science, 
liii. ;  advantages  of  union  of  old 
institutions  with  popular  fran- 
chises, liv.  and  n. ;  a  safeguard 
against  democracy,  Ix.  [De- 
inocracy,  England,  Switzerland, 
(fie] 

Freeholders,  a  class  of,  formed  at 
Rome,  i.  1G3  ;  many  destroyed 
by  wars,  178  ;  in  England,  In- 
trod.  xxxviii.,  xxxix. ;  ii.  305, 
368,  37G  [Peasant  Proprietors], 

Free-Trade,  doctrines  of,  victo- 
rious in  England,  ii.  487. 

'  French  Fury,'  the,  ii.  58. 

French  Revolution  (178!)),  its  ef- 
fects in  Switz(!rland,  i.  3!)4  nqq.; 
state  of  parties,  ii.  140  ;  concen- 
tration of  troops  at  Versailles 
and  Paris,  145 ;  dismissal  of 
Nccker,  talcing  of  the  Bastile, 
145  ;  tlie  king  at  Paris,  145  ; 
alarming  disorders,  14(J  and  n. ; 
tlio  Constituent  Assembly,  its 
deliberations,  140,  147;  unregu- 
lated proce(!dings,  147  ;  leading 
men,  148  ;  renunciation  of  privi- 
leges, 148  ;  hopes  of  a  moderate 
constitution,  11!)  ;  parties  in  tin; 
Assembly,  14!);  the  club.<4,  153  ; 


reaction  attempted  by  the  court, 
153 ;  banquets  of  the  body 
guards,  154  ;  march  of  women 
on  Versailles,  154 ;  the  king 
at  Paris,  154 ;  other  measures 
of  the  Assembly,  155  ;  new  con- 
stitution proclaimed,  156  ;  for- 
eign aid  invoked  by  the  nobles, 

156  ;  emigration  of  the  nobles, 

157  and  n. ;  confederacy  against 
France,  158 ;  restraints  upon 
the  king,  159  ;  flight  and  arrest 
of  the  king,  15!) ;  relations  of 
the  king  to  the  Revolution, 
159 ;  Declaration  of  Pilnitz, 
160  ;  elections  for  the  new  As- 
sembly, 160  and  n. ;  National 
Legislative  Assembly,  162 ; 
parties  in  it,  163  ;  its  relations 
with  the  king,  163  ;  conflict  be- 
tween them,  163  ;  a  Girondist 
ministry,  164  ;  war  with  Aus- 
tria, its  object,  164  and  n. ;  dis- 
asters of  the  war,  165  ;  riotous 
mob  of  petitioners,  165  ;  partial 
reaction,  166  ;  the  country  de- 
clared in  danger,  166  ;  mani- 
festo of  the  Dulce  of  Bruns- 
wick,166;  insurrection  in  Paris, 
attack  on  the  Tuileries  (August 
10),  167  ;  National  (invention 
convoked,  168  ;  the  Commune 
of  Paris,  168 ;  massacres  of 
September,  17i)3,  the  Reign  of 
Terror  begun,  169,  170  ;  mili- 
tary spirit  of  the  nation,  170  ; 
abolition  of  themonarcliy,  171  ; 
the  Girondists,  172;  the  Moun- 
tain,   172  ;    the    rival    parties, 

173  ;  revolutionary  projjaganda, 

174  ;  trial  of  the  king  projected 
by  the  Mountain,  175  ;  discus- 
sions thereupon,  176  ;  tlie  trial, 
177,  178  ;  tlie  king  condemned, 
178  ;  his  execution,  179. 

-  The  coalition  against  France, 
180  ;  measures  of  defence,  181; 
Committee  of  Public  Safety  es- 
tablished, 182;  strife  of  i)arties, 
1H2  ;  tli(!  ('onv(intion  invaded 
by  tli(!  mob,  183  ;  arming  of  the 
mob,  183;  arrest  of  thcGiron- 


524 


INDEX. 


PRE 


GER 


dists,  183  ;  contact  of  the  Con- 
vention with  the  people,  184  ; 
its  debates,  184  and  n. ;  its  use- 
ful measures,  185  andn. ;  in- 
surrections in  the  provinces, 
185  ;  invasion  of  France,  186  ; 
new  constitution,  186  ;  France 
in  arms,  186 ;  revolutionary 
vigor,  187  ;  men  of  the  revolu- 
tion, 188  ;  law  against  suspect- 
ed persons,  ISO  ;  triumph  of 
French  arms,  190  ;  absolutism 
of  the  republic,  190  ;  cruelties 
of  the  IVlountain,  191  ;  severi- 
ties against  insurgents,  191, 
192,  198  ;  execution  of  Marie 
Antoinette,  193  ;  of  the  Giron- 
dists, 194  ;  absolute  power  of 
the  Committee  of  Public  Safe- 
ty, 194  ;  heroism  of  the  revolu- 
tion, 194  ;  reformation  of  the 
calendar,  195  ;  the  Worship  of 
Reason,  195  ;  ascendencj'  of 
Robespierre,  196  ;  the  Commit- 
tee of  Public  Safety,  197  ;  a  re- 
Ijublic  of  the  virtues  proclaim- 
ed, 198  ;  Robespierre  its  high 
priest,  198  ;  increased  fury  of 
the  tribunal,  198 ;  decline  of 
Robespierre's  power,  199  ;  at- 
tack up«n  the  Convention,  9 
I'hermidor,  200 ;  fall  of  the 
Triumvirs,  execution  of  Robes- 
pierre, 200,  201;  reaction.  201  ; 
the  followers  of  Robespierre, 
2()2  ;  jeunesse  doree,  202  ;  pro- 
ceedings against  the  Terrorists, 
203  ;  sufferings  of  the  people, 
203  ;  insurrections,  204 ;  inva- 
sion of  the  Convention,  1  Prai- 
rial,204;  the  sections  disanned, 
205  ;  France  victorious  in  the 
wars,  205  ;  royalist  reaction, 
205  ;  royalist  excesses,  206  ; 
new  constitution,  the  Directory, 
200  ;  royalist  insurrection,  207  ; 
defence  of  the  Convention  by 
Bonaparte,  207  ;  the  two  coun- 
cils elected,  end  of  the  Conven- 
tion, 208  {France,  Geneva,  Na- 
poleon Bonaparte,  States-Gen- 
eral, Siciss  Confederation]. 


Fribourg,  i.  353  ;  its  alliance  with 
Berne  and  other  towns,  o57  ;  its 
aristocratic  constitution,  308  ; 
becomes  an  oligarchy,  390  ;  in- 
surrection suppressed,  390 ; 
heavy  contribution  levied  by 
the  French,  400,  404  ;  revolu- 
tion of  1830,  405. 


GAMA,  Vasco  de,  i.  257. 
Qambetta,  M.,  continues  the 
war  against   Prussia,    ii.   334 ; 
leader  of  the  republican  party, 
347. 

Game-laws  in  France,  ii.  110. 

Games,  public,  in  Greece,  charac- 
ter and  effects  of,  i.  49,  50, 129, 
130. 

Garde  Mobile,  the,  organised  in 
Paris,  ii.  295. 

Gemblours,  battle  of  []}fet7ier- 
lands]. 

Geneva,  its  early  constitution,  i. 
3G9  ;  the  reformation  in,  384  ; 
attains  self-government  in  civil 
affairs,  384 ;  rule  of  Calvin, 
384 ;  rise  of  an  aristocracy, 
391  ;  struggle  of  classes,  391  ; 
intervention  of  Berne  and  Zu- 
rich, a  new  constitution,  392  ; 
political  clubs,  392  ;  a  demo- 
cratic constitution,  392  ;  its  lib- 
erties crushed  by  a  foreign  oc- 
cupation, 393  ;  effects  of  tho 
French  revolution  in,  395  ;  an- 
nexed to  France,  400 ;  anti- 
Jesuit  revolution,  408 ;  discords 
allayed,  412,  413  ;  general  as- 
semblies of  citizens  at,  416. 

Genoa,  government  of,  i.  306  ; 
scheme  of  legislation  by  jurists, 

306  ;  the  nobles,  307  ;  the  Doge, 

307  ;  submission  to  the  lord  of 
Milan,  308. 

George  III.  [Engkmd]. 

Gerard,  assassinates  William, 
Prince  of  Orange,  ii.  GO. 


INDEX. 


525 


GEn 


Germany,  European  birthplace  of 
Teutonic  races,  Introd.  xlvii. ; 
begins  revolt  against  Church 
of  Rome,  xlvii.;  imperial  and 
free  cities  of,  i.  261  ;  their  re- 
presentatives in  the  Diet,  261; 
their  contests  with  the  barons, 
262 ;  formation  and  extent  of 
the  Hanseatic  League,  202  ;  the 
Rhenish  League,  263  ;  state  of, 
1830  to  1848,  ii.  285  ;  effects  of 
French  revolution  of  February, 
1848,  289;  National  Assembly 
at  Frankfort,  290  ;  revolution- 
ary movements,  290. 

Ghent,  rival  of  Bruges,  ii.  16 ; 
takes  the  lead  in  Flemish  poli- 
tics, 16  ;  the  White  Hoods  of, 
19  ;  resists  Pliilip  the  Good,  and 
is  conquered,  22  ;  rebels  against 
Charles  V.,  30;  its  punishment, 
30  ;  congress  of  Provincial  Es- 
tates at,  51  ;  pacification  of,  51; 
capitulates  to  Prince  of  Paima, 
61  [Artevelde,  James  van,  and 
Philip  van]. 

Girondists,  the,  ii.  162,  164-168  ; 
their  ideal,  172, 173  ;  endeavour 
to  save  the  king  from  trial,  176, 
177;  their  weakness,  179-182  ; 
arrested,  183  ;  executed,  194. 

Gladiators  at  Rome.  i.  175,  n. 

Gonfalonier  of  Justice  [Florence]. 

Gracchus,  Caius,  tribune,  i.  184  ; 
introduces  practice  of  distribut- 
ing corn,  185  ;  alters  method  of 
voting  of  the  comitia,  186  ;  his 
democratic  measures,  l86  ;  his 
policy,  187;  deference  to  tho 
peojJe,  187  ;  liis  overtlirow  and 
death,  188  ;  proscription  of  liia 
party,  188  ;  honours  paid  to 
him,  188. 

Gracchus,  Tiberius,  tribune,  his 
measures,  i.  182,  183  ;  his  agra- 
rian law,  183  ;  vengeance;  of 
the  nobles,  184  ;  his  deatli, 
184  ;  honours  paid  to  him,  188. 


Grammar  Schools,  foundation  of, 
in  England,  ii.  377. 

Granvelle,  Cardinal,  the  real 
ruler  of  the  Netherlands  under 
Duchess  Margaret,  ii.  37  ;  his 
character  and  aim,  37 ;  driven 
away,  40. 

Greece,  the  Greeks  the  highest 
type  of  European  races,  i.  43  ; 
contrast  between  them  and 
Eastern  nations,  44  ;  inlluenco 
of  climate,  44,  u. ;  mutual  con- 
fidence between  the  people  and 
their  rulers,  45  ;  royal  authority 
in  the  heroic  ages,  45;  relations 
of  the  people  with  the  State,  46; 
public  administration  of  justice, 
47  ;  public  life  characteristic  of 
Greek  society,  48  ;  importance 
of  oratory,  48 ;  the  rhapso- 
dists,  48;  spirit  of  freedom 
promoted  by  the  public  games, 
49 ;  evil  consequences  of  the 
games,  50  ;  respect  for  women, 
50  ;  division  into  small  States, " 
50 ;  its  effects,  51  ;  distribu- 
tion of  Hellenic  races  favour- 
able to  their  culture,  51  ;  the 
Amphictyonic  council,  52  ;  de- 
cay of  monarchies,  52  ;  changes 
of  government  in  the  numer- 
ous States  nearly  contempo- 
rary, and  the  result  of  gen- 
eral causes,  52 ;  a  constitution 
gained,  53 ;  political  reaction, 
tho  Tyrants,  53  ;  advance  of 
democracy,  54  ;  aristocracy,  54  ; 
oligarchy,  55  ;  tiniocracy,  55 ; 
polity,  55  ;  varieties  of  demo- 
cracy, 56  ;  ochlocracy,  56  ;  limi- 
tation of  tlio  ruling  class  in 
all  democracies,  58  ;  the  State 
formed  exclusively  of  citizens, 
58  ;  conflict  between  aristocracy 
and  democracy,  5!),  n.  ;  violence 
and  injustice  of  the  contest, 
60 ;  difference  between  agri- 
cultural and  town  ])oi)ulations, 
60  ;  Ix'twcen  Laccdirmonians 
and  Atlienians,  GO,  61  ;  mari- 
time and  town  populations  in 


626  INDEX. 

GEO 

Attica,  CI  ;  Thessaly  and  other 
pastoral  countries,  61  ;  growth 
of  towns,  02  ;  distribution  of 
lands,  62 ;  smallness  of  city 
communities,  62  ;  general  tj'pe 
of  Greek  republic  found  in 
the  city  commuuity,  63,  n. ; 
remarkable  society  of  Greek 
cities,  63  ;  patriotism  fostered 
into  a  passion,  64  ;  divisions  in 
the  assemblies,  64,  n.  ;  feuds  I 
and  jealousies,  65  ;  Macedonian 
conquest  of,  97  ;  period  of  in- 
tellectual and  literary  decline, 
98,  n.;  the  Greek  religion,  116  ; 
trivial  superstitions,  117 ,  de- 
cline of  paganism,  118  ;  Greek 
philosophy,  118  ;  Greek  reli- 
gion not  repressive  of  a  free 
spirit,  119  ;  charity  not  foster- 
ed by  it,  119  ;  hurtfulness  of 
slavery,  120  ;  Boeckh's  view  of 
Greek  character,  120,  n. ;  Greece 
compared  with  modern  States, 
133  ;  Achaian  Leag;  e,  135  ;  re- 
presentation unknown  in,  136  ; 
Greek  colonies,  137 ;  Italian 
liberties  promoted  by  Greek 
settlers,  138 ;  Greek  civilisa- 
tion, 138  ;  Greek  language,  the 
vehicle  of  the  Christian  faith, 
139  ;  differences  in  the  genius 
of  Greeks  and  Romans,  140, 
141  ;  influence  of  Greek  genius 
over  Roman  conquerors,  176 ; 
early  Greek  and  Teutonic  cus- 
toms compared,  235  ;  Greek  and 
Italian  republics  compared,  294  ; 
independence  of  modern,  ii. 
285  [Athens,  Sparta,  &c.']. 
Grotius,  imprisonment  of,  by 
Prince  Maurice,  ii.  74. 

Guelph  and  Ghibeline  parties,  i. 
311,  313,  314,  315  ;  their  dis- 
tinctive principles,  315  ;  con- 
stant wars  and  tumults,  316 
[Florence,  Italian  Republics]. 

Gueux,  Les  [NcUicrlands]. 

Guilds,  Trade,  organised  in  the 
Netherlands,  ii.  8  ;  trained  to 
arms,   9 ;    contribute  to   early 


HEL 

civilisation  of  towns,  and  pro- 
mote civil  liberties,  13 ;  in 
Flemish  cities,  strife  among 
them,  18,  19  ;  position  of,  in 
France,  117. 

Guilds  of  rhetoric,  in  the  Neth- 
erlands, their  liberties  and  po- 
litical influence,  ii.  20. 

Guizot,  M.,  ii.  249,  252,  253,  254  ; 
minister  of  the  interior,  258  ; 
member  of  Soult's  ministry, 
264 ;  difference  with  Thiers, 
267  ;  member  of  Mole's  minis- 
try, 267  ;  his  resignation,  281. 

Gunpowder  changes  the  art  of 
war,  i.  275. 

Gunpowder  Plot,  ii.  387. 


HAMPDEN,  John,  refuses  to 
pay  forced  loan  and  is  im- 
prisoned, ii.  394  ;  writ  of  ha- 
beas carpus  refused,  394 ;  re- 
sists illegal  exaction  of  tship- 
money,  397  ;  the  judgment 
against  him  annulled  by  sta- 
tute, 403  ;  his  judges  accused 
before  the  House  of  Lords, 
407 ;  one  of  the  five  members 
arrested  by  Charles  I.,  414,  n. 

Hannibal,  his  wars  with  the  Ro- 
mans, i.  164 ;  threatens  Rome, 
164  ;  driven  out  of  Italy,  165. 

Hanseatic  League,  the,  formation 
and  extent  of,  i.  262  ;  Bruges 
becomes  its  central  mart,  ii.  6. 

Harlem,  siege  of,  ii.  47. 

Haussman.  M.,  Prefect  of  the 
Seine,  his  reconstruction  of 
Paris,  ii.  329. 

Hebert,  arrested,  ii.  183,  189,  n.  ; 
overthrown  by  Robespierre, 
189. 

Helvetic  Republic,  the,  founded, 
i.  396  [Siciss  Confederation}. 

Helvetii,  the,  defeat  of  the  Ro- 
mans under  L.  Cassius,  i.  349. 


INDEX. 


527 


HEN 

Henriot,  part  taken  by  him  in 
tlie  Frencli  Revolution,  ii. 
190,  n. 

Henry  of  Navarre,  befriends  tbe 
Huguenots  in  France,  ii.  63 ; 
claims  the  crown  of  France, 
G4 ;  becomes  king  of  France, 
as  Henry  IV.,  Go  ;  conforms  to 
the  Catliolic  faith,  65. 

Henry  VIII.  of  England,  his  ab- 
solutism, ii.  370 ;  effects  the 
Reformation,  371. 

High  Commission  Court,  the,  its 
tyrannical  proceedings,  ii.  386  ; 
remonstrance  of  the  Commons 
against,  388  ;  its  cruelty,  398  ; 
abolished,  404. 

Hindus,  the  polity  of,  i.  4  ;  their 
superstitions,  5;  castes,  5; 
early  culture,  6 ;  Sanslirit  lit- 
erature, G,  n.  ;  character  of,  9 
[  y^illaje  Communities]. 

Hippias  and  Hipparchus,  tyrants 
of  Athens,  i.  73. 

History,  Political,  uses  of  the 
study  of,  Introd.  xxi. ;  method 
of  studying,  xxii. 

Holland,  Teutonic  settlers  in, 
ii.  3  ;  the  Frisians  reduced  by 
Charlemagne,  4 ;  obtain  the 
'  Great  Privilege '  from  the 
Duchess  Mary,  23  ;  union  of, 
with  Zftaland,  49 ;  the  union 
reconstituted  at  Congress  of 
Delft,  49;  the  union  of  Utrecht, 
5~) ;  wavering  allegiance,  5G  ; 
the  government  offered  to  the 
Prince  of  Orange  and  declined, 
56  ;  witli  Zealand,  governed  by 
th(!  Prince,  57  ;  declaration  of 
independence,  57  ;  Prince  Mau- 
rice chosen  y)resident  of  the 
Executive  Council  of  the 
States,  Gl  ;  reduction  of  the 
number  of  provinces,  61;  searcli 
for  fr)n;ign  alliaticcis,  61  ;  ne- 
gotiations with  Fraiic,i%  (Vl  ;  with 
England,   6'3 ;    failure  of  Eug- 


nOL 


lish  expedition,  63  ;  the  Span- 
ish Annada,  64 ;  Parma  re- 
called to  serve  in  France,  64  ; 
energy  and  conquests  of  Prince 
Maurice,  64,  65  ;  prosperity  of 
the  Dutch  Republic,  66 ;  its 
constitution,  67  ;  siege  of  Os- 
tend,  68  ;  negotiations  for 
peace,  69  ;  an  armistice,  70 ; 
the  twelve  years'  truce,  70  ; 
religious  toleration  prayed  for 
Catholics,  71  ;  recognition  of 
the  Dutch  Republic,  71  ;  its 
significance,  71  ;  union  of  free- 
dom and  commerce,  73  ;  intel- 
lectual progress,  7"2  ;  freedom 
of  opinion,  72  ;  domestic  history 
of  the  republic,  74  ;  the  Stadt- 
holder  and  Barneveldt,  74  ;  ar- 
rest and  execution  of  Barne- 
veldt, 74  ;  wars  of  the  republic, 
75  ;  the  House  of  Orange,  75  ; 
ties  between  England  and  Hol- 
land, 76  ;  an  alliance  desired, 
but  not  attained,  76  ;  the  Eng- 
lish ambassadors  at  the  Hague, 
72;  war  with  England,  77;  with 
France,  77 ;  abolition  of  the 
Stadtholderate  by  the  '  Perpet- 
ual Edict,'  78  ;  murder  of  the 
De  Witts,  78  ;  William  III.  of 
Orange  master  of  the  State,  79  ; 
after  his  death,  the  govern- 
ment resumed  by  the  states- 
general,  79  ;  William  IV.  Stadt- 
holder,  king  in  all  but  name, 
80  ;  declining  fortunes  of  the 
State,  80  ;   war  with  England, 

80  ;  the  patriot  party  overcome 
by  Prussia,  81  ;  ])atriqt  refu- 
gees in  France,  81  ;  they  catch 
tlie  spirit  of  French  democracy, 

81  ;  war  with  France,  revolu- 
tion proclaimed,  1794,  82  ;  the 
new  constitution,  82  ;  a  French 
province,  83  ;  a  kingdom  un- 
der Louis  lionaparte,  83,  326  ; 
annexed  to  French  em])ire,  83, 
226  ;  recovers  inrl(>pendence, 
and  is  united  with  tlui  H(^lgian 
l)ro\iiices  in  i\w  ui'.w  king<lom 
of  the  Netherlands,  83  ;  again 


528 


INDEX. 


HOL 

a  separate  kingdom,  85  [^Neth- 
erlands, Wcihcrlands,  Kingdom 
of,  William  III]. 

Holies,    Denzil,     committed  by 

Charles  I.,  ii.  396  ;  one  of  the 

five  members  arrested  by  the 
king,  414. 

Holy  Alliance,  the,  for  repression 
of  European  liberties,  i.  405,  ii. 
256  and  n. 

Horn,  Count  [Netherlands], 

Hotham,  Sir  John,  governor  of 
Hull,  refuses  to  admit  the  king, 
ii.  417. 

Huguenots,  the,  in  France,  tol- 
erated, ii.  61  ;  expulsion  of, 
125  ;  the  flower  of  the  middle 
classes,  125. 

•Hundred  Days,'  the,  ii.  235. 

Hungarians,  the,  invasion  of  Italy 
by,  i.  285. 

Hungary,  insurrection  in,  sup- 
pressed by  Russians,  ii.  338  ; 
free  constitution  granted,  288. 

Hussites,  the,  struggles  of,  in  Bo- 
hemia, i.  277. 

Hyde  Park,  meetings  in  (1866  and 
1867),  prohibited  and  held,  ii. 
487,  488  ;  regulated,  488. 

INDEPENDENTS,  the,  rise  of, 
in  England,  ii.  380  ;  their  dis- 
trust of  Charles  I.,  413;  their 
republican  spirit,  the  first  dem- 
ocratic party,  419,  420  ;  their 
preachers,  421  ;  exercise  the 
chief  power,  423  ;  opposed  to  a 
national  church,  434  ;  their  con- 
flict with  the  Presbyterians, 
435  ;  gain  strength  in  parlia- 
ment, 428  ;  their  separation 
from  the  Presbyterians,  433  ; 
their  cliaracter  and  views.  434  ; 
responsible  for  the  trial  and 
execution  of  the  king,  435. 

India,  ignorance  of  the  people,  i. 
Q  ;  tropical  climate  adverse  to 


lEE 
their  elevation,  7 ;  oppression 
of  industrial  classes,  8  ;  influ- 
ence of  physical  laws  upon 
temperament,  8  ;  danger  from 
snakes  and  tigers,  9,  n. ;  Eng- 
lish rule  favourable  to  free- 
dom, 14  [Brahmnns,  Buddhism, 
Castes,  Hindus,  Menu,  Villaje 
Communities]. 

Infidelity,  the  growth  of,  Introd. 
Ixiv. ;  in  France  alone,  the  ally 
of  democracy  and  revolution, 
Ixiv. ;  by  whom  favoured,  Ixv. 

Inquisition,  the,  founded  by  Pope 
Innocent  111.,  i.  278;  its  juris- 
diction and  cruelty,  278 ;  its 
tyranny  over  conscience  and 
thought,  278 ;  introduced  in 
the  Netherlands  by  Charles  V., 
ii.  34. 

Intercourse,  free,  of  nations,  its 
results,  Introd.  1. 

International  Society  of  Work- 
men, the,  establishment  of,  In- 
trod. Ixx. ;  declaies  vv'ar  agranst 
capital,  its  journals,  Isxi. ;  con- 
gres.ses  held,  Ixxi.;  its  local 
sections,  and  their  sentiments, 
Ixxii.;  declaration  at  Lyons, 
Ixxii.  and  n. ;  its  leaders  promo- 
ters of  the  Paris  Commune, 
1871,  Ixxii.;  not  favoured  in 
England,  Ixxiii,;  aims  of  its  off- 
shoot, tl\e  Commune  of  Paris, 
ii.  337  ;  extends  the  principles 
of  socialism,  340  ;  its  doctrines, 
490  and  n. 

Ireland,  rebellion  in,  ii.  402  ;  its 
effect  on  popular  feeling  in 
England,  41 2  ;  parliamentary 
union  with  England  efi:ectcd  by 
Cromwell,  445 ;  the  Catholic 
Association  formed,  and  sup- 
pressed, 480,  481  ;  Catholic 
meetings,  481  ;  Catholic  eman- 
cipation,  482  ;  Repeal  agitation, 
483  ;  Orange  lodges,  484 ;  the 
Protestant  Church  disestab- 
lished, 494. 


INDEX. 


529 


ITA 


Italian  republics,  general  view  of 
their  government,  i.  288  ;  tlieir 
rapid  advance  in  population 
and  prosperity,  390 ;  thought 
emboldened  by  liberty,  2U0 ; 
association  of  culture  and  free- 
dom, 291  ;   their   architecture, 

291  ;  practical  direction  of 
studies,  202  ;  classical  learning, 
292 ;    useful    arts,   agriculture, 

292  ;  civic  patriotism,  293  ;  dis- 
sensions, 294 ;  Greek  and  Ita- 
lian republics  compared,  294  ; 
points  of  resemblance,  295  ami 
n.;  their  different  conditious, 
29(J  ;  diversities  in  the  charac- 
ter of  their  society,  237  ;  in  the 
relations  of  the  nobles  with  tiie 
people,  298  ;  disorders  in  Italian 
cities,  298  ;  rarity  of  eloquence, 
299  ;  feudalism  chief  cause  of 
their  ruin,  300  ;  chief  cities  and 
their  allies,  311 ;  first  blow  to 
their  liberties  dealt  by  Fred- 
erick Barbarossa,  312  ;  the  Lom- 
bard League,  313 ;  the  rights 
of  the  confederate  cities  secured 
by  treaty  of  Constance,  313 ; 
election  of  podcstas,  314  ;  ascen- 
dency of  the  nobles,  314  ;  their 
factious  violence,  314;  Guelph 
and  (iliibeline  parties,  315  ;  the 
period  after  the  peace  of  Con- 
stance, 316  ;  strife  of  classes  in 
the  cities,  324  ;  the  new  society 
overcoming  feudalism,  325 ; 
novihomi/ies  in  Rome  and  Italy, 
326  ;  mercenary  forces  em- 
ployed in  cities  of  Lorabardy, 
327;  the  condotticri,  327;  rule 
of  usurpers,  327 ;  turbulence 
and  ambition  of  nobles,  32-) ; 
increased  power  of  the  signors, 
its  al)use,  328  ;  the  ruin  of 
Italian  liljorty  coini)lfted  by 
fends  of  Guelph  and  Ghibeline, 
338 ;  family  feuds,  339 ;  the 
tale  of  Imilda  do  Lambertazzi, 
329,  n.;  rftpu])lican  sentiment 
aroused  by  revival  of  classical 
learning,  330 ;  survival  of 
Venice,  343  ;  review  of  tlie  re- 
publics,   344  ;    ccmijiarisou    of 

VON.  ri.— 23 


them  with  despotisms,  344 ; 
Italian  and  Swiss  liberties  com- 
pared, 363,  364,  n.  [Florence, 
Milan,  Pisa,  Venice,  cfic] 

Italy,  Greek  colonies  in,  i.  137, 
138  ;  geographical  advantages 
of,  141  ;  overthrow  of  monar- 
chies in,  142  ;  Roman  conquest 
of,  160  ;  various  relations  of  the 
conquered  races  to  Rome,  160 
Roman  and  Latin  colonies,  161 
discontent  of  Italians,  162 
effects  of  conquest  of,  upon 
society  of  Rome,  162  ;  evil  re- 
sults for  Italy,  103 ;  enfranchise- 
ment of  Italian  allies,  193  ; 
Italian  war,  194  ;  municipal 
government  conferred  on  tho 
towns,  213  ;  Teutonic  customs 
introduced  by  invaders,  234 ; 
benefited  by  the  Crusades, 
255  ;  Saracen  conquests  and 
arts  in,  269  ;  takes  the  lead 
in  the  revival  of  learning, 
273;  early  rise  of  cities,  284; 
their  ancient  origin,  284 ; 
Saracen  and  Hungarian  settle- 
ments in,  285  ;  building  of  city 
walls,  285  ;  the  feudal  lords  in, 
286  ;  weakness  of  Italian  sove- 
reigns, 287  ;  fusion  of  Northern 
races  with  Italians,  287  ;  dis- 
tribution of  lands,  288  ;  growth 
of  republics,  288  ;  social  degen- 
eracy under  the  tyrants,  333 ; 
character  of  the  tyrants,  333  ; 
tyrannicide,  334 ;  devastation 
of  the  land,  342  ;  its  subjection 
to  foreign  rule,  343  ;  its  later 
fortunes,  345  ;  united  and  free 
under  Victor  Emmanuel,  345; 
development  of  local  self-gov- 
ernment, 346,  n.;  fortunes  of 
Italy  and  the  Netherlands  com- 
y)ared,  ii.  31  ;  a  kingdom  under 
Najioleon  I.,  225  ;  state  of,  be- 
tween 1830  and  1848,  285 ; 
sudden  effects  of  French  revo- 
lution of  February,  1848,  287  ; 
war  for  Italian  unity  begun  by 
Charles  Albert,  king  of  Sar- 
dinia,  287 ;  services  rendered 


530 


INDEX. 


JAC 


to,   by    Louis    Napoleon,    326 
[Italian  liepublics]. 

JACOBINS,  the,  ii.  153,  163, 
165,  167  ;  masters  of  France, 
169,  174  ;  their  aims,  178,  182, 
183  ;  the  club  closed,  3U3  ;  so- 
cialist doctrines  proclaimed  by, 
339. 

Jacquerie,  the,  in  France,  ii.  91, 
93. 

James  I.  of  England,  his  charac- 
ter, his  views  of  prerogative,  ii. 
384  ;  his  treatment  of  the  Com- 
mons, 384  ;  his  treatment  of  the 
Puritans,  385  ;  sanctions  the 
illegal  canons  of  Convocation, 
386'';  his  relations  to  religious 
parties,  38G  ;  his  toleration  of 
Popish  recusants,  387  ;  revives 
episcopacy  in  Scotland,  387 
[England]. 

James  II.,  his  encroachments  on 
liberty,  457  ;  deposed,  458. 

Japan,  its  original  civilisation,  i. 
35 ;  absolute  power  of  the 
Mikado,  35  ;  introduction  _  of 
European  customs,  25  ;  opening 
of  a  parliament,  25  ;  problem  of 
free  institutions  awaiting  solu- 
tion, 26. 

Jesuits,  the,  in  Switzerland,  i.  408 
[Sondcrbund]. 

Jeunesse  doree,  the,  ii.  203. 

Jews,  the,  example  of  freedom  in 
an  Eastern  race,  i.  33  ;  descrip- 
tion of  Palestine,  33 ;  their 
early  institutions,  33  ;  advan- 
tages derived  from  their  capti- 
vity in  Egypt,  34  ;  Moses,  34  ; 
their  commonwealth  a  theocra- 
tic federal  republic,  35  ;  politi- 
cal equality  its  declared  princi- 
ple, 35,  n.;  their  theocracy  a 
free  state,  36 ;  action  of  the 
prophets,  36 ;  the  monarchy 
freely  adopted,  37  ;  popular 
power  maintained  throughout 


LAM 
their  history,  38  ;  Jewish  intel- 
lect, 89  ;  their  sacred  writings, 
39  ;   example  of  association  of 
intelligence  and  freedom,  39. 

John  of  Bohemia,  resisted  by 
Florence,  i.  321. 

Jurists,  European,  their  place  in 
society,  their  influence,  i.  238, 
239. 

KING,  ideal  of  a,  in  heroic  ages 
of  Greece,  i.  46  ;  of  Rome, 
144  ;  altered  position  of  kings 
after  the  French  Revolution,  ii. 
231  ;  among  the  Teutonic  races, 
357  ;  right  of  deposing  assumed 
by  the  parliament  of  Edward 
II.,  364;  of  Richard  II.,  364; 
of  James  II.,  458. 

LACEDEMONIANS  and  Athen- 
ians,    differences     between 
thsm,  i.  60,  61. 

Lafayette,  General,  ii.  148  ;  gov- 
ernor of  Paris,  150;  with  Eailly, 
founds  the  Feuillants'  Club, 
153  ;  protects  the  king,  154 ; 
resigns  command  of  National 
Guard,  161,  166 ;  promotes 
formation  of  secret  societies, 
244,  249  ;  tates  command  of 
insurgents  of  July,  1830,  253  ; 
his  ambition,  254  ;  outwitted, 
255  ;  his  death,  265,  n. 

Lafitte,  ii.  253,  254  ;  leader  of  Or- 
leanists,  254,  258  ;  ministry  of, 
2G0. 

Lamartine,  M.,  takes  part  in  agi- 
tation for  reform,  ii.  279  ;  head 
of  provisional  government, 
283  ;  proclaims  the  republic, 
283  ;  maintains  the  tricolor, 
395  ;  his  firmness,  298 ;  con- 
vokes a  National  Assembly, 
299  •  prevents  storming  of  the 
Hotel  de  Ville,  300,  301  ;  can- 
didate for  the  presidency,  304. 

Lam„oriciere,  General,  commander 
of  the  National  Guard,  ii.  383. 


INDEX. 


531 


LAN 


liOU 


Land,  iu  England,  loses  its  pre- 
ponderance as  a  national  iniiu- 
ence,  ii.  472  ;  its  relations  to 
trade  and  manufactures,  473  ; 
alliance  of,  with  the  Church, 
474 ;  their  policy  threatened, 
475. 

Larissa,  a  democracy,  i.  61. 

Laud,  Archbishop,  directs  the 
Church  policy  of  Charles  L,  ii. 
398,  89'J  and  n.  ;  counsels  im- 
position of  High  Church  ritual 
upon  the  Scottish  Kirk,  400 ; 
impeached  and  sent  to  tho 
Tower,  405  ;  executed,  419. 

La  Vendue,  insurrection  in,  ii. 
182,  185  ;  punished  by  the  Ter- 
roi'ists,  193  ;  insurrection  sup- 
pressed, 208  ;  attempt  of  the 
Duchess  of  Berri  in,  2G2. 

League,  the,  in  France,  ii.  62, 
04. 

Legion  of  Honour,  the,  ii.  221. 

Legislative  .^sserably,the[i^/vr/ice, 
French  Rcvolution\. 

Leicester,  Earl  of,  his  expedition 
to  the  Netherlands,  ii.  63. 

Lcpidus,  a  leader  of  tlie  Roman 
democracy,  i.  201  ;  member  of 
the  second  triumvirate,  214. 

Levellers,  the,  ii.  432  ;  their  ob- 
jects, 439  and  n. 

Leyden,  siege  of,  by  the  Span- 
iards, ii.  48  ;  its  university,  07. 

Lil)erty,  civil  and  religious,  first 
struggles  for,  i.  277  {^Democracy, 
Freedom] . 

Licinian  Laws,  i.  155  and  n. 

Lii'ge,  resists  Philip  the  Good,  ii. 
22  ;  pillaged  by  Charles  the 
Bold,  23  and  n. 

Livius  Drusus,  liis  proposed  re- 
forms, i.  192  ;  the  laws  annul- 
led, 192;  as.sassinatcd,  192. 

Loans,  forced,  levied  by  Edward 


IV.,  ii.  370;   Henry  VIIL,  371; 
Charles  I.,  393. 

Locke,  effects  of  his  treatise  on 
civil  government,  lutrod.  xlviii. 
n, 

Lollards,  the,  i.  277  ;  the  parents 
of  Puritanism,  ii.  366. 

Lombard  League,  the,  i.  313 ; 
treaty  of  Constance,  313. 

Lombards,  the,  iu  Italy,  i.  234. 

Lords,  the  House  of,  ii.  361,  364, 
369  n.,  374;  passes  bill  of  at- 
tainder against  Strafford,  405  ; 
rights  of,  attacked  by  the  Com- 
mons, 408  ;  rejects  proposal  to 
deprive  bishops  of  their  seats, 
412  ;  passes  the  bill,  415 ;  en- 
ters into  the  Solemn  League 
and  Covenant,  418  ;  refuses  to 
concur  in  appointment  of  High 
Court  of  Justice  for  trial  of 
Charles  I.,  431  ;  abolished  by 
the  Commons,  439  ;  a  second 
chamber  called,  which  takes 
the  title  of  the  Lords'  House, 
449  ;  the  house  reinstated  at 
the  Restoration,  456  [Parlia- 
ment]. 

Lot,  choice  of  rulers  by  [Atltens, 
Florence] . 

Louis  XIV.  of  France,  liis  wars 
with  the  Dutch,  ii.  77  ;  abol- 
ishes all  municipal  elections, 
sells  the  offices,  94  ;  suppresses 
provincial  assemblies  of  Nor- 
mandy, Anjou,  &c. ,  97;  the 
monarchy  under  him  absolute, 
99  ;  revokes  Edict  of  Nantes, 
99  ;  his  court  at  Versailles, 
102  ;  his  political  failures,  128. 

Louis  XV.,  abolislies  the  Parlia- 
ments, ii.  99,  129  ;  his  reign 
and  policy,  129,  130. 

Louis  XVI.,  his  accession,  ii. 
131  ;  his  character,  131,  179; 
his  dlfliculiies,  132  ;  convokes 
the  States-Cleneral,  138  ;  o])cns 
tho  meeting,  141  ;  goes  in  state, 


532 


INDEX. 


LOU 


threatens  dissolution,  143  ;  vis- 
its Paris,  145  ;  removed  by 
force  to  Paris.  154  ;  accepts  tlie 
constitution,  155  ;  his  flight  and 
arrest,  159  ;  his  position,  1G8  ; 
puts  on  the  cap  of  liberty,  166  ; 
sent  to  the  Temple,  168  ;  his 
trial  proposed  by  the  Moun- 
tain, 175  ;  his  dignified  con- 
duct, 176  ;  his  defence,  177 
and  n. ;  found  guilty,  177  ;  his 
execution,  179  [France,  French 
Revolution^ 

Louis  XVIII.,  ii.  229;  restored  to 
the  throne,  234  ;  his  character, 
2-35  ;  his  flight  and  second  res- 
toration, 235  ;  a  stranger  to 
France,  237;  his  first  measures, 
239  ;  a  coup  d'etat,  240 ;  his 
death,  245. 

Louis  Napoleon  [Finance,  Napo- 
leon, Louis]. 

Louis  Philippe,  Duke  of  Orleans, 
becomes  king  of  France,  ii. 
255  ;  abdicates,  282  {France]. 

Louis  of  Nassau  seizes  Mons,  ii. 
46  ;  his  defeat  and  death,  48. 

Loyalty  in  France,  decay  of,  ii. 
237;'  of  the  English,  497  ;  effect 
of  freedom  upon,  498  ;  asso- 
ciated with  patriotism,  498  ;  to 
George  III.,  to  George  IV., 
499  ;  to  William  IV.,  499  ;  to 
Queen  Victoria,  499  ;  illus- 
trated during  the  illness  and 
recovery  of  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
500. 

Lucerne,  its  charters  confirmed 
by  Rudolph  of  Hapsburg,  i. 
357 ;  its  aristocratic  constitu- 
tion, 367 ;  peasant  war  in,  387  ; 
an  oligarchy,  393  ;  revolution 
of  1830,  406  ;  the  Jesuits  ad- 
mitted to  control  education, 
408  ;  twice  invaded  by  the 
franc-corps,  408  ;  originates  the 
Sonderbund,  408  ;  popular  acts 
in,  417. 

Luneville,  treaty  of,  i.  401. 


MAR 

Luther,  leader  of  the  Protestant 
Reformation,  i.  280  ;  his  policy, 
281. 

Lycurgus,  institutions  of,  i.  66;  a 
social  leveller,  68. 

Lyons,  the  revolt  and  punishment 
of,  ii.  191,  192 ;  royalist  ex- 
cesses at,  206 ;  insurrection 
suppressed  by  Marshal  Soult, 
262. 

Lysander  reduces  Athens,  i.  94  ; 
overthrows  the  democratic  con- 
stitution, 95. 

MACMAHON,  Marshal,  over- 
throws the  Commune  and 
takes  Paris,  ii.  343  ;  President 
of  the  Republic,  346  ;  the  Sep- 
tennate,  347 ;  dismisses  M. 
Jules  Simon  and  republican 
ministry,  348. 

Maestricht  sacked  by  the  Span- 
iards, ii.  51  ;  taken  by  the 
Prince  of  Parma,  55. 

Magna  Charta  [England^. 

Manners,  influence  of  climate  on, 
i.  254,  n. 

Manufactures,  conducive  to  po- 
litical liberty,  Introd.  xliii. ; 
great  development  of,  and  po- 
litical influence  in  England, 
ii.  472,  473. 

Marat,  ii.  169,  170,  173,  183,  186 ; 
his  socialist  principles,  339. 

Marcel,  Stephen,  his  career,  ii. 
93. 

Margaret,     duchess      of    Parma 

[Netherlands]. 

Marie  Antoinette,  queen  of  France, 
her  execution,  ii.  193. 

Marignano,  battle  of,  i.  362. 

Mariner's  compass,  the,  i.  275. 

Marius,  seven  times  consul,  189, 
190  ;  his  victories,  190  ;  dis- 
bands his  army,  190  ;  leader  of 


INDEX. 


533 


MAR 
democratic  party,  190  ;  liis  pol- 
icy and  popular  measures,  lUO  ; 
the  Apuleian  laws,  191  ;  his 
submission  to  the  senate,  191 ; 
appointed  commander  of  East- 
ern expedition,  194  ;  defeated 
by  Sulla,  194  ;  .joins  Cinna  and 
takes  Rome,  19G  ;  his  proscrip- 
tions, 196  ;  consul  with  Cinna, 
death,  196. 

Marseilles,  under  the  Reign  of 
Terror,  ii.  192;  royalist  excesses 
at,  206,  2o9  ;  attempt  of  the 
Duchess  of  Berri  at,  262. 

Marsilio  of  Padua,  his  political 
views,  Introd.  xxiii.  n. 

Mary,  Duchess  of  Burgundy 
\_Netherlands\. 

Match  Tax,  the,  proposed  by 
English  government,  resisted 
by  the  matchmakers,  and  aban- 
doned, ii.  4b8. 

Maupas,  M.  de,  made  Prefect  of 
Police  by  Louis  Napoleon,  ii. 
314. 

Maurice,  Prince,  chosen  presi- 
dent of  the  executive  council 
of  the  States-General  of  Hol- 
land, ii.  01  ;  reorganises  and 
takes  command  of  the  army, 
G4,  Go ;  takes  Breda  and  other 
towns,  05  ;  opposes  Barne- 
veldt's  peace  policy,  70  ;  his 
liatred  of  Barne veldt,  violation 
of  the  constitutiiin,  74. 

Maximilian,  Archduke  of  Austria 
[Bruges,  NdhcrldndH]. 

Medici,  Salvestro  de',  chosen  gon- 
falonier of  Florence,  i.  322. 

— ,  Julian  de',  assassinated,  i. 
3;>G. 

— ,  Lorenzo  de',  escapes  assassi- 
nation by  the  I'azzi,  i.  o3G  ;  su- 
premacy in  FJornnce,  and  his 
miini(ic('n''e,  :{:'.'.(,  ',',U)  ;  his  alii- 
aiico  with  the  l^ing  of  Naples, 
340. 


MIL 


— ,  Cosmo  de',  banished  from 
Florence  by  Hinaldo,  last  of  the 
AJbizzi,  i.  837  ;  expels  the  Al- 
bizzi  and  becomes  ruler  of 
Florence,  'oil  ;  his  personal  as- 
cendency, his  power  masked 
under  popular  forms,  338. 

— ,  Peter  de',  succeeds  Cosmo  as 
ruler  of  Florence,  i.  339  ;  over- 
comes his  rival  Lucas  Pitti, 
339. 

— ,  Peter  de',  succeeds  Lorenzo, 
and  is  expelled  from  Florence, 
i.  340. 

— ,  Alexander  de',  nominated  ru- 
ler of  Florence  by  Pope  Cle- 
ment VIL,  i.  342  ;  assassinated, 
342. 

Mencius,  doctrines  of,  i.  17. 

Menu,  ancient  laws  of,  i.  3,  4. 

Metternich,  Prince,  his  flight 
from  Vienna,  ii.  288. 

Middle  class,  how  far  qualified 
for  political  rule,  Introd.  Ivii. 
n.  ;  effect  of  its  union  with  the 
nobles,  Ivii.  and  n.  ;  defenders 
of  ])roperty  and  order  against 
excesses  of  democracy,  Ixvi.  ; 
absence  of  a,  in  China,  i.  23  ; 
in  Roine,  178  ;  consecjuenccs  of 
its  absence,  179,  225  ;  holds  en- 
tire power  of  the  State  in  the 
Dutch  Republic,  ii.  68  ;  in 
France,  represented  by  the 
hourfjenisie,  116  ;  reliance  of 
Louis  Philipi)e  on  it,  259  ;  its 
rise  to  power  in  England,  376  ; 
education  of,  ])rovided  for  by 
Grammar  Schools  of  Edward 
VI.  and  (iueon  Elizabeth,  377; 
its  increasing  influence  in  Eng- 
land, 472. 

Milan,  its  antiquity,  pre  eminence 
in  war,  i.  ;!()8  ;  sujueniacy  in 
Lombardy,  .308  ;  resists  the  em- 
jioror  Fredericlc  Bar])arossa, 
312  ;  the  citizens  l)anish('d,  the 
walls  razcid,  312  ;  rebuilt  by 
the  Lombard  League,  313 ;  ex- 


534 


INDEX. 


Mlli 


NAP 


pels  the  nobles  315  ;  falls  un- 
der the  dominion  of  the  Viscon- 
ti,  327  ;  assasaiuation  of  the 
duke  Galeazzo  Maria  Sforza, 
335  ;  fate  of  the  three  conspi- 
rators, 335  ;  drives  away  the 
Austrians,  ii.  287. 

Millenarians,  the,  their  aims,  ii. 
439,  440  and  n. 

Milton,  his  ideal  of  spiritual  lib- 
erty, ii.  451  and  n. 

Minerals,  influence  of  discovery 
of,  upon  political  development, 
Introd.  xliii.  ;  in  England,  ii. 
352,  473. 

Mirabeau,  ii.  144,  147 ;  warns  the 
king  of  danger,  154,  155  n. 

Moderation,  religious,  prevalence 
of,  Introd.  Isiii.  ;  toleration  the 
fruit  of  its  union  with  freedom, 
Ixiii. 

Mole,  Count,  his  ministry,  ii.  267  ; 
member  of  National  Assembly, 
302. 

Monarchies,  characteristics  of, 
Introd.  liv.    [Greece,  Italy,  &ej] 

Monasteries,  their  literary  ser- 
vices, i.  265  ;  indifference  of 
the  monks  to  classical  learning, 
265. 

Monk,  General,  dissolves  the 
Long  Parliament,  ii.  453  ;  as- 
sembles a  new  one,  454 ;  his 
caution,  454. 

Monopolies,  in  England,  abol- 
ished, ii.  390. 

Moors,  the  [8aracens\. 

Moreau,  ii.  209. 

Morgarten,  victory  of  the  Swiss 
over  Leopold,  duke  of  Austria, 
at,  i.  359. 

Momy,  Count  de,  made  minister 
of  tlie  interior  by  Louis  Napo- 
leon, ii.  314. 


Moses,  i.  34  ;  his  theocratic  fed- 
eral republic,  35. 

Mountain,  the,  French  revolu- 
tionary party,  ii.  102  ;  rivals  of 
the  Girondists,  172,  173  ;  pro- 
ject trial  of  the  king,  175  ; 
their  clamour  against  him,  178 
and  n.  ;  their  triumph,  180  ; 
the  law  against  suspected  per- 
sons, IDO  ;  their  cruelties,  191 
\_Fi'ench  Bcvohition]. 

Mountains,  their  influence  upon 
society  and  freedom,  Introd. 
xl. ;  hinder  agriculture  and 
commerce,  xl.  ;  characteristics 
of  mountain  races,  xli.  [Switz- 
erland.] 

Municipia,  their  various  relations 
to  Rome,  i.  160. 

Murat,  made  king  of  Naples,  ii. 
226. 

Music,  church,  of  the  Revival,  its 
character,  i.  274. 


NANTES,    the  noyades  of,   ii. 
193. 
Naples,  threatened    insurrection 
in,  ii.  287. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte,  his  conquest 
of  Venice,  i.  343  ;  conquest  of 
Italy,  345  ;  system  of  govern- 
ment and  administration,  345  ; 
takes  military  occupation  of 
Switzerland,  401;  appoints  a 
commission  on  its  future  gov- 
ernment, 401  ;  his  Act  of  Medi- 
ation, 402 ;  takes  Toulon,  ii. 
192  ;  defends  the  Convention, 
207  ;  commands  army  of  Italy, 
209  ;  expedition  to  Egypt,  213  ; 
returns,  214 ;  his  relations  with 
Sieyes,  215  ;  the  coiqy  d'etat,  18 
Brumaire,  215  ;  First  Consul, 
218  ;  his  rule,  220  ;  attempt  to 
assassinate  him,  220  ;  re-estab- 
lishes the  Catholic  church,  221; 
first  consul  for  life,  emperor, 
222  ;    crowned   by   Pope   Pius 


VII. ,  223  ;  has  no  faith  in  the 
revolution,  324  ;  his  military 
ambition,  225  ;  named  '  The 
Great,'  225  ;  his  domination 
o\'er  Europe,  226  ;  divorced 
from  Josephine,  227  ;  marries 
Marie  Louise  of  Austria,  227  ; 
birth  of  the  King  of  Rome,  227  ; 
decline  of  his  fortunes,  228  ; 
abdication,  Elba,  229,  230  ;  his 
return,  2o5  ;  Waterloo,  235  ; 
his  rem-\ins  removed  from  St. 
Helena  to  the  Invalides,  271. 

Napoleon,  Louis,  contributes  to 
unity  of  Italy,  i.  345  ;  his  at- 
tempt at  Strasburg,  ii.  267  ;  his 
book,  Les  Idees  Napoleaniennes, 
271  ;  his  descent  on  Boulogne, 
271  ;  imprisoned  at  Ham,  271  ; 
his  escape,  276  ;  member  of 
National  Assembly,  302  and  n.; 
chosen  president  of  the  repub- 
lic, 304  ;  his  ambition,  305  and 
n. ;  his  popularity  with  the  ar- 
my, 309  ;  proposes  extension  of 
the  suffrage,  311  ;  his  speech 
to  officers  of  the  army,  311  ; 
distrusted    by  the    Assembly, 

312  ;  prepares  the  co^ip  d'Hat, 

313  ;  his  confederates,  314  ;  ex- 
ecutes the  coup  d' Hat,  314,  315  ; 
accei)ts  imperial  crown  as  Na- 
poleon HI.,  322  ;  marries  Ea- 
gi'nie  de  Montijo,  323  ;  his 
warlllce  amljition  and  failures, 
326,  327  ;  appoints  a  liberal 
ministry,  331 ;  goes  to  war  with 
Prussia,  331  ;  captured  with 
his  army  at  Sedan,  deposed, 
332  ;  deposition  of  him  and  his 
dynasty  voted  by  National  As- 
Kembly  at  Bordeaux,  335  ;  his 
death,  345  \_France]. 

Naseby,  battle  of,  ii.  423. 

National  Assembly  [France, 
FrciLcli  Itevalution]. 

National  Convention  [f^rcnrJi 
lievolulwn]. 

National  fJuard,  of  France,  dis- 
banded ]jy  Cliarles  X.,  ii.  247  ; 


INDEX.  535 

NET 
fights  against  his  troops,  253  ; 
defection   of,   February,    1848, 
281  ;   supports   the   Commune, 
336. 

Nature,  influence  of  its  grandeur 
and  terrors  on  freedom,  Introd. 
xxsv. ;  its  terrors  dispelled  by 
religion,  sxxvi. 

Navigation  Act,  English,  passed, 
to  injure  Dutch  commerce,  ii. 

77  and  n. 

Necker,  M.,  ii.  135  ;  his  compte 
rendu,  135  ;  recalled,  138  ;  dis- 
missed and  banished,  145  ;  re- 
called, 145. 


Netherlands,  the,  tvofold  illus- 
tration of  democracy  in  history 
of,  ii.  1  ;  character  of  the  coun- 
try, 1,  2  ;  Dutch  sailors,  3  ; 
early  races  of,  3  ;  their  early 
history,  4 ;  feudalism  and  the 
cliurcii,  4  ;  decline  of  feitdal- 
ism,  growth  of  cities,  5,  6  ;  de- 
velopment of  commerce,  0  ;  of 
manufactures  and  the  indus- 
trial arts,  7  ;  population  of  the 
great  cities  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  7  ;  early  constitution 
of  the  towns,  8 ;  the  trade 
guilds,  8 ;  the  burgomaster 
and  the  baron,  9  ;  local  disad- 
vantages of  the  barons,  10  ;  tho 
country  ill-suited  for  defence, 
10  ;  character  of  the  burghers, 
11,  12  and  n. ;  influence  of  trade 
guilds,  13  ;  jealousies  of  rival 
cities,  14;  the  nobles  as  citizen.s, 
14  ;  military  prowess  of  tho 
towns,  15  ;  confederation  of 
towns,  16  ;  Ghent  and  James 
van  Artevelde,  16  ;  the  Flem- 
ings take  part  with  Edward  III. 
in  war  vvitli  Franco,  l(i  ;  Philip 
van  Artevelde,  17;  guildsof  tho 
]''lc!iii';h  cities,  18 ;  factions, 
1!)  ;  improved  culture,  19 ; 
guilds  of  rhetoric.  20;  i)ainters 
and  archilfcts,  20  ;  the  cities 
represcMited  in  tho  Estates,  21  ; 
characteristics  of  freedom,  21  ; 


636 


INDEX. 


NET 


NET 


changes  of  dynasty,  21 ;  increas- 
ing power  of  tile   sovereigns, 

22  ;  House  of  Burgundy,  23  ; 
tyranny  of  Charles   the   Bold, 

23  ;  the  '  Great  Privilege,'  23  ; 
becomes  a  considerable  State, 

24  ;  constitution  of  the  Estates, 

24  ;  becomes,  by  the  marriage 
of  the  Duchess  Mary  with  Arch- 
duke Maximilian,  an  inheri- 
tance of  the  JHouse  of  Haps- 
burg,  25;  the  charters  annulled, 

25  ;  death  of  the  Princess  Mary, 
rebellion  against  the  archduke, 
25 ;  invaded  by  the  emperor, 
25 ;  Philip  the  Fair,  by  his 
marriage  with  Johanna  of 
Spain,  brings  the  country  un- 
der rule  of  Charles  V.,  26  ; 
character  of  his  rule,  29  ;  new 
taxation,  29 ;  rebellion  of  Ghent, 
its  punishment,  30  ;  liberties 
of,  in  abeyance,  31  ;  fortunes 
of  Italy  and  the  Netherlands 
compared,  31 ;  impending  strug- 
gle for  religious  liberty,  32. 

-  Persecution  of  Protestants  by 
Charles  V.,  34;  the  Inquisi- 
tion introduced,  34  ;  Philip  II. 
of  Spain,  36  ;  the  persecution 
continued,  36 ;  demands  and 
remonstrances  of  the  Estates, 
36  ;  regency  of  Duchess  Mar- 
garet of  Panna,  37  ;  Cardinal 
Granvelle,  37 ;  confronted  by 
William,  Prince  of  Orange,  37; 
rapid  spread  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, 39  ;  severities  of  Philip, 
39  ;  opposition  of  Counts  Eg- 
mont  and  Horn,  39  ;  efforts  of 
nobles  and  people,  40  ;  confed- 
eracy of  Les  Oueux,  40  ;  a  mis- 
sion to  Philip,  40  ;  fate  of  the 
envoys,  41,  n. ;  continued  bar- 
barities, 41  ;  the  Iconoclasts, 
41  ;  mission  of  Duke  of  Alva 
with  a  Spanish  army,  41  ;  dis- 
solution of  the  confederacy  of 
nobles,  41,  42  ;  Counts  Egmont 
and  Horn  executed,  42  ;  Alva's 
Council  of  Blood,  its  proceed- 
ings and  its  victims,  42  ;  a  reign 


of  terror,  42,  43  ;  Alva  made 
governor,  43  ;  all  tlie  inhabi- 
tants condemned  to  death  by 
the  Inquisition,  the  decree  con- 
firmed by  Philip,  43  ;  efforts  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  44  ;  fail- 
ure of  the  first  campaign,  44  ; 
continued  oppression,  45  ;  a 
mock  amnesty  proclaimed,  46  ; 
outbreak  of  the  great  revolt, 
46  ;  congress  of  Dort,  46  ;  the 
massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew, 
46  ;  retirement  of  Orange  to 
Holland,  47  ;  retirement  of 
Alva,  47 ;  Don  Luis  de  Reque- 
sens  governor,  48  ;  another 
mock  amnesty,  48 ;  siege  of 
Leyden,  48  ;  fruitless  negotia- 
tions for  peace  at  Breda,  49  ; 
allegiance  to  Philip  renounced, 
49 ;  congress  of  Delf t,49 ;  foreign 
aid  withheld,  50  ;  mutiny  of 
Spanish  troops,  50  ;  congress 
of  Provincial  Estates  at  Ghent, 
51  ;  the  '  Spanish  Fury,'  51 ; 
pacification  of  Ghent,  51  ;  Don 
John  of  Austria,  governor,  his 
concessions,  51 ;  ascendency  of 
Prince  of  Orange,  52  ;  new 
Union  of  Brussels,  53  ;  defeat 
of  the  Dutch  at  Gemblours,  54; 
death  of  Don  John,  appoint- 
ment of  the  Prince  of  Parma, 
54  ;  defection  of  the  five  Wal- 
loon provinces,  54 ;  the  Union 
of  Utrecht,  55  ;  divided  sov- 
ereignty, 57 ;  the  Duke  of 
Anjou,  57  ;  treason  of  Anjou, 
the  '  French  Fury,'  58  ;  assas- 
sination of  the  Prince  of  Or- 
ange, 60  ;  Parma  called  to  serve 
in  France,  64  ;  decline  of  Span- 
ish power,  65  ;  sovereignty  of 
Spanish  provinces  abdicated  by 
Philip  II.,  and  given  to  the  In- 
fanta Isabella  and  Archduke 
Albert,  66  ;  state  of  the  Spanish 
provinces,  67,  73  ;  their  consti- 
tution, 73  ;  united  with  Hol- 
land to  form  new  kingdom  of 
the  Netherlands,  83  ;  continued 
freedom  of,  86  [Belgitim,  Hol- 
land']. 


Netherlands,  kingdom  of  the, 
constituted,  ii.  83 ;  constitu- 
tional monarchy  established  in 
house  of  Orange,  under  Wil- 
liam v.,  83  ;  causes  of  estrange- 
ment of  Holland  and  Belgium, 
84 ;  insurrection  in  Belgium, 
1830,  85 ;  separation  of  Hol- 
land and  Belgium,  85. 

Neufchatel  joins  the  Swiss  Con- 
federation, 1.  403. 

Newport,  the  treaty  of,  ii.  430. 

Newspaper   stamp,  in    England, 


abolished,  ii.  477. 

Ney,  Marshal,  the  trial  of,  ii.  239 
and  n. 

Nonconformists,  modern,  Introd. 
Ixiii. ;  the  firmest  supporters  of 
political  liberties,  Ixiv. ;  rise  of, 
in  England,  ii.  380  ;  persecuted 
by  James  I.,  385   [Puritans]. 

Normans,  the,  their  origin  and 
civilization,  ii.  360  ;  their  con- 
quest of  England,  360.  . 

OCHLCCRACT,  i.  57. 
O'Connell,    Mr.,   leader  of 
the  Repeal  agitation,  ii.  483. 

Octavius  (."Vugustus),  member  of 
second  triumvirate,  i.  214  ;  heir 
of  Cffisar,  secures  the  empire  at 
Actium,  214  ;  consolidation  of 
bis  power,  214. 

Ogulnian  Laws,  the,  i.  155  n. 

Olgiati,  takes  part  in  the  assas- 
sination of  till!  Duke  of  Milan, 
i.  335  ;  his  punishment,  335. 

riigarchy,  i.  55  ;  established  at 
Athens  by  Peisander,  92  ;  over- 
thrown, 94  ;  at  Rome,  a  mili- 
tary, 201. 

Omar  Khayyum,  Persian  poet,  i. 
16  II. 

Oi>iiiion,    pnblic,    a    dominating 
force    in    every   Statn,    Introd. 
Iviii. ;   most   powerful    in   free 
23* 


INDEX.  537 

PAD 

States,  Iviii.;  its  organs  in  Eng- 
land, Iviii.  n. ;  its  uses  in  the 
government  of  a  State,  Ix. ;  its 
force  in  England,  ii.  477,  478. 

Orange,  the  House  of,  William, 
Prince  of  Orange,  37-00  ;  mar- 
riage of  William  II.  with  the 
Princess  Royal  of  England,  ii. 
76  ;  his  arrest  of  deputies,  at- 
tempt on  Amsterdam  and  death, 
76 ;  exclusion  of  the  family 
•  from  the  Stadtholderate,  77  ; 
constitutional  monarchy  of  the 
Netherlands  established  in  the 
family,  83  [Holland,  Nether- 
lands, The,  WiUiam  of  Nassau, 
WUliam  I1I.\ 

Orange  societies,  formed  by  Pro- 
testants, ii.  481  ;  suppressed, 
481,  484. 

Oratory,  its  services  to  the  Greeks, 
i.  48  ;  study  of,  at  Athens,  107; 
a  fine  art,  108  ;  at  Rome,  162  ; 
of  advocates,  168 ;  flourishes 
only  in  free  Slates,  171  ;  limit- 
ed freedom  of,  under  the  Ro- 
man empire,  228 ;  Teutonic, 
233  ;  rarity  of,  in  Italian  re- 
publics, 299 ;  power  of,  com- 
pared with  books,  ii.  153,  n. 

Orgetorix,  Helvetian  chief,  i.  349. 

Orleans,  Dukeof  (Egalitcl,  ii.  133, 
148,  152  and  n. ;  executed,  194; 
Louis  Philippe  becomes  king 
of  the  French,  255. 

Orleans,  Duchess  of,  with  her 
sons,  appears  in  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies,  ii.  283. 

Ostend,  the  siege  of,  ii.  68. 

Ostracism,  introduced  at  Athens 
by  Cleisthenes,  i.  75  ;  its  prin- 
cijjlo  indf^fensiblo,  76  ;  com- 
parison with  impf^achment  and 
attainder.  76  ;  Aristotle's  vi(!W 
of  it,  77,  n.;  Plutarch's,  77,  nn. 

>  ADILLA.  Don  Juan  dis  [CaatUc, 
Toledo]. 


638 


UnTdex. 


PAG 


Paganism,  decline  of,  in  Greece, 
i.  lib  ;  opinion  of  Poiybius, 
118  ;  decline  of,  in  Rome,  177. 

Pamplilets,  political,  multitude 
of,  under  the  Common  wealth, 
ii.  455. 

Paper,  invention  of,  i.  275,  n. 

Paper  duty,  in  England,  abolish- 
ed, ii.  477. 

Papists  [Church  of  Rome\. 

Paris,  rebellion  in,  ii.  03  ;  the 
parliament  of,  98  ;  concentra- 
tion of  power  in,  101  ;  the 
parliament  exiled  t6  Troyes, 
137  ;  arrest  of  two  of  its  mem- 
bers, 137 ;  concentration  of 
troops  on,  145  ;  condition  of 
the  city,  150  ;  its  governm.ent 
and  people,  150,  151  ;  attempts 
to  maintain  order,  152 ;  the 
clubs,  153  ;  the  Commune,  168  ; 
advance  of  the  Prussians  to- 
wards, 170 ;  insurrection  in, 
252  ;  another,  262  ;  declared  in 
a  state  of  siege,  26o  ;  fortifica- 
tions constructed,  272  ;  military 
occupation  of,  281  ;  insurrec- 
tion, Feb.  1848,  282  ;  retui-ns 
six  Socialist  candidates  to  the 
Assembly,  808  :  declared  in  a 
state  of  siege  by  Louis  Napo- 
leon, 315  ;  massacre  en  the 
Boulevards,  318 ;  reconstruc- 
tion of,  by  Napoleon  III.,  329  ; 
capitulates    to    the    Germans, 

334  ;  entered  by  German  troops, 

335  ;  insurrection  of  the  Com- 
mune, 336,  337  ;  siege  of,  be- 
gun by  authorities  at  Ver- 
sailles, 337  ;  the  city  bunit  by 
the  Communists,  343  [France, 
French  Revolution,  '89]. 

Pai'liament,  the  English,  origi- 
nated in  the  Saxon  witenage- 
mot,  ii.  358  and  n.  ;  the  Com- 
mons first  represented  in  it, 
363  ;  its  increasing  power  un- 
der Edward  I.,  363 ;  assumes 
right  of  deposing  the  king  (Ed- 


PAR 
ward  II.),  and  again  (Richard 
II.),  364 ;  assumes  its  present 
form  under  Edward  III.,  364; 
its  right  to  advise  the  king  in 
matters  of  peace  and  war  estab- 
lished, 364  ;  its  privileges  de- 
fined, 364,  365  ;  dominated  by 
the  barons,  369  ;  rarely  assem- 
bled under  Edward  IV.,  370; 
its  influence  revived  under 
Kichard  III.,  set  aside  under 
Henry  VII.,  370;  subservient 
to  Henry  VIII.,  371,  372  ;  under 
Mary  undoes  its  own  work, 
373 ;  reasserts  itself  under 
Elizabeth,  374 ;  and  under 
James  I.  ;  dissolutions  of,  by 
James  I.,  388,  889  ;  not  assem- 
bled for  sis  years,  389 ;  new, 
dissolved,  389,  890  ;  the  great 
struggle  betv/een  prerogative 
and  popular  power  begun  by 
the  Long  Parliament,  402  ;  the 
Triennial  Bill  passed,  403  ;  pro- 
posal for  annual  meeting  of, 
404,  n.  ;  assumes  extraordina- 
ry powers,  406  ;  appointment 
of  committees,  407  ;  proceeds 
against  delinquents,  406  and 
n. ,  407 ;  passes  ordinances  with- 
out assent  of  the  king,  407, 
408 ;    its   revolutionary  spirit, 

408  ;    intolerant    of    petitions, 

409  ;  committees  on  grievances, 

410  ;  popular  leaders  support- 
ed by  mobs,  410  and  n.  ;  Act 
against  dissolution  passed,  411  ; 
attempts  at  accommodation 
with  the  king,  411 ;  supported 
by  the  city  of  London,  413  ;  the 
Puritan  party,  413,  414 ;  di- 
vided counsels,  418 ;  the  ex- 
treme party  in  power,  418  ;  en- 
ters into  the  Solemn  League 
and  Covenant,  418  ;  its  severi- 
ties against  delinquents,  424  ; 
its  conflict  with  the  army,  425  ; 
overcome  by  Cromwell,  425  ; 
resolves  to  leceive  no  further 
communications  from  the  king, 
428  ;  fresh  negotiations  opened 
by  Presbyterian  party,  429  ; 
opposed    by    the    army,    430 ; 


INDEX. 


539 


•Pride's  Purge,'  430  ;  the  rem- 
nant devoted  to  Cromwell,  4;]0  ; 
dissolved  by  him,  442  ;  Bare- 
bone's  Parliament  nominated, 
443  ;  and  dissolved,  444  ;  a  new 
one  meets,  and  is  dissolved, 
445  ;  another  called,  447  ;  ex- 
clusion of  a  hundred  members, 
447  ;  a  second  Chamber,  449  ; 
revival  of  the  Long  Parliament 
(the  Rump),  452  ;  its  dissolu- 
tion by  General  Monk,  453  ; 
subservience  of,  under  James 
II.,  457  ;  power  of,  to  depose  a 
king,  recognised  by  the  revolu- 
tion of  iaS3,  458,  4)9  and  n.; 
its  authority  enlarged  under 
William  III.,  460;  electoral 
corruption,  462  ;  publication  of 
the  debates.  468  and  475 
[Charles  I.,  Commons,  Lords]. 

Parliament,  the  Short,  the  Long 
[Ear/land]. 

Parliaments,  the,   of   France,  ii. 

97  ;  claim  a  veto  upon  acts  of 
the  Crown,  98  ;  their  contumacy 
overcame  by  a  lit  de  justice, 
and  banishment,  98 ;  form  a 
barrier  against  arbitrary  ])ower, 

98  ;  their  numbers  and  juris- 
diction, 98,  99  and  n.  ;  aljol- 
ished,  99,  139  ;  recalled,  132  ; 
superseded,  155. 

Parma,  tlio  Prince  of,  governor 
of  the  Netherlands,  ii.  54  ;  suc- 
ceeds in  detaching  the  Wal- 
loon provinces  from  the  Union, 
54 ;  takes  and  severely  pun- 
ishes Maestricht,  55  ;  attempts 
to  seduce  the  Prince  of  Orangn, 
55  ;  called  to  serve  in  France, 
64  ;  his  death,  65. 

I'arthonon,  the,  i.  87. 

I'astoral  States,  wanting  in  ele- 
ments of  freedom,  Introd. 
xxxvii. 

Patricians,  the  [Rome]. 

Payment  for  y)ublic  services,  in- 
troduced at  Athens  by  Pericles, 


PER 

i.  84  ;  consummation  of  scheme 
of  democracy,  86  ;  a  system  of 
State  bribery,  126. 

Pazzi,  The  [Florencc\ 

Peasant  proprietors,  classes  and 
political  character  of,  Introd, 
xxxviii. ;  eft'ect  of  small  hold- 
ings, xxxix ;  in  France,  ii. 
106  ;  in  England,  365,  368,  376. 

Peasant  war,  the,  in  Switzer- 
land, i.  387,  388. 

Peasants,  poverty  of  the,  in 
France,  before  the  Revolution, 
ii.  110. 

Peerage,  hereditary,  in  France, 
abolished,  ii.  155  ;  restored  by 
Napoleon  Bonaparte,  225  ; 
Chamber  of  Peers  reconstruct- 
ed by  Louis  XVIII.  and  made 
hereditary,  239  ;  abolished  un- 
der Louis  Philippe,  261. 

Peisander,  his  plot  against  Athe- 
nian democracy,  i.  92  ;  sup- 
ported by  the  clubs,  92  ;  assas- 
sinations, 93 ;  sets  up  new 
Council  of  Four  Hundred,  93  ; 
his  constitution  overthrown,  94. 

Peisistratus,  tyrant  of  Athens,  i. 
73. 

Peloponnesian  War,  the,  its  re- 
sult, i.  94. 

Pericles,  his  reforms  at  Athens,  i. 
78,  89  ;  strips  the  Areopagus  of 
its  powers,  78  ;  vests  adminis- 
tration of  justice  in  the  dieas- 
teries,  79  ;  introduces  payment 
for  military  services,  84  ;  for 
service  in  the  judicature,  85  ; 
for  attendance  at  theasseinl)ly, 
85  ;  promotes  ]mblic  works, 
87  ;  completes  fortifications, 
builds  the  Parthenon,  87;  estab- 
lislK^s  the  Tlicoricon,  88 ;  liis 
policy  as  a  statesman,  89  ;  its 
evil  result-',  90  ;  favours  com- 
merce, 90  ;  his  funenil  oration 
<iuotod,  103  ;  true  type  of  a 
Greek    leader,    104  ;"   govern- 


540  INDEX. 

PER 

ment  by  tlie  first  citizen,  104, 
n.  [Athens]. 

Perier,  Casimir,  ii.  252,  258  ;  min- 
istry of,  3G0  ;  liis  death,  264. 

Persecution,  religious,  a  political 
Ciime,  ii.  34 ;  a  new  form  of 
tyranny,  35. 

Persia,  absolute  government  in, 
i.  15  ;  castes,  15,  u. ;  adminis- 
tration by  satraps,  15  ;  prime- 
val religion,  14,  n.  ;  condition 
of  the  people,  15 ;  literature, 
16. 

Persigny,  confederate  of  Louis 
Napoleon  in  the  coup  d'etat,  ii. 
314. 

Petition,  the  right  of,  in  Eng- 
land, first  asserted,  ii.  409  ;  re- 
stricted by  the  Commons  before 
the  civil  war,  409. 

Petition  of  Right,  the,  made  law, 
ii.  394. 

Philip  II.  of  Spain  becomes  sove- 
reign of  the  Netherlands,  ii. 
36  ;  continues  the  persecution 
of  Protestants,  36  ;  his  secret 
agreement  with  Henry  II.  of 
France,  38  ;  his  severities,  di- 
rects torture  of  Flemish  Pro- 
testants, 39  ;  sends  Alva  with  a 
Spanish  army,  41  ;  by  procla- 
mation directs  immediate  exe- 
cution of  sentence  of  the  Inqui- 
sition against  inhabitants  of 
the  Netherlands,  43 ;  insists 
that  the  Catholic  faith  be  re- 
stored in  the  Netherlands,  49  ; 
publishes  civil  excommunica- 
tion of  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
55 ;  forms  alliance  with  the 
Frencli  League,  63  ;  seizes  Brit- 
ish ships,  plans  invasion  of 
England,  63  ;  the  Spanish  Ar- 
mada dispersed,  64  ;  attempts 
conquest  of  France,  64  ;  makes 
peace  with  Henry  IV.,  66  ;  ab- 
dicates sovereignty  of  the  Ne- 
therlands, 66  ;  his  death,  66. 


POL 
Philip   the   Bold,  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, sovereign  of   Flanders 
and  Brabant,  ii.  33. 

Philip  the  Good,  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, extends  his  dominion 
in  the  Netherlands,  ii.  23  ;  con- 
quers and  punishes  Ghent,  23. 

Philip  the  Fair,  sovereign  of  the 
Netherlands,  ii.  26 ;  his  mar- 
riage with  Johanna  of  Spain, 
26. 

Philip  of  Cleves,  commands  the 
Flemings  in  Avar  against  the 
emperor,  ii.  25. 

Pha?nicians,  the,  commerce  and 
culture  of,  i.  30  ;  federation  of 
cities,  30  ;  little  known  of  their 
institutions,  31. 

Pichegru,  ii.  209 ;  president  of 
the  Council  of  Five  Hundred, 
209  ;  arrested,  210. 

Pilnitz,  the  Declaration  of,  ii. 
160. 

Pisa,  i.  305. 

Pius  VII.,  Pope,  crowns  Napo- 
leon I.  emperor,  ii.  223 ;  de- 
posed by  Napoleon,  236. 

Pius  IX.,  Pope,  grants  a  repre- 
sentative constitution  to  the 
Roman  States,  ii.  387  ;  com- 
pelled to  declare  war  against 
Austria,  387. 

Plain,  the,  French  political  party, 
ii.  173. 

Plebeians,  the  [Rome]. 

Plebiscite,  the,  introduced  in 
France,  ii.  219,  n.  ;  after  the 
C0U21  d'etat,  330  ;  the  second 
empire  established  by,  332. 

Pnyx,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  94,  n. 

Polignac,  the  Prince  de,  his  min- 
istry, ii.  249  ;  his  trial  and  con- 
demnation, 260. 

Political  associations  in  England, 
originated,  ii.  478  ;  repressed. 


INDEX. 


541 


POL 


478  ;  tlieir  growing  force,  478  ; 
influence  of,  compared  with  tiie 
press,  479  ;  dangers  of  vast  as- 
semblages, 479  ;  later  exam- 
ples, 4«0-490. 
Polity,  a  form  of  government,  i. 
55." 

Pompey,  Cneius,  one  of  tlie  cMefs 
of  the  oligarchy,  i.  201 ;  joins 
the  democracy,  203  ;  comman- 
der in  the  East,  303  ;  returns 
to  Italy,  205  ;  allies  himself 
■with  Caesar,  305  ;  his  quarrel 
with  Clodius,  208  ;  triumvir, 
proconsul  in  Spain,  208  ;  dicta- 
tor, 309  ;  rivalry  with  Ctesar, 
210  ;  defeated  at  Pharsalus, 
slain  in  Egypt,  211. 

Popes  of  Rome,  the  [Rome]. 

Presbyterians,  the,  rise  of,  in 
England,  ii.  380  ;  their  repub- 
lican spirit,  380  ;  the  Scottish 
Kirk  founded  by  the  people, 
387  and  n.  ;  a  High  Church 
ritual  forced  on  the  Kirk  by 
Charles  I.,  400  ;  they  rebel, 
400,  403  ;  their  distrust  of 
Charles  I.,  411  ;  in  Scotland 
recover  their  old  forms,  413  ; 
lose  their  ascendency  by  the 
Self-denying  Ordinance,  421  ; 
their  generals  superseded,  422  ; 
their  polity  introduced  in  Eng- 
land, 433  ;  conflict  with  the  In 
dependents,  425  ;  open  fresh 
negotiations  with  the  king,  439  ; 
excluded  from  i)arlianient  by 
'Pride's  Purge,'  430;  their 
separation  from  tlie  Indepen- 
dents, 433  ;  the  ministers  eject- 
ed from  their  livings  at  the 
Restoration,  450. 

Press,  the,  its  growing  influence 
in  England,  ii.  464  ;  political 
education  promoted  by  publi- 
cation of  the  dr-bates  in  parlia- 
ment, 475  ;  freedom  of,  estab- 
lished, 476  ;  a  democratic  force 
in  the  monarchy,  477  ;  the  ser 
vices  of  chea[)  literature,  477  ; 


PUR 
influence  of,  compared  with  po- 
litical associations,  478  [Cc7isor' 
ship]. 

Printing,  invention  of,  i.  275. 

Proscription,  at  Athens,  by  the 
Thirty  Tyrants,  i.  95  ;  at  Rome, 
by  Sulla,  195  ;  by  Marius,  196  ; 
an  established  instrument  of 
parties,  196  ;  by  Sulla,  197  ;  by  ' 
the  triumvirs,  214. 

Protestants,  the  [07'ang6  Societies, 
Jleformation]. 

Protectorate,  the  [Cromwell,  Oli- 
ver, and  Richard]. 

Proudhon,  Socialist,  member  of 
provisional  government  of 
France,  arrested,  ii.  301  ;  mem- 
ber of  the  Assembly,  303. 

Provincial  Government,  Roman, 
introduced  after  conquest  of 
Sicily,  i.  164  ;  consequences  of, 
173  ;  impunity  of  governors, 
181  ;  appointment  of  judicial 
committee  to  hear  complaints, 
181. 

Prussia,  the  king  signs  the  Dec- 
laration of  Pilnitz,  ii.  160  ;  joins 
with  Austria  in  war  against 
France,  167  ;  revolution  in, 
1848,  390. 

Publilian  Laws,  the,  i.  155,  n. 

Punic  Wars,  the,  i.  164. 

Puritans,  the  modern,  less  aus- 
tere, Introd.  Ixiii.  ;  the  early 
Puritans  maintaincrs  of  public 
liberties,  Ixiv.  ;  founders  of 
American  republic.  Ixv.  ;  com- 
pared with  ihe  Stoics,  i.  167, 
168  ;  followers  of  Calvin,  ii. 
378  ;  their  charnct.'r,  379  ;  dif- 
ferent sects  of,  380  ;  their  po- 
litical views,  380  ;  their  jea- 
lousy of  Catliolics  and  the 
grounds  for  it,  3Sl  ;  confront 
Kliznbrth,  3S1  ;  treatment  of, 
by  James  I.,  385-387  ;  provoca- 
tion  of,  by  High   Church  pre- 


542 


INDEX. 


PYM 


lates,  396  ;  persecution  of,  399  ; 
their  despair  and  emigration, 
399  ;  inflamed  by  religious  grie- 
vances, 413  ;  growth  of  their 
influence,  413  ;  revolutionary 
spirit  sustained,  413  ;  rej^resen- 
tatives  of  democracy,  414,  n.  ; 
aim  at  overthrow  of  episcopacy, 
414 ;  their  ministers  ejected 
from  their  livings  imder  Act  of 
Uniformity,  456  ;  severe  laws 
against  them,  456  [^Presbyteri- 
ans, Independents]. 

PjTn,  committed  by  James  I.,  ii. 
390  ;  one  of  the  five  members 
arrested  by  Charles  I. ,  414. 

I)  ACE,  influence  of,  upon  social 
li  and  political  development, 
Introd.  xliv.  ;  varieties  of  man- 
kind, xliv.  and  notes  ;  the  Teu- 
tons and  the  Celts  contrasted, 
xiv.,  xlvi.  ;  distinctive  charac- 
ters of  early  races  traceable 
in  their  descendants,  xlvi. 

Eed  Republicans,  the  [Prancel. 

Referendum,  the  [Swiss  Confed- 
eration']. 

Reform, parliamentary,  in  France, 
agitation  for,  ii.  269  ;  becomes 
tiie  foremost  question,  274  ;  pro- 
posals in  the  Chamber,  275  ;  re- 
sistance to,  275  ;  agitation  re- 
vived, 278  ;  banquets,  279  ;  in 
England,  Cromwell's  Act,  444  ; 
agitation  for,  482  ;  the  Reform 
Acts  of  1832  passed,  482  ;  of 
1867  and  1868.  493  ;  Ballot  Act 
of  1872,  493  [France]. 

Reform  League,  the,  its  proces- 
sion of  Trades'  Onions,  ii.  491 
[Hyde  Park]. 

Reformation,    the    Protestant,    i. 

280  ;  its  effects  upon  freedom, 
Introd.  xlvi.,  i.  280;  prevails 
among  Teutonic  races,  280  ;  po- 
litical views  of  the  reformers, 

281  ;  forms  the  commencement 
of  a  revolutionary  period,  283  ; 


REQ 

in  Switzerland,  382  ;  in  Geneva, 
384  ;  its  moral  effects,  385  ;  its 
political  results,  385  ;  social 
improvements,  386 ;  hostility 
of  Charles  V.  to  it,  ii.  33  ;  its 
extent,  strength  in  Germany, 
33  ;  persecution  of  Protestants 
in  the  Netherlands,  34  ;  tolera- 
tion of  Protestants  secured  by 
diet  of  Augsburg,  35,  n.  ;  the 
French  '  League '  against  the 
Protestants,  62  ;  in  Hungary 
and  Austria,  freedom  of  wor- 
ship granted  to  Protestants  by 
the  emperor,  71 ;  in  England, 
effected  by  Henry  VIIL,  371  ; 
its  course,  373  [Calvin,  jSwisa 
Confederation]. 

Regicide,  in  England,  ii.  433  ; 
the  religious  character  of  the 
regicides,  434  ;  the  French  re- 
gicides, 434  [Tyrannicide]. 

Reign    of    Terror,    the    [French 

lievulution]. 

Religion,  the  ally  of  freedom, 
Introd.  xxiv. 

Remonstrance,  the  Grand,  to 
Charles  I. ,  voted  by  the  Com- 
mons, ii.  412. 

Repeal  of  the  Union,  agitation 
for,  in  Ireland,  ii.  483  ;  agita- 
tion revived,  monster  meetings, 
484  ;  their  failure,  484. 

Representation,  need  of,  at  Ath- 
ens, i.  115  ;  itnknown  in  Greece, 
136  ;  a]>y)roximations  to,  136  ; 
reserved  for  modern  times,  137  ; 
principle  of,  involved  in  the 
scheme  of  Caius  Gracchus,  187  ; 
Roman  senate  made  a  represen- 
tative body,  198  ;  need  of,  at 
Rome,  223  ;  principle  of  the 
referendum  in  Swiss  cantons 
inconsistent  with,  417;  in  Span- 
ish kingdoms,  ii.  27  ;  adopted 
in  the  Netherlands,  53  ;  under 
William  III.,  a  fiction,  462. 

Requesens,  Don  Luis  de  [Nether- 
lands]. 


REV 


Reviews,  tlie  FMnhurr/li,  Quar- 
tcrbj,  aud  Wedmindcr,  their 
services  to  political  education, 
ii.  476,  n. 

Eevival  of  learning,  the,  charac- 
ter of,  i.  272  ;  Italy  foremost 
in,  273  ;  its  eniaucipatiou  of  the 
intellect,  273  ;  its  services  to  re- 

i  ligion,  its  charch  music,  274  ; 
revival  of  original  thought, 
275. 

llevival,  ecclesiastical,  in  Church 
of  liome,  lutrod.  Ixii.  ;  in 
Church  of  England,  Isii. 

Revolution,  the  Glorious,  of  1688 
\Englmid\ 

Revolutionary  movements,  rapid 
spread  of,  in  Europe,  Introd.  1. ; 
ii.  255-287. 

Rhenish  League,  the,  i.  263  ;  its 
alliance  with  the  cities  of  Swa- 
bia,  263. 

Richelieu,  overthrows  feudalism 
in  France,  ii.  00  ;  attempts  to 
abolish  provincial  assemblies, 
97. 

Rienzi,  i.  330  ;  as  tribune  of  the 
people,  revives  the  Roman  re- 
public, 331. 

Robespierre,  ii.  148, 171, 173, 183  ; 
his  ascendency,  196  ;  a  fanatic, 
1!)6,  1!)7  ;  higlipriest  of  the  re- 
public of  the  virtues,  198  ;  de- 
cline of  his  power,  199  ;  his 
fall,  200  ;  execution,  200,  201. 

Rollin,  Ledru,  his  schemes  rersist- 
ed  by  Jjamartine,  ii.  298;  candi- 
,      date  for  the  presidency,  301. 

Romans,  the,  in  Britain  \_En(jlan(J'\. 

Rome,  dilTerences  in  the  genius 
of  ( J  reeks  and  Romans,  i.  140, 
141;  institutions  of  the  inon- 
arcliy,  142  ;  tliej)iiblic  domains, 

143  ;  classilication  of  citizens, 

144  ;  its  basis,  property,  144  ; 
the  national  religion,  145  and 
D. ;  consuls,  constitution  of  the 


INDEX.  543 

ROM 
republic,  145,  146  and  n. ;  the 
priesthood,  147  ;  the  senate,  its 
constitution  and  ex  tensive  pow- 
ers, 147  ;  patrician  character  of 
the  republic,  149  ;  public  vir- 
tues of  the  patricians,  150  ; 
their  ascendency,  150  ;  frequent 
assassination  of  citizens,  151  ; 
haughty  bearing  of  patricians 
towards  plebeians,  151  ;  tactics 
of  delay,  151,  n. ;  growth  of  de- 
mocracy, 152  ;  secession  to  the 
Mons  Sacer,  new  constitution, 
153  ;  tribunes  of  the  people, 
153 ;  privileges  acquired  for 
the  plebeians,  154  ;  laws  of  the 
Twelve  Tables,  154 ;  further 
advance  of  plebeian  privileges, 
154,  155  ;  consulate  opened  to 
plebeians,  155  ;  aud  other  high 
offices,  155  ;  canvassing  forbid- 
den, 155  ;  union  of  the  senate 
with  old  plebeians,  156  ;  checks 
upon  the  comitia,  157  ;  Ma3niau 
laws,  157  ;  extension  of  popular 
suffrage,  158  ;  redress  of  griev- 
ances by  Licinian  and  other 
laws,  159 ;  fusion  of  the  old 
and  new  aristocracy,  159 ; 
struggle  of  classes,  160  ;  con- 
quest of  Italy,  160  ;  various 
forms  of  government  establish- 
ed, 100 ;  colonies,  161  ;  patri- 
cian infliience  maintained,  161; 
effects  of  Italian  cfmquest  upon 
society  of  Rome,  162  ;  progres- 
sive condition  of  the  republic, 
102;  the  Punic  Wars,  164; 
disasters,  courage  and  constan- 
cy, 164  ;  Roman  virtues,  165, 
166  and  n.;  Rome  a  religion  to 
the  ])eople,  166,  n.;  inllucnce 
of  tlie  Stoic  philosophy,  166  ; 
Roman  Stoics  and  Englisli  Puri- 
tans compared,  167  ;  faults  of 
Roman  cliaracter,  168  ;  i)ublic 
life  in,  foin pared  with  Athens, 
168  ;  conrts  of  justice,  advo- 
cates, 170,  171. 

—  Effects  of  conquests  upon  the 
r('[)iil)lic,  172;  political  renc- 
ti'Jii    of    the    iiatriciun.;,    172  ; 


644 


INDEX. 


KOM 


ROM 


consequences  of  standing  ar- 
mies, and  of  xirovincial  rule, 173; 
becomes  capital  of  an  empire, 
174  ;  social  changes,  tlae  class 
of  clients,  174  ;  the  populace, 
175;  growth  of  corruption,  175; 
public  amusements,  175  ;  order- 
ly government  disturbed  by 
factions  and  tumults,  176;  Cato 
the  Censor,  176  ;  increase  of 
luxury,  176 ;  Greek  arts  and 
refinements,  176 ;  decline  of 
paganism,  177  ;  want  of  a  mid- 
dle class,  178  ;  the  public  do- 
mains cultivated  by  slaves,  178  ; 
agrarian  discontents,  179  ;  de- 
pendence and  corruption  of  the 
poor,  .179;  relations  of  debtor 
and  creditor,  180  ;  demoralisa- 
tion of  slavery,  180  ;  resistance 
to  abuses,  181  ;  impunity  of 
provincial  governors,  181  ;  un- 
due influence  of  the  nobles,  the 
ballot,  181  ;  appeals  to  the 
populace,  182  ;  measures  of  Ti- 
berius Gracchus,  tribune,  182  ; 
his  agrarian  law,  183  ;  his  death, 
184;  beginning  of  anarchy,  184; 
Caius  Gracchus,  tribune,  184  ; 
his  measures,  185,  186,  187;  his 
death,  188  ;  the  memory  of  the 
Gracchi,  188  ;  patrician  advan- 
ces to  the  people,  189  ;  danger 
of  military  dictation,  189 ; 
Marius,  189 ;  Apuleian  laws, 
191  ;  popular  election  of  Ponti- 
fex  Maximus,  191  ;  recovery  of 
power  by  the  senate,  191  ;  re- 
forms proposed  by  Livius  Dru- 
sus,  192  ;  enfranchisement  of 
Italian  allies,  193  ;  Italian  war, 
state  of  Rome  after  the  war, 
194  ;  reforms  of  P.  Sulpicius 
Ruf  us,  194  ;  Sulla  master  of 
Rome,  194  ;  proscription  and 
reactionary  policy,  195  ;  his 
policy  reversed  by  Cinna,  195  ; 
civil  war,  the  city  taken  by 
Marius  and  Cinna,  196  ;  pro- 
scriptions, 196 ;  Cinna  and 
Marius  consuls,  193  ;  dictator- 
ship of  Sulla,  197 ;  proscrip- 
tions,   197  ;    reactionary    mea- 


sures, the  senate  recruited,  198  ; 
novi  homines,  199  ;  other  mea- 
sures of  Sulla,  300  ;  a  military 
oligarchy,  201  ;  its  chiefs,  201; 
chiefs  of  the  democracy,  201; 
Pompey,  301  ;  ascendency  of 
the  oligarchy,  203 ;  Pompey 
and  the  democracy,  203  ;  over- 
throw of  the  constitution  of 
Sulla,  303  ;  Caesar,  Crassus,  and 
Cicero  bid  for  popularity,  203  ; 
conspiracy  of  Catiline,  204 ; 
Cato  the  younger,  204. 

—  Alliance  of  Cfesar  and  Pompey, 
205 ;  Caesar's  popular  measures, 
206  ;  his  military  commands, 
306  ;  victories,  207  ;  anarchy  in 
the  city,  207  ;  triumvirate  of 
Pompey,  Ca3sar,  and  Crassus, 
308  ;  the  patrician  party,  809  ; 
dictatorship  of  Pompey,  209 ; 
rivalry  of  Pompey  and  Caesar, 
209  ;  Caesar  master  of  Rome, 
211  ;  the  usurper  slain,  213 ; 
anarchy,  214 ;  battle  of  Phi- 
lippi,  214 ;  battle  of  Actium, 
214  ;  under  Octavius,  214  ;  con- 
solidation of  his  power,  214 ; 
transition  from  the  republic  to 
the  empire,  215  ;  growth  of  a 
bureaucracy,  216  ;  organisation 
of  a  standing  army,  217  ;  im- 
perial taxation,  217  ;  homage 
paid  by  emperors  to  freedom, 
217  ;  causes  of  the  fall  of  the 
republic,  217  ;  defects  of  the 
government,  218  ;  never  a  pure 
democracy,  218  ;  conflicts  of 
judicature,  219 ;  irregular 
forces  of  democracy,  220  ;  its 
share  in  the  fall  of  the  republic, 
220  ;  anarchy  repressed  by  the 
sword,  231  ;  faults  in  institu- 
tions, 322  ;  position  of  the 
senate,  222  ;  irregular  action  of 
the  comitia,  232  ;  need  of  re- 
presentation, 223  ;  attributes  of 
the  senate,  234  ;  concentration 
of  powers  originally  divided, 
224  ;  need  of  a  division  of  pow- 
ers, 225  ;  social  causes  of  poli- 
tical failvire,   225  ;    corruption 


INDEX. 


545 


RON 

of  morals,  226  ;  demoralisation 
under  the  empire,  237  ;  domina- 
tion of  the  army,  227  ;  intellec- 
tual development  of  Augustan 
age,  228 ;  freedom  of  tiiouglit 
under    the    empire,    228 ;    de-  ' 
moralisation  of  Komans,  22'J  ;  I 
influence  of  traditions  of  Rome  [ 
upon   civilisation    of    Europe,  j 
238 ;   its  political  condition  in  j 
the  twelfth  ceutury,  'doO ;   re-  ' 
vival  of  the  rejiublic  by  Arnold 
of  Brescia,  'd'.iO  ;  removal  of  the  | 
popes  to  Avignon,   the  conse-  | 
quent  anarchy,  S31  ;  strife  of 
the  Colonna  and  Orsini,  331  ; 
revolution     of     Rienzi,     331  ; 
government  of  tlie  bannerets, 
331  ;  return  of  the  popes,  331 ; 
their  tyranny,  332. 

Roncaglia,  Diet  of,  i.  812. 

Eouen,  rebellion  at,  ii.  93. 

Roundheads,  the,  their  character 
as  soldiers,  ii.  423. 

Rousseau,  his  philosophy,  the 
apostle  of  social  reconstruction, 
ii.  122. 

Rudolph  of  Hapsburg,  confirms 
the  charters  of  Swiss  towns,  i. 
3oG. 

Rump,  the  [Parliament,  Tlie  Eng- 
li^i\. 

Russia,  social  clianges  progress- 
ing in,  Introd.  xlix. 

ST.  ARNAUD,  General,  minis- 
tiir  of  war  to  Louis  Napoleon, 
ii.  312. 

St.  Just,  ii.  176,  188,  101,  197. 

San  Marino,  smallest  of  Italian 
republics,  i.  344. 

Saracens,  the,  civilisation  of,  i. 
268 ;  the  schools  of  Bagdad, 
26H  ;  their  culture  introduced 
into  Europe,  2G8  ;  its  limited 
influence,  269  ;  in  Italy,  269, 
285. 


SEN 
Savonarola  [Florence]. 

Savoy,  the  Duke  of,  his  office  of 
vidome  of  Geneva  abolished,  i. 
384. 

SchaShausen,  its  charters  con- 
firmed by  Rudolph  of  Haj)s- 
burg,  i.  357  ;  its  mixed  consti- 
tution, 369  ;  domination  of  the 
towns,  4G'i. 

Schoolmen,  the,  how  far  favour- 
able to  liberty,  i.  2o0,  n.;  their 
studies  and  services,  270. 

Schweitz,  its  contest  with  abbot 
of  Eiusidlen,  i.  353 ;  one  of  the 
Forest  Cantons,  358  [Switzcr- 
lartdl- 

Scotland,  rebellion  in,  under 
Charles  I.,  ii.  400  ;  pea<?e  of 
Berv/ick,  renewed  disorders, 
400  ;  rebellion  renewed,  402  ; 
secret  treaty  concluded  by 
Charles  I.  with  the  Scots,  429  ; 
Scottish  invasion  of  England, 
429  ;  the  Prince  of  Wales  pro- 
claimed king  in,  442 ;  parlia- 
mentary union  with  England 
effected  by  Cromwell,  445  ;  de- 
mocratic movement  in,  470. 

Sea,  the,  its  influence  u]x>n  free- 
dom, Introd.  xli. ;  L  fil,  74. 

Sedan,  the  battle  of,  ii.  332. 

Selden,  committed  by  Charles  I., 
ii.  396. 

Sempach,  victory  of  the  Swiss 
over  Leopold  III.,  Duke  of  Aus- 
tria, at,  i.  359  ;  decree  of,  359. 

Senate,  the,  of  Rome,  its  consti- 
tution and  powers,  i.  147  ;  di- 
rected entire  policy  of  the  State, 
148  ;  its  high  character,  148  ; 
Comte's  view  of  it,  and  Cicero's, 
148,  140,  n.;  alliaixv^  with  old 
plebeians,  156  ;  deprived  of  vtto 
ujK)n  plcb^Hcitu,  157  ;  loss  of  re- 
spect and  power,  189;  recovery 
of  power,  192  ;  number  in- 
creased by   Sulla,  195  ;  loss  of 


6'±G 


INDEX. 


SER 


power  under  Man  us  aud  Cinna, 
proscription  of  senators,  I'JO  ; 
recruited  by  Sulla,  I'JS  ;  be- 
comes a  quasi  representative 
body,  198 ;  enlarged  by  Caesar, 
deprived  of  independent  power, 
212  ;  its  decline  under  the  em- 
pire, 216 ;  its  position  of  anta- 
gonism to  the  tribunes  and  co- 
mitia,  222  :  its  attributes,  224. 

Serfdom,  in  France,  cessation  of, 
ii.  108;  in  England,  conflicts 
consequent  on  its  diminution, 
oU6. 

Sforza,  Galezzo  Slaria  \_Milaii\. 

—  Ludovico,  betrayal  of,  to  tlie 
French,  i.  381  and  n. 

Ship-money,  illegal  exaction  of, 
ii.  397  ;  resisted  by  Hampden, 
397  ;  condemned  as  illegal,  403. 

Sicilv,  conquest  of,  by  Rome,  i. 
164 ;  revolt  in,  ii.  287. 

Sieyes,  Abbe,  ii.  147,  214-218 ;  Ms 
constitution,  218. 

Signoria,  the  [Florence]. 

Simon  de  ]Montfort,  author  of  re- 
presentation of  the  Commons 
in  Parliament,  ii.  363. 

Six  Acts,  the,  passed,  ii.  451. 

Slaverv,  among  the  Greeks,  at 
Athens,  i.  120  ;  in  Rome,  180  ; 
servile  wars,  181. 

Socialists,  the,  in  France,  ii.  260, 
269  ;  their  increasing  power, 
295  ;  form  a  provisional  govern- 
ment which  is  immediately 
overthrown,  301;  insurrection 
of  June  18i8,  suppressed  by 
Cavaignac,  303  ;  early  traces  of 
Socialism,  338 ;  its  doctrines 
proclaimed  by  the  Jacobins, 
339  ;  popularised  by  Rousseau, 
339 ;  partiallv  carried  out  in 
the  Revolution  of  1789,  339; 
and  in  Revolution  of  1848,  340; 
first  in  the  ascendent  in  Paris 


BPA 

340     [Communists, 


Commune, 
International  Socicti/] 

Socrates,  his  teachings  and  his 
death,  i.  111. 

Soleure,  its  charters  confirmed  by 
Rudolph  of  Hapsburg,  i.  357  ; 
its  aristocratic  constitution,  368; 
peasant  war  in,  387  ;  in  alliance 
with  Berne,  393  ;  heavy  contri- 
bution levied  by  the  French, 
400  ;  domination  of  the  towns, 
404. 

Solon,  constitution  of,  i.  71,  72. 

Scnderbund,  the,  league  of  seven 
Catholic  cantons  of  Switzer- 
land, fomied,  i.  408  ;  over- 
thrown by  army  of  the  confed- 
eration, 409. 

Sophists,  the,  at  Athens,  i.  107. 

Soult,  Marshal,  suppresses  insur- 
rections at  Lyons  and  Paris,  ii, 
262  ;  ministry  of,  264  ;  second 
ministry,  268  ;  third,  272. 

Spain,  introduction  of  Saracen 
culture,  i.  268  ;  early  liberties 
of,  ii.  27  ;  power  of  the  cities, 
27,  28  ;  decav  of  liberties,  28 ; 
state  of,  from  1830  to  1848,  285; 
English  negotiations  with,  for 
marriage  of  Prince  Charles, 
390. 

'  Spanish  Fury,'  the,  ii.  51. 

Spanish  marriages,  the,  intrigues 
concerning,  ii.  277. 

Sparta,  its  peculiar  constitution, 
i.  65  ;  council  of  Ephors,  66  ;  si- 
lence and  secrecy  characteris- 
tics of  her  rule,  66;  constitution 
commended,  66.  n.;  narrow  pol- 
ity, 66,  67  ;  stability  of  her  in- 
stitutions, 67  ;  cost  of  stability, 
67  ;  democratic  institutions,  68  ; 
Lycurgus  a  social  leveller,  68  ; 
sumptuary  laws,  68  ;  severity 
of  training,  69  ;  war  their  chief 
business,  69  ;  contrasted  with 
Athens,  70 ;  her  oligarchical 
infiuence,  93  ;   her  supremacy. 


INDEX. 


5i7 


BPA 


06  ;  her  share  in  great  victories 
of  the  Greeks,  lUl  ;  compared 
with  Venice,  305. 

Spartacus,  revolt  of,  i.  203. 

Stadtholderate,  the  [  Holland, 
William  III.  of  Orange]. 

Stantz,  Convention  of  [Swiss  Con- 
federatiori]. 

Star  Chamber,  the  Court  of,  its 
tyranny  and  severity,  ii.  398  ; 
abolished,  404. 

States-General,  the,  of  France, 
first  convention  of,  by  Philip 
the  Fair,  ii.  95  ;  method  of 
their  deliberations,  96  ;  con- 
voked  and    dismissed   at   will 

;  of  the  crown,  96 ;  discontin- 
ued, 93  ;  convocation  of,  de- 
manded, 137 ;  convoked  by 
Louis  XVI.,  138  ;  hazard  of  the 
experiment,  138  ;  the  cahiers, 
139  and  n. ;  composition  of  the 
assembly,  140  ;  meeting  of,  141  ; 
sittings  of  the  Estates,  142  ; 
the  Commons  declare  them- 
selves the  '  National  Assembly,' 
142  ;  threatened  with  dissolu- 
tion by  the  king,  143  ;  union 
of  the  orders,  144  [France, 
French  Revolution,  Tiers  Etat]. 

Stoic  philosophy,  influence  of, 
upon  Roman  character,  i.  166  ; 
Stoics  and  Puritans  compared, 
167. 

Strafford,  the  Earl  of,  directs  the 
policy  of  Charles  I.,  ii.  398; 
lord-deputy  of  Ireland,  403  ; 
impeached  and  sent  to  the  Tow- 
er, 405;  bill  of  attainder  passed, 
405  ;  executed,  405. 

Strode,  committed  by  Charles  I., 
ii.  390  ;  one  of  the  five  mem- 
bers arrested  by  the  king,  414. 

Stuarts,  the,  accession  of,  to  the 
Engli.sh  throne,  ii.  .383  ;  their 
maintenance  of  prerogative, 
383,  iiSi  \(J/uirk8  I.,  James  1., 
Jama  /i!]. 


swi 
Succession  duty,  i.  208,  n. 

Sulla,  L.  Corn.,  opposes  reforms 
of  P.  Sulpicius  Rufus,  i.  194  ; 
superseded  in  command  by  Ma- 
rius,  defeats  him,  194 ;  pro- 
scription, reactionary  polic}% 
195  ;  his  policy  reversed  by 
Cinna,  195;  his  return  and  cap- 
ture of  Rome,  197  ;  dictator, 
197  ;  proscriptions,  197  ;  his  re- 
actionary measures,  198  ;  re- 
cruits the  senate,  198  ;  his 
other  measures,  200  ;  retires, 
200  ;  his  constitution  over- 
thrown, 203. 

Sulpicius  Rufus,  P.,  his  reforms, 
i.  194  ;  slain  by  Sulla,  195. 

Sumptuary  laws,  at  Sparta,  i.  68  ; 
at  Rome,  213. 

Superstition,  the  ally  of  despot- 
ism, Introd.  xxiv. 

Supremacv,  royal,  established  by 
Henry  VIII.,  u.  371. 

Swiss  Confederation,  the,  estab- 
lished, i.  359  ;  its  victory  at 
Sempach,  359  ;  consolidated 
early  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
359  ;  other  alliances,  360  ;  de- 
fects in  the  constitution,  361  ; 
wars  of  rival  cantons,  361  ;  civil 
war  averted  by  convention  of 
Stantz,  361  ;  victories  over 
Charles  the  Bold  and  the  Em- 
peror Maximilian  I.,  363;  na- 
tional independence  secured, 
363;  leagueof  thirteen  cantons 
completed  by  union  of  Basle 
and  Schaffliausen,  363  ;  battle 
of  Marignano,'  perpetual  peace' 
with  France,  363  ;  Italian  and 
Swiss  liberties  compared,  363  ; 
its  fortunes  compared  with 
other  States,  364;  constitutions 
of  tlie  cantons,  365  ;  their  origi- 
nal type  outgrown  in  the  larger 
cantons,  365  ;  democratic  or- 
ganisation of  the  army,  3(i(l  ; 
inlluenco  of  the  nobles,  366  ; 
the  aristocratic  cantons,  Berne, 


648 


INDEX. 


8WI 


SWI 


Lucerne,  Fribourg,  366,  367, 
3-38  ;  rule  of  the  nobles,  368  ; 
mixed  constitutions,  Ziirich, 
Basle,  and  Schaffhausen,  368, 
369 ;  democratic  cantons,  the 
Forest  cantons,  Zug,  Glarus, 
Appenzell,  370  ;  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  Grisons,  370  ;  causes 
of  the  diversity  of  constitu- 
tions, 371  ;  democracy  of  the 
rural  cantons,  371  ;  peculiar 
conditions  of  these  cantons, 
372  ;  their  democracy  conserva- 
tive, 373  ;  principles  of  the  con- 
federation, 373  ;  the  diets,  374  ; 
special  diets,  374;  provisions  of 
the  *  Defeusional,'  375  ;  defects 
of  the  confederation,  375  ;  po- 
litical state  of  Switzerland 
early  in  the  sixteenth  ceuturv, 
876. 

-  Social  changes,    military  ser- 
vice,   377 ;    Swiss    condottieri, 

378  ;  Swiss  mercenary  troops, 
378.  379  and  n.;  evil  conse- 
quences of  mercenary  service, 

379  and  n.,  380  and  n. ;  other 
forms  of  corruption,  381  and  n. ; 
religious  discords,  382  ;  discus- 
sions consequent  on  the  Refor- 
mation, 382  ;  divisions  among 
the  cantons,  383  ;  defensive  al- 
liance of  Protestant  cantons, 
alliance  of  Catholic  cantons 
with  Archduke  of  Austria,  383  ; 
the  Borromean  League,  383  ; 
war  of  Toggenburg,  387  ;  peace 
of  Aargau,  387  ;  peasant  war, 
387,  388  ;  increasing  prosperity, 
388  ;  virtues  of  the  Swiss,  389  ; 
relations  of  Switzerland  to  Ger- 
many and  France,  389  ;  inde- 
pendence of  the  Confederation, 
declared  by  treaty  of  West- 
phalia, 389 ;  ascendency  of 
France,  389;  party  of  the  nobles 
favoured  by  Louis  XIV.,  389  ; 
the  commercial  cantons,  393  ; 
democratic  cantons,  394;  effects 
of  the  French  Revolution,  394 
et  seq, ;  revolutionary  troubles, 
French  conquest,  396 ;  the  Con- 


federation dissolved,  the  Hel- 
vetic Republic  founded,  396  ; 
division  of  the  country  into 
departments,  the  constitution, 
397  ;  resistance  of  the  rural 
cantons,  397 ;  victory  of  the 
French,  398 ;  renewed  resist- 
ance of  Schweitz,  Uri,  Unter- 
walden,  and  Zug,  399;  obstinate 
bravery  of  Unterwalden  and 
Schweitz,  399  ;  repugnance  to 
French  democracy.  399 ;  the  new 
constitution  forced  on  the  peo- 
ple, French  oppression,  400  ; 
overthrow  of  the  new  consti- 
tution, anarchy  and  civil  war, 
400  ;  provisions  of  the  treaty  of 
Luneville,  401  ;  military  occu- 
pation of  Switzerland  by  2sa- 
poleon,  401  ;  the  federal  union 
revived  by  his  Act  of  Media- 
tion, 402  ;  the  Federal  Pact  ; 
Geneva,  Neufchatel,  and  the 
Valais  added  to  the  Confedera- 
tion, 403. 

-  Prosperity  after    the    peace, 

404  ;  continued  political  reac- 
tion, 404  ;  revolutions  of  1830, 

405  ;  their  general  aim,  406 
new  constitution  proposed,  407 
troubles  in  the  cantons,  407 
the  convents  of  Aargau  sup- 
pressed, 407  ;  increasing  influ- 
ence of  the  Jesuits,  408  ;  the 
Sonderbund  formed,  408;  over- 
thrown by  federal  army,  409  ; 
scheme  of  a  new  constitution, 
409  ;  constitution  of  1848,  410, 
411;  its  democratic  basis,  411  ; 
its  principal  objects,  412  ;  gov- 
ernment of  the  cantons  since 
1848,  412  ;  political  condition  of 
the  country,  413  ;  difficulties  of 
federal  imion,  413  ;  intellectual 
character  of  the  Swiss,  414 ; 
great  names,  415  ;  doctrine  of 
the  sovereignty  of  the  people 
urged,  415  ;  distrust  of  dele- 
gates, 417  ;  principles  of  the 
referendum,  417  ;  their  incon- 
sistency with  representation, 
418 ;  jealousy  of  the    central 


ESTDEX. 


il9 


SWI 


government,  418  ;  amendment 
of  the  federal  constitution,  419, 
420  ;  peiTuanence  of  the  Swiss 
Kepublic,  420  [Bcformation, 
the  Protestant], 

Switzerland,  examples  of  pure 
democracy  in,  i.  847  ;  its  na- 
tural features,  347  ;  the  Alps, 
348 ;  varieties  of  its  climate, 
349  ;  results  of  its  geographical 
features,  349  ;  early  independ- 
ence of  the  Swiss,'  349  ;  early 
invasion  of  Gaul,  350  ;  they  be- 
come subjects  of  the  Roman 
empire,  350  ;  overrun  by  North- 
ern races,  350  ;  under  the 
Franks,  350  ;  growth  of  feudal- 
ism, 351  ;  power  and  strife  of 
barons  and  churchmen,  351  ; 
growth  of  municipal  privileges, 
352  ;  formation  of  the  cantons, 
352 ;  given  as  a  fief  by  the 
emperor  to  dukes  of  Zoerin- 
gen,  352;  tlie  towns  favoured  by 
princes,  352  ;  establishment  of 
small  republics,  353  ;  rural  can- 
tons, Schweitz,  Uri,  Unterwal- 
den,  353,  354  ;  beginnings  of 
confederation,  the  Forest  can- 
tons, 354  and  n. ;  democracy  in 
the  Forest  cantons,  355  ;  its  un- 
changing tj-pe,  355  ;  its  conser- 
vative character,  35G  ;  freedom 
of  the  towns,  confirmation  of 
their  charters  by  Rudolph  of 
Hapsburg,  356,  357  ;  first  writ- 
ten league  of  the  Forest  can- 
t<-jn.s,  357  ;  struggles  for  free- 
dom, encroachments  of  the  Em- 
peror Albert,  358  ;  victory  of 
the  Swiss  at  Morgartcn,  359  ; 
league  of  the  eight  cantons 
ilie  Swiss  Confederation,  359  ; 
French  expedition  to,  the  Hel- 
vetic Republic,  ii.  212  \_Swi88 
t'onfederation]. 

Sycophants,   the,   at    Athens,   i. 
128. 

rpAlLLE,  the,  in  France,  ii.  100. 


Talleyrand,  ii.  148. 


Tallien,  ii.  169  ;  at  Bordeaux,  102, 

Teutonic  races,  the  freest  people 
of  antiquity,  Introd.  xlv. ;  their 
rude  freedom,  their  customs, 
i.  233,  u. ;  carry  their  customs 
into  Italy,  234  ;  comparison  of 
Greek  and  Teutonic  customs, 
235 ;  no  despotic  monarchy 
among  them,  235  ;  settlers  in 
Holland,  ii.  3  ;  their  aversion  to 
town  life,  351  ;  their  laws  and 
customs  introduced  in  Britain, 
356.. 

Thebes,  supremacy  of,  i.  96. 

Themistocles,  i.  89,  100,  104. 

Theocracy,  the  Jewish,  a  fre3 
state,  i.  36. 

Tliporicon,  at  Athens,  established 
by  Pericles,  i.  88  ;  evil  effects 
of,  129  ;  restored  byAgyrrhius, 
130  ;  made  the  most  important 
branch  of  the  finances  by  Eu- 
bulus,  130;  mischievous  conse- 
quences, 131. 

Thessalv,  its  warlike  oligarchies, 
i.  61." 

Thiers,  M.,  ii.  249  ;  signs  protest 
against  ordinances  of  Charles 
X. ,  252  ;  recommends  the  Duke 
of  Orleans  lor  the  throne,  254  ; 
a  member  of  the  ministry  of 
Soult,  264  ;  first  minister,  267  ; 
leader  of  the  opposition,  2()9  ; 
leader  of  agitation  for  reform, 
270  ;  again  first  minister,  270  ; 
his  sudden  fall,  272;  proposes 
fortification  of  Paris,  272  ;  fore- 
most in  agitation  for  reform, 
278  ;  his  third  ministry,  with 
Barrot,  281;  orders  withdrawal 
of  troojjs  from  streets  of  Paris, 
282  ;  resigns,  282  ;  niombor  of 
National  Assembly,  302  ;  his  ef- 
forts for  peace  between  France 
and  Prussia,  333  ;  ajipointed 
head  of  the  executive,  335  ;  his 
house  demolished  by  the  Com- 
mune,  342 ;    I'resident   of   the 


550 


INDEX. 


TRI 


Republic,  344  ;  his  resignation, 
346  [France]. 

Tlxiuville,  Fouquier,  ii.  199  ;  ex- 
ecuted, 201. 

Thirty  Tyrants,  the,  rule  of,  at 
Athens,  i.  95  ;  deposed,  96. 

Thirty  Years'  War,  the,  ii.  75 
and  n. 

Thrasybulus,  deposes  the  Thirty 
Tyrants  of  Athens,  i.  96  ;  re- 
stores democracy,  96. 

Tiers  Etat,  the  first  summoned 
to  the  States-General,  ii.  95 ; 
ceases  to  be  recognised  as  an 
estate  of  the  realm,  97  ;  the 
question  as  to  voting  of  its  dep- 
uties, 138  ;  assumes  to  be  the 
National  Assembly,  142 ;  ex- 
cluded from  the  hall,  143  ;  the 
oath  in  the  racltet-court,  143  ; 
joined  by  majority  of  the  cler- 
gy, 143  ;  defies  the  king's  au- 
thority, and  refuses  to  leave 
the  hall,  144  ;  its  ascendency 
assured  by  union  of  the  orders, 
144  [French  Revolution\. 

Timocracy,  i.  55 ;  Solon's,  71  ; 
Roman,  144. 

Toggenburg,  War  of  [Swiss  Con- 
federation]. 

Toledo,  member  of  the  \\o\j  junta 
against  Chai'les  V.,  ii.  28;  de- 
fence of,  by  the  widow  of  Pa- 
dilla,  28. 

Toleration,  of  William,  Prince  of 
Orange,  ii.  45  ;  a  wise  scheme 
of,  unknown  to  the  sixteenth 
century,  387  ;  Cromwell's,  lim- 
ited, 4oO  ;  Milton's  ideal  in  ad- 
vance of  his  age,  451. 

Tonnage  and  poiindage,  refused 
by  the  parliament  of  Charles  I., 
ii.  392  ;  remonstrance  of  the 
Commons  against  levying  the 
duties,  395  ;  the  king  deter- 
mines to  collect  them,  396 
[England,  Charles  I]. 


Tory  party,  the,  in  England,  pro- 
fession of  liberal  principles  by, 
after  the  Revolution,  ii.  464 ; 
recovers  its  strengih  after  the 
Reform  Act  of  1832,  49G  ;  re- 
peatedly in  power,  496. 

Toulon,  vengeance  of  the  revolu- 
tionists on,  ii.  192. 

Towns,  tlieir  population  inclined 
to  *  democracy,  Introd.  xliii. ; 
growth  of,  in  Greece,  i.  62  ; 
privileges  of,  in  Europe,  227 ; 
feudalism  ruinous  to,  237;  re- 
vival of,  257  ;  their  struggle 
against  the  barons,  258  ;  their 
political  influence,  258  ;  society 
of  towns  and  feudalism  con- 
trasted, 259  ;  confederation  of, 
in  the  Netherlands,  ii.  16  ;  re 
presented  in  the  Estates,  21 
their  political  power  in  Spain 
27  ;  play  unimportant  part  in 
politics  of  France,  94  ;  munici- 
pal elections  abolished  by  Louis 
XIV.,  94;  sales  of  municipal 
franchises,  95  ;  burdens  of,  in 
France,  113 ;  aversion  of  the 
Teutonic  races  to,  351;  Roman, 
in  Britain,  353.  354  and  n.  ; 
growth  of,  in  England,  472. 

Trades  Unions,  in  England,  their 
objects,  ii.  490 ;  processions 
and  meetings,  491  ;  organisa- 
tion of,  492  ;  use  of,  for  politi- 
cal agitation,  492  and  n.  ;  their 
dangers,  492  ;  method  of  meet- 
ing them,  493. 

Trent,  the  Council  of,  its  canons 
pi-oclaimed  by  Philip  II.  in  the 
Netherlands,  ii.  40. 

Tribunes  of  the  people  elected, 
their  powers,  i.  153  ;  their  veto 
upon  2^^c^i^cif''(,  15''  ;  convoke 
the  comitia  trihuta,  158  ;  mode- 
rate the  proceedings  of  senate 
and  people,  158  ;  admitted  to 
full  privileges  of  the  senate, 
159  ;  their  powers  circum- 
scribed, 200. 


INDEX. 


651 


TBI 


Tricolor,  the,  abolished  by  Louis 
XVIII.,  ii.  2oo  ;  restored  by 
Louis  Philippe,  255. 

Triennial  Bill,  the,  passed  by  the 
Long  Parliament,  ii.  402. 

Triumvirate,  at  Rome,  the  first, 
i.  208  ;  the  second,  214. 

Turgot,  his  reforms,  ii.  133  ;  his 
opiwnents  and  fall,  133. 

Turkey,  a  true  Eastern  State,  i. 
29  ;  the  Turks  not  naturalised 
in  Europe,  29  ;  characteristics 
of  their  rule,  29  ;  a  contra.st  to 
European  States,  29,  30. 

Twelve  Tables,  Laws  of  the,  i. 
154. 

Tyrannicide,  in  Italy,  i.  334 ; 
honours  paid  to  it,  33G  [Hcffi- 
cide]. 

Tyrants,  the,  in  Greece,  1.  53  ;  in 
Italy,  333. 

ULTRAMONTANISM,   in  Bel- 
gium, ii.  85  ;  its  conflict  with 
the  Liberal  party,  85,  8G. 

Union  of  Brussels,  New,  ii.  53. 

Union  of  Utrecht,  ii.  55. 

Universities,  the  rise  and  results 
of,  in  Europe,  i.  261 ;  in  Eng- 
land, ii.  305. 

Unterwalden,  one  of  the  Forest 
Cantons,  i.  354,  357  [Switzer- 
land]. 

Uri,  one  of  tlic  Forest  Cantons,  1. 
358  [Switzerliind]. 

Utrecht,  expels  its  bishop  and 
nobles,  ii.  15;  resists  unjust 
taxation  by  Alva,  and  is  cruel- 
ly punished,  45  [ifni'm  of 
Utrecht]. 


V 


early  history,  municipal  con- 
stitution, 300  ;  the  Doge,  300  ; 
St.  Mark,  her  patron  saint, 
301  ;  her  extended  relations 
with  other  States,  302;  her 
wars,  302  ;  union  with  Genoa 
and  Pisa  in  the  Crusades,  302  ; 
head  of  confederation  of  free 
cities,  302  ;  her  ai-istocracy, 
392 ;  government,  303  ;  the 
Great  Council,  303  ;  tlie  senate, 
tlie  Council  of  Ten,  303,  304  ; 
merits  and  defects  of  the  aris- 
tocracy, 304 ;  compared  with 
Sparta,  305;  under  an  oligarchy, 
337  ;  survives  other  republics 
of  Italy,  343;  falls  under  power 
of  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  343  ; 
subsequent  history,  343 ;  throws 
off  yoke  of  Austria,  proclaims 
a  provisional  government,  ii. 
287. 

Versailles,  peace  of,  ii.  334 ;  con- 
firmed by  the  National  Assem- 
bly, 335. 

Village  communities,  iii  India, 
original  design  and  character 
of,  i.  10,  nn. ;  their  constitu- 
tion, 11  ;  their  principles  not 
democratic,  12  ;  resemblance 
to  Teutonic  institutions  in  Eu- 
roy)e,  12,  n. ,  and  ii.  35f),  and  n.; 
princi])los  of  self-government 
in,  i.  13  ;  in  Cliina,  21. 

Villiers,  Mr.  Charles,  advocates 
repeal  of  the  corn  laws,  ii.  4SG. 

Visconti,  the,  masters  of  Milan, 
i.  327. 

Voltaire,  Ids  influence,  character, 
and  aims,  ii.  121. 


TI7-ALDENSES,  the,  i.  277. 

War,  civili.sation  advanced 


by,  Introd.  Ii.  and  n. 


ALENTINE,  Mr.,  committed    Wat  Tyler,   his  insurrection,  ii. 
by  Charles  I.,  ii.  397.  I      307." 


Venice,  her  antiquity,  i.  300;  her  rVVesky  and  Whitofield,  the  spiri- 


552  INDEX. 

WES 
tual   movement  originated   by 
tLem,  ii.  474, 

Westplialia,  treaty  of,  i.  389 
[Swiss  C(j7ifedcratio7i]. 

Whig  party,  tlie,  of  the  revolu- 
tion of  1(588,  ii.  463,  403. 

William  the  Conqueror  [Eng- 
land]. 

William  of  Nassau,  Prince  of 
Orange,  account  of  him,  ii.  37  ; 
his  resolution  to  counteract  se- 
cret agreement  of  Philip  II.  and 
Henry  II.  to  extir^iate  heresy, 
38  ;  called  the  '  Silent,'  88,  n. ; 
his  toleration,  38  ;  opposes 
Granvelle  and  the  Inquisition, 
39,  40  ;  stands  alone,  goes  into 
exile,  42 ;  outlawed  and  his 
property  confiscated,  44  ;  pre- 
pares to  do  battle  with  Philip, 
44 ;  the  first  campaign,  44 ; 
commanded  by  the  Emperor 
Maximilian  to  lay  down  his 
arms,  45  ;  becomes  a  Protes- 
tant, 45  ;  his  toleration,  45  ; 
proclaimed  stadtholder,  46  ; 
close  of  the  campaign,  he  re- 
tires to  Holland,  and  continues 
the  war  there,  47  ;  his  activity, 
47  ;  ruler  of  the  United  Pro- 
vinces, 49  ;  proof  against  se- 
duction by  Don  John,  53  ;  his 
strength  in  the  middle  classes, 
53 ;  recovers  his  ascendency, 
53  ;  intrigue  of  the  nobles 
against  him,  53  ;  gets  the  New 
Union  of  Brussels  adojited,  53  ; 
foiins  tho  Union  of  Utrecht, 
65  ;  proof  against  seduction  by 
Prince  of  Parma,  55 ;  civil 
excommunication  pronounced 
against  him  by  Philip  II.,  55; 
his  '  Apology,'  56  ;  declines  of- 
fer of  the  government,  56  ;  his 
motives,  56  ;  accei)ts  temporary 
government  of  Holland  and 
Zealand,  57 ;  attempt  to  assas- 


ZWI 

sinate  him,  58  ;  made  Count  of 
Holland,  58  ;  his  liberal  policy, 

58  ;  again  refuses  the  govern- 
ment, 59  ;  attempts  on  his  life, 

59  ;    assassinated    by    tierard, 

60  ;  the  apostle  of  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty,  60  [Holland, 
Netherlands,  The}. 

William  III.,  Prince  of  Orange, 
his  birth,  ii.  76  ;  himself  and 
his  descendants  excluded  from 
the  stadtholderate,  on  demand 
of  Cromwell,  77  ;  conditionally 
r.ppointed  captain-general,  78  ; 
the  stadtholderate  declared 
hereditary  in  him  and  his  de- 
scendants, 79 ;  marries  Princess 
Mary  of  England,  ascends  the 
English  throne,  79. 

Window  Tax,  the,  i.  317,  n. 

Witenagemot,  the,  ii.  353. 

Women,  respect  for,  among  the 
Greeks,  i.  50. 

Worcester,  the  battle  of,  ii.  443. 

Workshops,  national,  opened  in 
France,  ii.  394 ;  closed  by  Ca- 
vaiguac,  304  ;  virtually  estab- 
lished by  Napoleon  III.,  330. 

Wycliffe,  lays  the  foundations 
of  the  Protestant  Eeformation, 
ii.  365. 


ZUlilCII,  a  municipal  republic, 
i.  357  ;  alliance  of,  with 
Scliweita  and  Uri,  358  ;  its 
mixed  constitution,  368,  369  ; 
intervenes  against  the  burghers 
of  Geneva,  393 ;  again,  393  ; 
revolution  at,  396  ;  domination 
of  the  towns,  404  ;  revolution 
of  1830,  405  ;  expulsion  of  the 
Jesuits,  408. 

Zwingli,     Ulrich,     reformer     of 
Switzerland,  i.  383. 


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tracing  the  progress  and  deueloptnent  of  the  Uritish  Cotistitntion  of 
tnore  tlian  an  entire  century.  It  gives  evidence  of  research  and  im^ 
partiality,  and  is  highly  commended  by  historical  critics, 

"  In  this  history  Mr.  May  has  traced  the  progress  and  development  of  the  British 
Constitution  during  a  period  of  one  hundred  and  ten  years,  and  he  has  fully  and  fairly 
stated  and  illustrated  every  material  change  in  legislation,  custom  and  policy  by  which 
improvement  has  been  sought  and  abuses  in  the  government  corrected.  |T  IS  A  CON- 
TINUATION OF  MR.  HALLAM'S  WORK,  THE  TWO  MAKING  A  COMPLETE 
CONSTITUTIONAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  FROM  THE  YEAR  1485.  Although 
the  author  has  necessarily  continually  touched  upon  controverted  political  topics,  he 
h:is  avoided  the  spirit  and  tone  of  controversy,  and  has  stated  fairly  and  discussed  the 
subjects  historically  and  truthfully,  without  entering  upon  the  field  of  party  politics, 
and  without  dealing  with  or  discussing  the  conduct  and  motives  of  public  men.  Such  a 
work  as  this  is  a  public  benefaction." — NewYork  Law  Register, 


MR.    MAY'S    LAST    WORK. 

DEMOCRACY    IN    EUROPE. 

A  History.    2  vols.    Cr.  Octavo,  Cloth.    $2.50. 

From  Author'' s  Pre/ace. — "If  any  professional  on  political  faith  is  cxpcctcil,  as  a 
pledge  of  the  spirit  in  which  this  history  is  written,  it  is  this  :  I  hail  the  development 
©f  popular  power  as  an  essential  condition  of  the  social  advancement  of  nations  ;  I  an* 
an  ardent  admirer  of  political  liberty — of  r.itional  and  enlightened  liberty,  such  as  most 
Englishmen  approve;  and  I  condemn  any  violation  of  its  principles,  whether  by  a  des- 
potic  king,  or  by  an  ill-ordered  republic." 

The  I^ndon  Times  says:  "This  work  is  executed  with  a  thoroughness,  and  at  the 
same  time  with  a  freshness  and  liveliness  which  turn  a  laborious  investigation  into  a 
pleasant  progress,  and  thus  beguile  the  reader  into  following  the  writer  with  unflagging 
interest  through  some  of  the  most  rugged  regions  of  historical  research. 


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Ci406CE    STAS^DARO    WORKS, 

^  A  NEW   EDITION 

OF 

D'lSRAELI'S  COMPLETE  WORKS. 

Edited  by  his  Son,  LORD  BEAGONSFIELD, 

JViiA  a  fine  Portrait  on  Steel.    6  Vols, ,  Crown  8vo,  Cloth, 


PRICE,  $7.BO    PER    SET.     (Reduced  from    $lS.OO.) 

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This  New  Edition  of  D'Israeli's  Works  Comprises 

THE  CURIOSITIES   OF   LITERATURE,  -  -  3  Vols. 

CALAMITIES  AND  QUARRELS  OF  AUTHORS  AND  MEMOIRS,  1  Vol. 

AMENITIES  OF  LITERATURE,  SKETCHES  AND  CHARACTERS,  1  Vol. 

LITERARY  CHARACTER,  HISTORY  OF  MEN  OF  GENIUS,    -  1  Vol. 

A  collection  of  literature  which  no  judiciously  selected  library  will 
fail  to  have,  and  no  person  of  literary  taste  and  culture  willingly  do 
without. 

They  are,  in  truth,  a  history  of  literature  and  of  literary  men, 
gathered  from  the  •writing's  of  centuries  and  from  living  authors, 
philosophic  and  learned,  yet  easy  and  fascinatingr. 

The  Curiosities  of  Literature  treat  of  everything  curious  in  the 

literary  kingdom.  The  formatioa  of  libraries,  past  and  present,  bibliomania,  the 
oddities  of  authors,  their  labors,  anecdotes,  successes,  failures,  etc.,  containing  a  valuable 
mass  of  rare  information. 

The  Amenities  of  Literature  "  is  in  a  different  strain,  and  treats  of 

Language,  the  origin  and  growth  of  our  own,  the  discovery  and  progress  of  the  art  of 
printing,  the  growth  of  literature,  its  patron?!,  followers  and  builders,  and  of  other 
matters  which  have  a  broad  and  gener.il  bearing  upon  the  subject  in  hand." 

The  Calamities  and  Quarrels  of  Authors  "  contains  an  account  of 

authors'  struggles,  difficulties  and  poverty  as  a  class  *  *  *  teaching  them  iheir  failings 
and  holding  up  the  mirror  for  those  who  may  be  benefited  by  a  view  of  the  difficulties 
which  beset  authors." 

Literary  Character  "  is  probably  the  most  searching  and  distinctive 

treatise  of  its  kind  extant,  made  up,  as  it  is,  from  the  feelings  and  confessions  of  men  of 


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of  Dr.  Johnson  to  our  own,  and  to  constitute  a  whole  library  in 
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CHOICE    STANDARD    WORKS. 

A  NEW  EDITION  OF 

THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  CRUSADES. 

A..  X>.    S00-1270. 

IN  EIGHT  PARTS,  WITH  AS'  INDEX  OF  41  PACES. 

By  JOSEPH  FRANCOIS  MICHAUD. 

And  a  Preface  and  Supplementary  Chapter  by  Hamilton  W.  Mabie. 

3    vols.,    crown    8vo,    Cloth.       $3.75. 

(Bound  in  Half  Calf  extra,  $3  per  vol.) 
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volumes  that  all  must  resort  for  copious  and  authentic  facts  and  luminous 
views  respecting  this  most  romantic  and  wonderful  period  in  the  annaU 
of  the  world." 

This  work  has  long  been  out  of  print,  and  its  republication  is  oppor- 
tune. It  narrates  very  fully  and  in  a  picturesque  and  interesting  manner, 
the  most  striking  episode  in  European  history,  and  will  add  an  invalu- 
able work  to  the  historical  literature  which  has  recently  been  put  into  the 
hands  of  the  reading  public  in  editions  combining  sound  scholarship 
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nniversal  consen*^ 

THE  STANDARD  HISTORY  OF  THE  CRUSADES, 

will  have  equal  value  for  the  student  and  gc-ieral  reader. 


mVEBSIDE    EDITION    OF 

MACAULAY'S    ESSAYS, 

Critical,   Historical  and    Miscellaneous.     With  a  Biographical  and 

Critical  Introduction  from  the   well-known  pen   of  Mr.  E.   P. 

Whipple.     3  vols.,  crown   8vo,  Cloth,  3,000   pages. 

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and  the  exact  punctuation^  orthography,  etc.,  of  the  English  editions. 
•  A  very  full  index  (55  pages)  has  been  specially  prepared  for  this 
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umlikc  any  other  American  edition. 


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CHOICE    STANDARD    WORKS. 


NEW  (ILLUSTRATED)  EDITION  OF 

arAllanPoe'sCoiniileteMs 


a 


WITH  LIFE  and  an  Introduction  on  the  Genius  of  Poe.    By 

RICHARD   HENRY   STODDARD.      Illustrated  with 

New  Portrait  on   Steel  (the   latest  taken    from   life> 

Etchings    from    orighial    designs— ia.c-similes — 

numerous  autographs,  etc.     Printed  from  New 

Plates,    large    type,    on    Paper   made 

specially  for  this  edition. 


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denhoff,  and  other  artists,  with  facsimiles  of  the  first  draft  of  "  T/u 
Bells,"  and  a  number  of  fac-sitnile  letters,  all  printed  in  the  best  possible 
manner, 

"This  edition  is  the  completest  aiiJ  most  competently  edited  one 
ever  published,  and  one  which  leaves  nothing  to  be  desired  as  a  pre- 
sentation of  all  that  is  worth  preserving  in  Pue's  writings,  in  the  fonn 
and  under  the  arrangement  most  to  be  desired — every  lover  of  literature 
has  reason  to  be  glad  of  its  publication,  no  pains  hare  been  spared  that 
could  in  any  way  contribute  to  make  this  edition  a  satisfactory  one,  and 
it  is  that  in  an  eminent  degree." — New  York  Commercial. 

New  York  Christian  Union—"  This  edition  of  Poe's  Works  is  not 
only  the  most  perfect  one  that  has  yet  been  issued;  but  it  is  so  good  that 
it  might  well  serve  as  the  permanent  form  in  which  Poe's  Works  should 
be  given  to  his  countrymen." 

"POE'S  writings  are  as  clear  and  sharp  and  sustained  as  the  finest 
sculpture.  They  combine  HAWTHORNE  and  DE  FOE,  the  lawyer 
and  the  mystic  J  the  wild  fantasies  of  the  opium-eater,  and  the  calm, 
penetrative  power  of  THACKERAY.  They,  therefore,  fascinate  alik» 
the  Dreamer  and  the  Coolest  Man  of  Affairs." 

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CHOICE    STAMDARD    WORKS. 

NEW  AND  REVISED  EDITION 

OF 

HALLAM'S  COMPLETE  WORKS, 

With  New   Table  of  Contents  and  Indexes. 

IN  SIX  VOLS.,  CROWN,  8V0,  CLOTH. 

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This  Unabridged  Edition  of  Hallam's  Works  Comprises 

The  Constitutional  History  of  England,  2  Vols. 
The  Middle  Ages,  The  State  of  Enrope  Burins  tlie  Middle  Ages,  2  Vols. 
Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  Europe,    2  Vols. 

Reprinted  from  the  Last  London  Edition,  Revised 
AND  Corrected  by  the  Author. 


Macaulay,  in  his  famous  estimate  of  Hallam,  says  :  "  Mr.  Ilallam 
is,  on  the  whole,  far  better  qualified  than  any  other  writer  of  our  time 
for  the  office  which  he  has  undertaken.  He  has  great  industry  and  i^reat 
acuteness.  His  knowledge  is  extensive,  various,  and  profound.  His  mind 
is  equally  distinguished  by  the  amplitude  of  its  grasp,  and  by  the  delicacy 
of  its  tact.  His  speculations  have  none  of  that  vagueness  which  is  the 
common  fault  of  political  philosophy.  On  the  contrary,  they  are 
strikingly  practical,  and  teach  us  not  only  the  general  rule,  but  the  mode 
of  applying  it  to  solve  particular  cases.  .  .  .  Mr.  Hallam's 
work  is  eminently  judicial.  Its  whole  spirit  is  that  of  the  Bench,  not 
that  of  the  Bar.  He  sums  up  with  a  calm,  steady  impartiality,  turning 
neither  to  the  right  nor  to  the  left,  glossing  over  nothing,  exaggerating 
nothing,  while  the  advocates  on  both  sides  arc  alternately  biting  their  lips 
to  hear  their  conflicting  misstatements  and  sophism  exposed." 


This  "STANDARD  EDITION"  of  HALLAM'S  WORKS, 
in  6  Vols..  AVERAGES  NEARLY  800  PAGES  IN  EACH 
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CHOICE    STANDARD  WO^KS. 


THE  MOST  ELEGANT  EDITION  PUBLISHED 

OF 

5 


'J 

lacluding  ELIA  and  ELIANA  (the  last  containing  the  hitherto 

uncollected  writings  of  Charles  Lamb),  corrected  and 

revised,  with  a  sketch  of  his  life  by  Sir  Thomas 

Noon  Talfourd,  and  a  fine  Portrait  on  Steel. 

q  Vols.,  Cr.  8vo,  Clo.  Price,  $3.75  per  set.  (Reduced  from  $7.50-) 

(Bound  in  Half  Calf  extra,  S3  /'''  '^"'^•) 

With  a  volume  of  Letters  and  Essays  collected  for  this  edition  hy  th* 
industry  of,  and  ar7-anged  with  ??iuck  taste  and  skill  by,  J.  E.  BAB  SON, 
Esq.,  of  Boston,  "who  literally  knows  Lamb  by  heart." 

In  Mr.  Babson's  preface  to  this  additional  volume,  he  says: 
"  Other  writers  may  have  more  readers,  but  none  have  so  many  true, 
hearty,  enthusiastic  admirers  as  he.  *  *  *  With  all  lovers  and  ap- 
'preciators  of  true  wit,  genuine  humor,  fine  fancy,  beautiful  imagination 
and  exquisite  pathos,  he  is  a  prodigious  favorite.  Indeed,  there  is  some- 
tl^ing_a  nameless,  indescribable  charm— about  this  author's  productions 
which  captivates  and  enravishes  his  readers,  and  though  Lamb  found 
many  admiring  readers  in  his  lifetime,  since  his  death  his  fame  and  pop- 
ularity have  increased  greatly.  Then  he  was  generally  looked  upon  as 
a  mere  eccentric — a  person  of  more  quaintness  than  humor,  of  more  od- 
dity than  genius.  Now  he  is  acknowledged  to  be  a  most  beautiful  and 
original  genius— one  of  the  '  fixed  stars  of  the  literary  system  '—whose 
light  will  never  pale  or  grow  dim,  and  whose  peculiar  brightness  and 
beauty  will  long  be  the  wonder  and  delight  of  many.  *  *  *  For 
years  I  have  been  hopefully  and  patiently  waiting  for  somebody  to  col- 
lect these  scattered  and  all  but  forgotten  articles  of  Lamb's.  *  *  * 
Without  doubt,  all  genuine  admirers,  all  true  lovers  of  the  gentle,  genial, 
delightful  '  Elia,'  to  whom  almost  every  word  of  their  favorite  author's 
inditing  is  '  farsed  7vith  pleasaiince,'  will  be  mightily  pleased  with  these 
productions  of  his  inimitable  pen,  NOW  FIRST  COLLECTED  together." 

As  this  " SUPERB  YomON"  of  LAMB'S  WORKS,  in  3  Vols., 
AVERAGING  NEARLY  800  PACES  IN  EACH  VOLUME,  is  sold  at  the 
EXCEEDINGLY  LOW  PRICE  OF  $3.75  PER  SET  (formerly  pub- 
lished in  5  Vols,  at  $7.50),  the  Publishers  confidently  believe  IT 
WILL  COMMEND  ITSELF  TO  ALL  FOR  PERSONAL  USE  AND 
FOR  LIBRARIES. 

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A.    C.    ARMSTRONG    &   SON,  714  Broadway,  New  York. 


PRESIDENT    A.    H.    STRONG'S    NEW    WORK. 

PHILOSOPHY  AND  RELIGION. 

By  AUGUSTUS  HOPKINS  STRONG,  D.  D., 

J^esident  and  Professor  of  Biblical  Theology'in  the  Rr.clustcr  TlieologicaX  Seminary. 

LARGE  OCTAVO,  600  PAGES,  CLOTH,  $3.50. 

Uniform    -n-ith    this    author's    "  Systematic    Theology," 

OOKTTEIsrTS  : 
I.  — FhUosophy  and  BeUgion.  11. — Science  and  Meligton.  III. — Material' 
v;tic  Skepticism.  TV. — The  Philosophy  of  Evolution.  V. — Modern  Idfolism, 
\L— Scientific  Theism.  VIL — The  Will  in  Theology.  VIII. — Modified  Cal-' 
vinism.  IX.  —  The  Christian  Miracles..  X. — The  Method  of  Inspirailon. 
'Kl.-  -Christian  Individualism.  XTI. — The  New  Theology.  XIII.  —  ThelAmng 
God.  XLY.—The  Holiness  of  Ood.  XY.—The  Tico  Natures  of  Christ. 
XVI. — The  Necessity  of  Tlie  Atone7nent.  XVII. —  The  Believer's  Union  icith 
Christ.  XVIIL  —  T"  he  Baptism  of  Jesus.  XIX,  —  Christian  Truth  and  Us  Keep- 
ers. XX.  —  Unconscious  Assumptions  of  Coinmu)don  Polemics.  XXI. — The 
'Teacher,  Chiidn,  and  Helper.  XXII. — Councils  of  Ordination  ;  Their  Powers  and 
Duties.  XXIIL  —  five  Claims  of  the  Christian  Ministry.  XXIV. — Sources  of 
Supply  for  the  Ministry.  XXV. — The  Lack  of  Students  for  the  Ministry. 
XXVi. — Education  for  the  Ministry:  Its  Principles  and  its  Necessity.  XX\'1I. 
— Education  for  the  Ministi-y ;  Its  Idea  and  its  liequisites.  XXVIII.  —  Training 
for  Leadership.  XXIX.— .dre  Our  Colleges  Christian?  XXX, — New  Testa- 
ment Inierpretation.  XXXI. — A  Great  Teacher  of  Greek  Testament  Exegesis. 
XXXII. — Church  History,  and  one  icho  taught  it.  XXXIII. — Learning  in  the 
Professor's  Chair.  XXXIY.—  The  Death  of  President  Garfield^  XXXV.—The 
Kingdom  of  God  and  its  Coming.  XXXVI. — Leaving  the  Ninety  and  Nine. 
XXX  VII.  —  77te  Economics  of  Missions.  XXXVIIL  —  1  'he  Theology  of  Missions. 
XXXIX. — The  Natureand  Purpose  of  the  Cherubim.  XL. — Woman's  Placeand 
Work.  XLI. —  Woman''s  Work  in  Missions.  XLU. — The  Education  of  a 
Woman.  XLIIL — Bemarriaqe  after  Divorce.  XLIV. — Christianity  and 
Political  Economu.  XLV. — Getting  and  Spending.  XLVI. — lie  collections  of 
the  Etst.  XL\Ti. — The  Crusades.  XLVIII. — Dante  and  the  Divine  Comedy. 
XLIX. — Poetry  an/l  llobert  Browning.  L. — Fifteen  Addresses  to  Geadu- 
4.TING  Classes,  1873-1887.  SUBJECTS:  The  Three  Onlies— Truth  and  Love 
— Manlioodin  the  Ministry — Work  and  Power — Courage,  Passive  a7id  Active — 
True  Dogmatism^ God's  Leadings — Self  Mastery — Mt^nUd  Quidiiirs liegnisUeio 
the  Pnstor^Ad/iplion — Faith  the  Measure  of  Success — Uabiis  i/i,  JAe  Ministry — 
The  Preacher's  Doubts — High  Mindedness — Zed  for  Christ. 

EXTRACT  FROM  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 

"This  icork  is  printed  by  xcay  of  testimony.     It  is  a  confession  of 
faith — a  lonj  one  imleed,  yet  none  the  less  sincere.    TJie  author  can  say  : 

*  I  believed — llierefore  have  I  spoken.'  In,  this  day,  wJicn  sk(pticism  is  so 
rife,  and  when,  even  Christian  teachei'S  so  frerpieidly  jn-ide  themselves 
t/i'it  they  believe,  not  so  much,  but  .so  little,  it  seems  to  him  that  nothiruj  is 
more  needed  than  uaannpromisiyig  assertion  (f  faith  in  the  ccislence  of 
Go<l.  the  world,  and  the  soul. 

"  The  volume  takes  its  title  from  the  first  Essay,  and  the  tithi  isfnr/y 
descriptive  of  the  book.     It  aims  to  present  truth  in  popular  form;    *     * 

*  *  *  *  *  yet  if  anj/ reader  still  demand  (d}Stract  statinnenl  ittstead 
(f  ihi;  oraUiriad  m<'thiid,  the  author  takes  the  liberty  (f  rifen'in<i  hivi  to 
the  '  (SyaTEiiATio  TuKOLoav,'  of  vdiich  this  is  the  companion  volume." 


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